Brian Tilley dissertation-final - JScholarship

ETHICSOFACTIVITY:SOUTHASIANSHIAWORKINGLIFEINDUBAI

byBrianTilley

AdissertationsubmittedtoJohnsHopkinsUniversityinconformitywiththerequirementsforthedegreeofDoctorofPhilosophy

Baltimore,MarylandOctober2016

©2016BrianTilleyAllRightsReserved

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Abstract

Thisdissertationexplainshowenvironmentalconditionsfosterethicsof

behaviorcommontovariousspheresoflife-activity:leisure,work,andreligious

practice,forinstance.Theresearchconceivespresent-dayDubai—thesiteof

research—asaworkenvironment(populated90%byworkingexpatriates).The

city’sparticularorientationtolaborisanaspectofitsimmersioninregionaland

globalflows:economicandnatural.Dubaihasgrowna)asatradeentrepôtanda

nodeinglobalsupplychains,andb)byproducingmanufacturedlandscapesthat

overcomeharshenvironmentalconditions.

Toevaluatethephenomenonofnatural-materialandenvironmentalforces

thatfosterethicscommontovariouslifeactivities,theresearchfollowsmembersof

Dubai’sShiaMuslimcommunityofIndo-Pakistaniheritage,astheymovethrough

varioussitesofdailyactivity.Indoingso,thedatanotehowdispositionsof

memberstranscendacrossexperiences.ConstrainedinDubai,butglobally

connectedthroughkinshiptiesandsectarianidentity,memberstransformthe

experienceofreligiouspracticeanddowntimeactivitieswithqualitiesparticularto

worklife.DespiteavarietyoflimitationsonactivityinDubaithatmembers

characterizeasmajbūrī(compulsion),particularexperiencesofworkandqualities

oftheenvironmentmagnifyethicsofbothexcessandefficiencygermanetoShia

practice.

Theconstructedenvironmentalsohelpsmanifestarangeofaspirationsand

anxietiesthatareexpressedinleisure-timeactivities.Urbanarchitectureshereare

bothprojectionsofdesireandobjectsofconcealment—obscuringfearedrealities—

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especiallyforthoseemployedinconstructionfirmsorwhoprovideconstruction-

relatedservices.Thesearethusformsofimaginationattunedtoethicsoftheoften-

precariouspursuitofwork.Finally,theresearchsees“constraint”asanethicof

migrantlivingandspacemanagementinDubai,whichfostersaformof“disciplined

creativity”inreligiousexpressionandpoeticperformance,inthespaceofaudio

recordingstudios.

ThedissertationcommitteememberswereAnandPandian(primary

advisor),VeenaDas,StevenCaton,EricaSchoenberger,andRyanCalder.

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NoteonTransliteration

ThetextofthisdissertationincludesavarietyofUrdu,Arabic,Persian,and

Pashtowords.IhavetransliteratedthemintoRomanscriptusingtheALA-LC

Romanizationsystem,apopularstandardizedmethod.Inafewcases,forbetter

readability,IhaveslightlymodifiedtheALA-LCguidetomorecloselyhuetothe

systemadoptedinthePlattsDictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish(see

Platts1884).

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Acknowledgements

Theroadtoanyachievementisbesetwithdebts.Thisdissertationwasthe

culminationofamixoftrainingandresearchthatIbeganasanundergraduate

studentatHamiltonCollegeinNewYorkStateintheearly2000s.There,Iwrotemy

seniorhonorsthesisinAsianStudiesadvisedbythepoliticalscientistChengLiand

byAnandPandian.DrawntowhatItookasAnand’ssensibilityforphilosophicaland

activistanthropology,IjoinedtheanthropologyPh.D.programatJohnsHopkins

Universitythesameyearhejoinedthedepartment’sfaculty,andhehasbeena

guidingforceinmyacademicdevelopmenteversince.Hehasbeenanespecially

dedicatedprimaryadvisoranddissertationcommitteememberthroughmy

dissertationresearchandwritingphases,dedicatingcountlesshourstoresponding

tomywritingasittookform.Hishighstandards,attentiontonuanceandsubtletyof

argument,andcommitmenttopushingtheboundariesoftraditional

anthropologicalinquiryhavemademeabettercriticalandcreativethinker,andI

oweAnandadebtforhisguidanceandcommitmenttome.

TheJohnsHopkinsAnthropologyDepartment,inthetimeofmymost-direct

involvementinday-to-dayactivitiesfrom2007-2011,wasasstimulatingand

nurturinganintellectualenvironmentasIcouldhavehoped.Manyfacultywere

generousguidestome.Inparticular,myrelationshipwithVeenaDas—whoserved

onmydissertationcommittee—developedfirstincoursework,anddeepenedinmy

dissertationresearchandwritingphases.Morethananyotheranthropologist,Ifeel

themarkofherwork—onformsofstruggleandeverydaylife—onmyownthinking

inthisdissertation,andIhopethepagesbelowconveysomeofthatimpact,andmy

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gratitudeforthegiftofherscholarshipandguidance.NiloofarHaeriwasalsoan

importantadvisorandadvocateformeduringmygraduatecareer,andguidetothe

anthropologyoftheMiddleEast.NaveedaKhanwasalsoanearlyadvisorinmy

graduatecareerandguidedmethroughliteratureintheanthropologyofIslam

especially.Strandsofherworkalsocruciallyrunthroughthisdissertation,and

helpedmeformulatemyarguments.Otherdepartmentfacultymemberswhowere

influentialatvariousstagesofmydevelopmentincludeJaneGuyer,Pamela

Reynolds,JuanObarrio,andAaronGoodfellow.Manyofmyfellowgraduatestudents

inanthropologywerestimulatingcolleaguesandgavemegenerousfeedback,

structuredandunstructured,throughmycareeratJohnsHopkins,including

especiallyChitraVenkatarami,MayaRatnam,AditiSaraf,CarolineBlock,Andrew

Bush,SylvainPerdigon,BhrigupatiSingh,andBicanPolat.AndJamesWilliamswasa

generousfriendandsoundingboardformyideasinthemidstofmyfieldresearch

phaseinDubai.

Outsideofanthropology,Imustthanktwoothermembersofmydissertation

committee,EricaSchoenbergerandRyanCalder.Theirreactionsandgenerous

advicewillhelpmeascontinuetodevelopthismanuscript.ElsewhereatJohns

Hopkins,IwishtothankChrisNealonandHentdeVrieswhowereguidestomein

mycourseworkphase.AtHamiltonCollege,IwishtothankDouglasRaybeckand

ChrisChekuri,whohelpedsparkmyinterestinanthropologyandinthestudyof

SouthAsiarespectively,atanearlystage.

Duringmydissertationwrite-up,Ihadthegoodfortuneintegratemyselfinto

theanthropologydepartmentatHarvardUniversityasavisitingfellow,thanksto

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thecommitmentandgenerosityofSteveCaton,whoservedasmyadvisorthereand

ultimatelyasamemberofmydissertationcommittee.Steve’sinfluentialwork

initiallycompelledmyinterestintheanthropologicalstudyofpoetry,andIwas

fortunatetohavehisguidanceinmywritingphase,especiallyrelatedtoscholarship

ontheArabianGulfregion.HarvardAnthropologywasverywelcomingtome,andI

benefittedespeciallyfromadissertationwritinggroupwithEsra-GökçeSahinand

JaredMcCormick.IalsoenjoyedsustainedinteractionswithNamitaDharia,

FedericoPerez,PeterMcMurray,andGeorgePaulMeiu.TheeconomistIshacDiwan

helpedexpandmythinkingonthepoliticaleconomyanddevelopmentofthe

ArabianGulfregion.Iwasgratefulfortheopportunitytoparticipateinandpresent

apaperwiththePoliticalAnthropologyWorkingGroup,andtopresentapaperata

workshopontheGulfregionattheCenterforMiddleEasternStudiesatHarvard.

IntheUnitedArabEmirates,IthankJaneBristol-Rhys,aU.A.E.-based

anthropologistwhohelpedmegetmybearingsthereearlyon.IalsothankRavi

SriramachandranandAminTejpar,scholarsbasedinthecountrywhooffered

generousfeedbacktomeattimes.Sankar,afamilyfriend,providedveryhelpful

logisticalsupportattimes.Itishardtobegintothankallofthepeoplewho

participatedinthisresearch,inrolesbigandsmall.Inmanyways,thisdissertation

mustbededicatedtothemandtotheirformsofstruggle,bigandsmall,thatI

observed.Toprotecttheirprivacy—andinkeepingwithethnographic

conventions—Idonotnamethemhereorinthedissertationtextitself.Itrustthat

theyknowwhotheyare.Mydebttothemisinmanywaysmylargest,andIhope

thatthisdissertationstandsasatestimonialtotheirexperienceinDubaiandthe

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spacewesharedthereoverfifteenmonthsin2010-2012.Thisdissertationisafirst

steptowardrepayingmydebttothem.Ihopethattheycanseethemselvesinit.

ThestudyofUrdulanguagewasanimportantentrypointformeintothe

studyofSouthAsiagenerally—andtothestudyofIndo-Pakistanimigrantworkin

Dubai.RobertPhillipswasapatientinitialUrduinstructor,attheUniversityof

Wisconsin.AsaPashtolanguagestudentatWisconsinyearslater,MarkKenoyer

tookapersonalinterestinmydevelopmentatacrucialmoment.Mostespecially,

AftabAhmadandWafadarHusainattheAmericanInstituteofIndianStudiesin

Lucknowin2005-2006wereexcellentteachers,whohelpedguidemethroughthe

subtletiesofUrdupoeticexpression.AndinwritingChapter5especially,Ihadthe

benefitoffeedbackandassistancefromAmyBardatHarvard,whoseworkonSouth

AsianShiapoeticperformancehelpedsparkmyinitialinterestintheseexpressive

traditions.

Iwasfortunatelytoreceivegenerousfinancialsupportforresearchand

studythroughmyacademiccareer.MyinitialUrdutrainingwasfundedbythe

UniversityofWisconsin’sCenterforSouthAsiaandbyaBerkeleyUrduLanguage

FellowshipadministeredbytheUniversityofCalifornia.Asagraduatestudent,my

languagetraininginPunjabiwassupportedbyaCriticalLanguageScholarshipfrom

theU.S.DepartmentofState,mytraininginPersianwasgenerouslyfundedbya

languagegrantfromtheAndrewW.MellonFoundation,whilemystudyofArabic,

Pashto,andcontinuedstudyofHindiwerefundedbyseparateForeignLanguage

andAreaStudies(FLAS)grants,administeredbytheUniversityofPennsylvania,the

UniversityofWisconsin,andJohnsHopkinsUniversityrespectively.Ialsoreceived

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thesupportofanIslamicStudiesLanguageTrainingGrantinArabicfromJohns

Hopkins.

Mypre-dissertationresearchinIndiawasfundedgenerouslybyaFulbright

StudentGrantin2006andbyaresearchgrantfromtheProgramfortheStudyof

Women,Gender,andSexualityatJohnsHopkins.Mypre-dissertationresearchinthe

UnitedArabEmirateswasfundedbyaJ.BrienKeygrantfromJohnsHopkins,anda

graduateresearchgrantfromtheNationalScienceFoundation.Mydissertation

researchwasgenerouslyfundedbyapre-doctoralgrantfromAmericanInstituteof

PakistanStudies,andaDoctoralDissertationResearchAbroadgrantfromJohns

Hopkins.Iamgratefultoalltheseorganizationswhichinvestedinmyresearchand

development.

Ofcourse,amongmybiggestdebtsaretomyfamily.Ithankmyparents,John

andMarilynTilley,whoI’msurehavebeenmyearliestchampion!Theirloveand

supportthroughmylifeandespeciallythroughmygraduatecareerhassustained

me,andIamindebtedtothem.IalsothankmyveryverypatientwifeMerawho

enduredmysometimesseeminglyendlessprocessofdissertationrevisions!Sheis

myfierceadvocateandsourceofgreatemotionalsupport,andmyguideforwhat

trulymattersinlife.Ilookforwardtowhatourfutureholdstogether.Mybrother

Alanwaspresentandinvolvedespeciallyinmyfinalyearofwriting,andhelpedout

atcrucialtimes.Ialsothankmywife’sfamilyfortheirsupport.Mydaughter

JumerahwasbornshortlyaftermywifeandIreturnedfromDubai,andtoherIgive

theworld.Ialsodedicatethisdissertationtoher.Ihopethatsheknowssomeday

howmuchofherspiritandtenacityinfusesit,andsustainsme.

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TableofContents

Abstract..........................................................................................................................................................ii

NoteonTransliteration.........................................................................................................................ivAcknowledgements...................................................................................................................................v

Introduction.................................................................................................................................................11.Efficiency................................................................................................................................................49

2.Excess....................................................................................................................................................106

3.Aspiration............................................................................................................................................1474.Anxiety..................................................................................................................................................197

5.Constraint............................................................................................................................................243Conclusion...............................................................................................................................................299

GlossaryofKeyUrduandArabicTerms.....................................................................................303

Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................307CurriculumVitae...................................................................................................................................318

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ListofTablesTable2.1:DescriptionofFacebookposts…………………………………………………………..139

Table4.1:NumericalreferencesinTalibanabductionstory……………………………….219

Table4.2:Keywordsrelatedtostruggle/oppressionincontext………………………….225

Table4.3:Breakdownofcrimestories………………………………………………………………234

xii

ListofImages

Image1.1:Photofromwaterserviceareaatanimāmbārgāh……………………………….67

Image1.2:Photoofmobilebloodcollectionunit………………………………………………….71

Image1.3:Promotionalposterforsabīldonationcampaign…………………………………73

Image1.4:Informationalposteraboutnāma-e-aʻmāl…………………………………………...75

Image1.5:PromotionalposterforMuharramblooddonationdrive……………………..77

Image1.6:PhotoofphotocopyofSayyidfamilytree…………………………………………….83

Image1.7:PhotoofphotocopyofSayyidfamilytree…………………………………………….84

Image1.8:PhotoofpagefromhandwrittenSayyidgenealogy………………………………85

Image1.9:PhotoofpagefromhandwrittenSayyidgenealogy………………………………86

Image1.10:PromotionalposterforRamadanblooddonationdrive……………………..89

Image1.11:Photoofblooddonationcentermissionstatement……………………………90

Image2.1:PhotoofmakingofapalmislandinDubai………………………………………...117

Image2.2:Screenshotimagefromamātamvideo……………………………………………..128



Image2.5:Romantic“Facebookwallpaper”image……………………………………………..140

Image2.6:Romantic“Facebookwallpaper”image……………………………………………..140

Image3.1:Photoofnewly-constructedAbuDhabihotel…………………………………….170

Image3.2:PhotoofmonorailtrackinDubai……………………………………………………...172

Image3.3:Photoofworkersfinishingmodelapartment…………………………………….174

Image3.4:Photoofworkerfinishingmodelapartment……………………………………...175

Image3.5:Photoofworkersfinishingmodelapartment…………………………………….176

Image3.6:Photoofgypsumpiecesondisplayatsupplystore……………………………179

Image3.7:Photoofgypsum-makingmaterialsatsupplystore…………………………...180

Image3.8:Photoofrawgypsuminstackedbagsatsupplystore………………………..181

1

Introduction

Onalatespringmorningthatgrewhot—discouragingunnecessaryoutside

activity—Isatwithseveralinformantsandfriendsinasmallair-conditionedroom:

alivingspacetogethersharedbysix.Whilemostsatidly,one—whoI’llcallTamir—

turnedtowardmefromthecomputerwherehewasseated,andannouncedwith

mildfrustrationandamusementthathehadbeenlockedoutofhisFacebook

account.Tamir’saccounthadbeen“temporarilysuspended”thescreeninfrontof

himconveyed.Joininghimtoconfrontthepuzzle,weclickedthrougha“reclaim

youraccount”process.Anewscreenflashed,andonitafamiliarimage:areligious

textinArabicwithvagueformsagainstablackbackground,asIremembereditlater

innotes.ItookitasoneofavarietyofimagesthatmembersinthisShiaMuslim

communityengageonline:abstractimagesoftenfeaturingahorseorfaceless

humanfigureframedbymessagesofinspirationorprotest.

Thedetailswouldproveunhelpfultothechallengebeforeus,itseemed.A

multiplechoicequestionaskedTamirtoidentifythe“person”whoappearsinthe

photo.Thiswasanexerciseinlinkingtheprofilephotowiththeprofiledperson.

Sincetheimagewasnotanauthenticpersonalrepresentation,wewerehard-

pressedtoanswer.

Submittingaguess,wemovedthroughsuccessivemultiple-choicetest

screens.Afewcontainedimagesofpeople.TheproblemforTamirwasmultiple:a)

hedidnotknoweveryonewhohewasfriendswith;b)manyfriendsinhisnetwork

didnotuseanactualself-imageastheirprofilephoto;andc)someofhis“friends”

werenotpeoplebutorganizations.Suchpatternsofusageamounttoaproblemfor

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Facebook,itwouldseem.InchallengingTamirtomatchprofilephotostousers’

identifications,Facebookconveysitspreferenceforauthenticaccountslinkedtolive

humanusers.Therestorationprocessincludestheexpectationthatusersknow

theirfriendsbyfaceandbyname,eventhoughbothareself-submittedbythe

person(ornon-person).

Afterseveralminutesofsuccessiveguesses,ascreenannouncedthatwehad

failed:hisaccountremainedlocked,andhisauthenticityinFacebook’suniverse

remaineduncertain.Facebookofferedanalternativemethodtorestoretheaccount:

sendaphotocopyofavalidphotoIDindicatingthenameofthepersononthe

account.(Indeedhehadusedhisrealnameandanauthenticself-photoonhisown

accountprofile.)Withamixofsomeembarrassment,frustration,amusementand

boredom,heseemedtogiveup.Theattentionsofothersshiftedbacktootherforms

ofwork,downtime,internet-use,andidleconversation.

IamnotsurewhatTamirmighthavedoneafterIleftthatday.Wemet

elsewherethereafter.Monthslater,Ifoundhimbackinthesameroomseatedin

frontofthesamecomputer,againusingFacebook.Iaskedabouthisaccount’s

status,andheconfirmedonlythathehadrestoredit.Heflashedagrinandchuckled,

atonceseemingtodownplaytheinitialproblemandfailure,andtoconveysome

assuranceandsatisfaction.Then,intheflowofthedowntimeactivity,withhis

friendsandcoworkersgatheredintheroomaswell,hisattentionandmineagain

shifted.Ineverlearnedhowheunlockedit.

Energyandinstabilityofmigrantlife

3

Ibeginwiththesceneofanimpasse:onethatIbelieveappearsfromone

angleasaconfrontationbetweenboundariesandmigrantlife.Migrantworkoften

occupiesspaceatthelimitsofsociety(Jackson2011)andpushesthelimitofhuman

endurance(Jackson2008,58).Tobeamigrant,amemberoftheeconomic

underclass,1isoftentobe“lockedout:”tobebufferedbyboundaries(Casas-Cortes

etal.2015).Kafāla—thesystembywhichforeignlaborintheArabianGulfis

managedbycitizens—configuresonetypeofboundary.Asgar,likeTamir,wasakey

figurefrommycorefieldresearchgroupinDubai:malelaborersbelongingtoa

broadShiaMuslimexpatriatecommunityofSouthAsianheritage.Hedescribedto

mehowhislocalemployerdeniedhimpermissiontotakeadrivingcourseandgeta

driver’slicense—partofhisefforttolandabetterjob.Professionaladvancement

opportunitiesforforeignworkers,includingentryintodriver’strainingcourses,

requiretheemployer’spermission,reflectingpaternalisticcontrolmechanismsbuilt

intokafāla.Lackofcashresources,urbansoundordinances,anddeviantsocial

mediausageeachalsogeneratetheirownboundaries.

Multipleinteractionsfrommyresearchcapturedformeacentralpuzzle

abouthowmigrantlifeinDubaienduresinthefaceofstructuresdesignedto

containandconstrainit.Tobegintobreakdownthispuzzle,Ifirstconsiderthetwo

entitiesofthisencounter.Ononesideismigrantlife,andontheothersideisthe

“life”ofboundaries.Eventsoftransgression—theachievementofunlockingan

1Onthecentralroleofmargins,exclusion,andisolationinconformingmyriadexperiencesofeconomicprecarityinavarietyofanthropologicalliterature,seeDasandPoole2004,Biehl2013,Allison2013,Lucht2011.

4

onlineaccount,forinstance—maybetheoutcomeofthestrengthorweaknessof

oneortheotherentity.

Thepropellantenergyofmigrantlifedrawsinpartonthetransitoryand

unsettlednatureofthecategory,andonthehighstakesinvolved.Avarietyof

literatureonmigrancyexploreshowlifeitselfisoftenatstakeinmigrantactivities

(ComaroffandComaroff2001;Sandell2010;Holmes2013).Ihighlightafew

instancesfrommyfieldworkthataffirmboththehighstakesandthespecterof

deathorradicalinterruption.Nadim,forinstance,workedinalargecentrally-

locatedindustrialareainDubai.Heoncedescribedtome—withsomeexcitement

andnervouspride—thespecterofdeaththatfollowshimandhiscoworkerswhile

workingwith,onandaroundheavybuildingmaterialssuchasoildrillingrisers.Ina

closecall,heoncesustainedseveralbrokenfingersinanaccidentwhenan

unsecuredriserrolledoverhishand,hetoldmeoneday,withsomebravado.

Furthermore,asIdescribeinChapter5below,theactivityofShiamigrant

communitymembersrecordingreligioussungpoetryinrecordingstudiosinvolved

asenseofdeathanddeadness.Onenight,workinglateinthehighlysound-

containedandpartitionedinteriorspaceofthestudio,asmallgroupofsingers

becamelockedinafterthedoorknobonastudiodoorbrokeoff.Beforetheywere

“rescued”byarecordingengineerwhostumbledinhourslater,theyhadsaidtheir

waṣiyyats(statementsofbequethmentsupondeath)toeachother.

Alternatively,Asgar,anaccountantworkingforasmallconstruction

company,wastheonlyproviderforalargefamilybackhomeinKarachi,following

thedeathofhisfatheronlytwoyearsprior.Increasinglyfeelingthefailureofhis

5

relativelymeagerearnings-profitstomeethisfamily’sfinancialneeds,hetussled

withhisemployerforapromotion,butindoingsoriskedthesecurityofthejobhe

had.“ButwhatcanIdo?,”hewouldaskme.Heworriedabouthismotherand

sisters’long-termhealthandwellbeingifhecouldnotimprovethefamily’sfinancial

situation.

Tamirwasalsopropelledbysomework-relatedurgency.Ifollowedhis

Facebookstruggleduringwhatwasotherwiseafairlydesperatetimeforhim.The

smallcompanyhebelongedtoinDubai—aconstruction“finishing”services

companycomposedoftightknitkintiedtoaspecificNorthIndianlocality—

struggledtoturnaprofit.Debtsfrompreviousprojectshadlonggoneunpaid;the

leaderpursuednewloansfromfriendsandkininDubaiinordertorepayolder

ones.Meanwhileopportunitiesfornewprojectswerebountifulyetpersistently

hardtowin:seeminglyalwaysjustoutofreach.Thegroup’sfinancialtroubles

createdanatmosphereofdesperationthataffectedtheirinteractionsamongst

themselvesandwithoutsiders,includingme,asIexplorefurtherinChapter3.

Atthesametime,Tamirhadseemedtorecentlydevelopamysterious

ailmentaffectinghisknee,inhibitinghisabilitytoperformadequatelyatwork.His

employerdiscussedwithmehisintentiontosendTamirbacktoIndia,toMumbai,

fortreatment,asmedicalcostsweremuchhigherinDubai.Later,Iheardthrough

otheracquaintancesthathehadreturnedtoIndiafortreatmentandtovisithis

family.Manymonthsafterthat,hiscoworkertoldmethathehadreceivedtreatment

thereandreturnedtoDubai,andwasagainworkingforthecompany.Thedemands

ofworkcreatedsomeurgencyforTamir—adeterminationtokeephisjobthat

6

affectedhisdeterminedeffortsoutsideofwork.Theimperativetoworkis

ultimatelyanimperativetoact.Thisimperativedrivescertainqualitiesofwork—a

tempo,asenseofurgency,aforceofactivity—intoactionsoutsideofitself:intothe

mundaneefforttomaintainasocialmediaaccount,forinstance.

OverthecourseofmanyresearchmonthsinDubaitrackingformsofmigrant

life,Icametosee“ethics”ofactivitycommonacrossvariousdomainsoflife.WhileI

accompaniedmanymembersofthiscommunitytotheirworkplaces,whereI

observedthemandsometimeshelpedthemwiththeirworkprocesses,Ialso

accessedarichworldofdowntimeactivityandsocializationinthisdiversereligious

Shiacommunity.WhileTamirseemedtoprojectassuredconfidenceathis

achievementovercomingFacebook’sregulatoryapparatus,Iobservedothersbusily

engagethemselvesinserviceandbenefit-(fāʼida/s̤awāb)seekingactivities.AsI

explorefurtherinChapter1below,Nadimwouldregularlyleaveworkinthe

industrialareaafteralongdayshiftandwalktwentyminutestothemosquefor

eveningprayers,wherehealsoassumedaninformalcaretakerrole,servingsnacks

andteatotheassembledfaithful(mōminīn).Hewasubiquitous;everyoneseemedto

knowhim,whichmadehisabruptannouncementonedaythathewasreturningto

Indiaallthemoreconspicuousandsurprising.

SimilarlySaad—amaincharacterinChapter5below—workedasa

salespersonatasmallcosmeticaccessoriesshopinSharjah.Afterhisshiftendedat

9pminRamadan,hewouldmakehiswaytoarecordingstudioandrecord

overnight,sometimesendinghissessionaround6am,justbeforethefajrpre-dawn

prayers.Hewouldthensometimesreturntohisshoptosleepforafewhoursbefore

7

openingtime,ratherthanreturningtohisroominDubai.“Al-ḥamdulillāh(praise

God)Iambusy,”hewouldsaytome.

Asoneaspectofmyinformantscultivatingethicscommonacrosslife

activities,inotherwords,Ibegantonoticehowtheenergyandintensityofworkin

Dubaicametoinfuseandorientdowntimeorafterwork-timeactivities.Onethread

runningthroughthestoriesofNadim,Asgar,andTamiraboveisthesenseofbeing

diminishedbymightyforcesthatappeartoeludeunderstandingormastery.Though

profits,materialaccumulations,andknowledgeofmarketsandsystemsareelusive,

Ifoundthatpeopledrawonarepertoireofactionsrelatedtowork,inordertolend

energyandmeaningtonon-workactivities.Iconsiderthisthepersistenceof

migrantlifeinside(orinpositiverelationto)systemsthatareotherwisedesigned

foritsexclusion.

Mostbroadly,thisdissertationconsidershowmembersofthismigrant

communityalignexperiencesacrossdifferentdomainsoflife:betweenreligious

activities,leisureactivities,andworkplaceactivities,forinstance.Toevaluatethis

phenomenoninoneway—i.e.thewayinwhichworkethicsimpactandconform

non-workactivities—Idevelopatheoryandconceptof“worklife”asacategoryand

conditionofmigrantlifeinDubai.Dubai’seconomyorientedtowarddiversification

(awayfromenergyproduction)feedsahighdemandforforeignlaborandsustainsa

largemigrantpopulation,andthisprovidesonesenseofmyinterpretationoflifein

Dubaias“worklife.”Butmorespecifically,Iseeworklifeasasensibilityandethicof

actionofforeignworkersrelativetospatial“gaps”intheenvironment,spaceswhich

arethemselvestheoutcomesandproductionsofforcesofgrowthandregulationin

8

Dubai.Thesespacesof“absence”includetheausterespacesofaudiorecording

studiosandbloodclinics.Theyincludethevacantandunfinishedpropertiestiedto

thecollapseoftherealestatemarket.Andtheyincludearangeofeerilyquietand

orderlypublicspacesinDubai,maintainedbyaheavystatesecurityand

enforcementapparatus.Inmyformulation,“worklife”inDubainotonlydenotesa

spiritofproductivityparticulartorapideconomicgrowth,butmorespecifically,a

spiritofmigrantactivitythatinfusesspacescharacterizedbyausterityand

inactivity:spacesthatarebyproductsofeconomicdevelopmentprocesses.

Spiritofworkimmanenttolife

Thinkingbeyondthe“force”particulartomigrantworkandlife—thatis,the

energyrootedintheparticularprecarity,highstakes,instability,orimpermanence

ofthecategory—Ialsoexplorethe(re-)spatializationoflaborinrelationtoits

objectsofproductioninDubai:areconfigurationbywhichboundariesbecome

diminished.Workisoftenseenasaproductionprocess:onethatbringsproducts,

livelihoods,andwaysoflifeintobeinginawiderworld.Iexplorebelowhow

migrantlaboringeffectivelyrearrangestherelationshipofvariousdomainsoflifeto

eachother,andtotheworld.Howmightworklifeenfoldthespaceoccupiedbyits

product-outcomes?Howmightaspiritoractivityofworkbecome“immanent”to—

thatis,embeddedacross—variousdomainsoflife?Idrawontheconceptofan

ethicsofactivity“immanent”toeverydaylifefromMichaelLambek’srecentwork

(2015,1),whichIfurtherdevelopinthenextsectionbelow.

9

Theorientationoflaborprocesstolabor’sproductsdependsinpart,I

propose,ontheworker’sorientationtoplace.MarshallSahlinshascalledour

attentiontotheevolutionoflabor’sproximitytothesiteofitsprimary

accumulation:thehousehold.In“domesticmodesofproduction,”forinstance,labor

andhouseholdarestructuredtogether:thehouseholdis“chargedwithproduction,

withthedeploymentanduseoflabor-power.”Laborinthiscaseisa“primitive”

modeofproduction.Then,underindustrialization,productionandlaborpower

becomedetachedandarealienatedfromthe“familialcircle,”whilethehousehold

becomesmerelyasiteofconsumption(Sahlins1972,76-77).Contextsof

industrializedor“extra-domestic”laborpremiseaworkerwhoregularlynavigates

betweenlaboranddomesticspheresarrayeddistinctlyintheenvironment.The

industrialmodelprojectslaborasspatiallydelimited.

Arrangementsofmigrantworkfurtherextendthealienationoflaborfrom

thehome.Here,object-outcomesofworkareconfiguredatadistantremovefrom

thelaborprocess.FormigrantsinDubai,evenfinancialresourcesdonotaccumulate

locally,asworkersremittheirearnings’profitsandareunabletoopenlocalbank

accounts.Littleaccumulatesbeyondwhatisnecessaryforbasicandefficient

livelihoodinDubai.WhileworkispresentinDubai,theexternaloutcomes—the

livelihoodsofdependents,materialandmonetaryaccumulations—ofthelabor

processarelargelyabsent.

OfcourseparallelexamplestothesituationofmigrantworkinDubaiexistin

industrialand“primitive”domesticmodesoflaboraswell,wherelaborreworks,

infuses,orcooptsotherspheresoflife.Avarietyofethnographicstudiesfocuson

10

howcertainlaborpracticesdisrupttraditionalkinrelations,andreworkdomestic

spaces.AihwaOngoffersthecaseoffemalefactoryworkersinMalaysiawho

cultivateself-disciplinethroughindustrializedlabor,andthusupsettraditional

domesticsocialrolesintheircommunitybydefyingtheneedformaleauthority.

Industriallaborprovidesalinkagetobroadercapitalistmarketsandstate

structures,andthusdiminishesthecohesionoftraditionalkinandfamilystructures.

(Ong2010,6-7).Othersexplorehowdomesticworkactivitiessuchasweavinghelp

structurekinship.BrinkleyMessick,forinstance,describeshowtheritualactionsof

weavingunderscoresthebirthingprocess(Messick1987,212-213).DeepakMehta

similarlyshowshowtheweavingprocessdefinesandeffectsgenderroleswithin

thefamilywhileit“marksoutthespaceandtimeofthehousehold”(Mehta1997,

66).

Labor’shegemonyoverlifeinDubaimayberegisteredinavarietyofways.

Laborissynonymouswith“being”inDubaiforworkingforeigners,whocomprise

89%ofthetotalpopulation,halfofwhomareSouthAsian.Workdisruption

promptstheworker’sswiftdepartureviadeportation,oritsthreat.Naturalized

citizenshipisextremelyrare,evenforlong-termforeignresidents.Oneparticipant

activeinthelocalShiacommunityinDubaiemigratedfromTanzaniain1976,but

continuedtorenewhistemporaryworkvisainDubaieverythreeyears,allthe

whilemaintaininghisTanzaniancitizenship.ThetouristvisacategoryintheU.A.E.

skewstowardWesternvisitors,manyofwhomqualifyforfreeon-arrivalvisas,

whileAsianvisitorspaynearly$200USDforthesameprivilege.Thereislittleroom

foridlenon-Westernbodies.

11

Employment’sinsecuritycreatesanenvironmentofurgency.AsArabianGulf

stateshavepursuedeconomicdiversificationawayfromdependenceonoil

production,manyhavenurturedthedevelopmentofacademicinstitutionswith

UnitedStatesaccreditations,forinstance.Still,fewsuchacademicinstitutionsoffer

thetypesofjobsecuritystructures,suchastenure,typicaltoWesternuniversities.

Thetrendmirrorsthetemporalityofotherformsofemployment,andalsothesense

ofuncertaintyaboutDubai’ssurvivalinthenearfuture,especiallygivenitsmeteoric

rise.Theenduringimageofabandonedcars—evenluxurysportscars—ontheroad

totheairportisanemblematicreminderofabruptdeparturesandchangesof

fortunesforexpatriateresidents.Peopleworryaboutthenextmarketcrash.

MyinformantsconceivedworkandlifeinDubaiasconditionedby

compulsionandconstraint,usingthewordmajbūrī.AvarietyofUrduspeakers

outsideofmyresearchcontextdescribedmajbūrīasakindof“fatefulcompulsion:”a

conditionofbeingcompelledtodosomethingintheabsenceofanyalternative.

GiventhecontextsinDubaiinwhichmyinformantsspokeofworkandlifeas

majbūrī,andgiventheword’sderivation,Iofferaslightlymoregeneral

understandingofmajbūrīasaconditionofbeingcompelledtodosomethingby

externalforces.AclassicUrdutoEnglishdictionaryconnotestherootwordjabr

(fromtheArabicrootj-b-r)as“compulsion,constraint,”“force,power,”or“violence,

oppression.”2Grammatically,Majbūrīistheabstractnounconstructedfromthe

passiveparticiple(majbūr)ofjabr.Itthusconnotestheconditionofthebeingthe

objectofjabr,initsmyriadmeanings.Thisbroaderunderstandingofmajbūrī2Platts,JohnT.2003.“Jabr.”InADictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish,375.Delhi:UrduAcademy.

12

capturesthewiderangeofmigrantexperienceinDubai,whichIobservedmy

informantstoglossandaligntogetherinusingthisterm.

Onesoft-spokenPakistanimanuseditinaconversationwithmeinwhichI

probedhisexperiencesandbackgroundinDubai.Heexplainedhowhehadbeen

hiredbythelocaljamā‘tboard(Shiacommunity’sreligiousleadership)asa

caretakerofthelocalimāmbārgāh3manyyearsprior,whenhehadlosthisprevious

jobasadriverforaprivatecompany.Westoodinthecourtyardareaofthe

imāmbārgāhashespoke,intheshadowofalightedannouncementboarddedicated

tojob-seekingadvertisements,whichwasoverflowingwiththeone-pageresumesof

menofvariousagesfromthecommunity.Mosthadasmallpassport-stylephoto

affixedtotheresume’supperrightcorner.Thebackdropframedourconversation,

providingareminderofthecentralityofworkforindividualsinthiscommunity,

andoftheearnestaspirationsofjob-seekers.Hepausedafterdescribinghow

fortunatehewastogetthejobwiththeShiajamā‘t,andthenremarked,Dubaibaṛī

majbūrīhē(Dubaiisverymajbūrī),bywhichItookhimtomean“lifeinDubaiisvery

constrainedandoppressed”

AsIoutlinefurtherinChapter1,avarietyofmyresearchexperiencesrelate

totimespentdrivingaroundDubai,andoccasionallytootherneighboringemirates,

forvariousparticipants’workandleisure-relatedactivities.Conversationsturned

towardaconsiderationofmajbūrīhereaswell.OnoneoccasionIrodeasa

passengerinacarwiththreelaborerswhowereroommatesinoneofDubai’s

3AnimāmbārgāhfunctionsasaShiacommunitygatheringcenterespeciallyusedforcommemorativefunctionsandweeklyThursdaynightgatherings,thoughtherangeofusescanbediverse.Thenameliterallytranslatesas“placeoftheImams.”InSouthAsianShiatraditions,suchacenterisalsosometimescalledaḥussainiyaor‘āshūrḵẖāna.

13

outlyingresidentialareas.Atonemoment,aswedroveatnightonmajorhighway,

ouroncomingviewoftheroadbecameframedbyaclusterofroadsigns—one

markingspeedlimits,anotherinstructingdriverstostayinlanes,andthenjust

beyond,anupcomingautomatedoverheadtollcollectiongate.Onefellowpassenger

gesturedtowardthearrayofsignage,andmadethesamecommenttheimāmbārgāh

caretakerhadmade,aboutDubaibeingverymajbūrī(Dubaibaṛīmajbūrīhē).Itook

himtomean,again,thatlifeisDubaiisveryconstrained,thoughinthiscaseby

virtueofstrictrulesandregulatoryforces:anaspectofthecompulsiononefeelsvis-

à-vismigrantworkinDubai.

RoadnetworksintheGulfarecentralinfrastructuresandsitesofboth

aggressivestatecontrolandsurveillanceaswellassubversiveactivities(Menoret

2014,12).Membersofmytargetcommunityregularlyconformedtostrictly

enforcedspeedlimitsandotherconventionsofroadusedissimilartotheirtypical

drivingexperiencesinIndiaandPakistan.Usingmajbūrīinthiscontextlinksthe

compulsiontoworkwiththe“oppression”ofrulesasbothcentraltotheexperience

oflifeinDubai.

Labor:beyondpowerrelationsandmateriality

AstrandofFrenchsocialtheoryinthetwentiethcenturyturnedtowardthe

bodyanditsactions,activities,andmovements,inordertounderstandthe

operationofpoliticalpowerandauthorityoversocieties.MarcelMaussshowshow

abroadcross-sectionof“assembledactions”—whichhecalls“techniquesofthe

body”—arelearned,primarilythroughimitation.Assuch,theyare“collective”

14

actions:moresocialthan“psychological.”Theyareimposedontheindividualfrom

without:often“fromabove,”byanotherwhohasauthorityoverhim(Mauss1973,

73,76).

WhereMaussseestheworkofsocialauthorityoverbodilytechniques,

MichelFoucaultfocusesinsteadontheworkofpoliticalpower(ofstatepower,for

instance).Suchpoweroperatesthroughandbecomesvestedinthevariousmicro-

movements,comportments,and“functionings”ofindividualbodies.Foucault’s

analysisalsoprivilegestheroleoflaboractivitiestomediatepoliticalpower:“itis

largelyasaforceofproductionthatthebodyisinvestedwithrelationsofpowerand

domination.”Laboristhenthecatalystdrivingthis“politicaltechnologization”of

thebody:theprocesscreatingthebody’s“multiforminstrumentation”(Foucault

1979,26).ItakeFoucault’sformation,inotherwords,asawaytoseethe

imbricationofpoliticalandlaborpowerintheformulationofvariousbodilyactions.

Keyanthropologicalstudiesonthetransformationoflifebylaborhave

drawnespeciallyontheworkofFoucaulttoseehowpowerandhegemonydrive

thistransformation.Thesestudiesretainaverticalunderstandingofhowbodily

activitiesareconstituted.ReflectingFoucault’sconcerns,AihwaOngexploreshow

bureaucraticmechanismsappropriatecapitalistworkplacedisciplinetodriveshifts

inpractices,behaviors,andrelationsacrosseverydaylife(Ong2010,2-4).Daromir

Rudnyckyjexploreswhathecallsthetechnologiesdeployedbythecompaniesand

NGOsthatprepareIndonesianout-migrantsforworkabroad.These“technologiesof

servitude”substituteforthetechnologiesofstatesinorderto“producesubjects

capableofdomesticlabortransnationally”(Rudnyckyj2004,412).

15

Inmypresentstudy,Idonotseektodisavowverticalpowerasa“technology

ofdomination”centraltobothpoliticalpowerandthe“managementofindividuals”

(Foucault1988,18-19).Indeedpatron-clientrelationsparticulartotheGulfstates

andother“patrimonial”statesocietieshelpshapeandlimitmigrantlifeandwork.

Nonetheless,Iammoreinterestedintracingthepervadingspreadandoutward

radiationofworklifeintootherforms,functions,andactivitiesofeverydaylife.In

thisway,Iseethetransformationoflifeformsasdrivennotbyverticalpower

relationsassuch,butbytheparticularenergy,form,andcharacterofworkitself.

Thisisalateral-horizontalmovementthatdrawsonthedestructiveenergyofglobal

systemsgearedtowardendlessexpansionandboundaryerasure.Itreflects

Foucault’snotionofcapillarypower:atypeofomnipresentdisciplinarypower

typifiedforFoucaultbythepanopticon(Foucault1979,198).

Focusingonworkasenergyandactivity,Ialsocontrastwithotherstudies

thatseetheoperationofworkonlifeasamaterialor“instrumental”process.Ina

memorabletributetotheanthropologistLouisDumont,Jean-ClaudeGaley(1981,4)

hasdescribedtheartisanashewhoworksonhimselfashedoeshiscraft.Anand

Pandian(2009,50-51)describeshowlow-incomefarmersinSouthIndiacometo

seethemselvesasextensionsoftheirtools:thequalitativestateofthetooleffects

thequalitativestateoftheindividual.Similarly,DeepakMehtadescribeshowthe

quintessentialexperienceofwork—pain—isrootedforAnsariweaversinNorth

Indiainanoriginalpainfulexperience,whichmalefamilymembers“inscribe”onto

themalechild:thecircumcision.Thisactisalignedwiththeconditionofbeinga

16

“skillfulweaver”and“goodMuslim,”inwhichtheenduranceofpainiscentralto

eachexperience(Mehta1997,32).

Thisdissertationexploreswork’simpactonlifenotasaphysicaltrace,bodily

comportment,ormanifestationofpowerrelations.Rather,Iseework’simpactasa

kindofenergy,atempo,arepertoireofdisciplinedactions,andawayof

communication;inshort,awayoflife.Likeotheranthropologistsworkinginsimilar

milieustomine(Hirschkind2006),IfindWalterBenjamin’smodelparticularly

helpful,inwhichhesuggeststhattherhythmsofrepetitiveworkenablepatternsof

listening,remembering,andcommunicationthatareotherwiselostandforeclosed.4

Iarguethatthecombinationintheindividualoftheimperativetoworkandthe

imperativetofollowDubairulesandregulationsaffectstheurgencyandintensityof

non-workactivities.

Environmentalforces,worklife,andethicsofactivity

Thisdissertationattemptstotraceagermofethicalactionsacrossvarious

domainsoflife.Assuch,itaccountsforhowreligiousactionsaretransformedby

worklifeimperatives,forinstance.InChapter1,Idescribehowanimperativeto

makemoneyandworkwithinrulesconformsanethicofefficiencythatShia

migrantsinDubaidrewuponastheyadaptedtheirperformanceofcommemorative

religiousritualstonon-religiousenvironments.Similarly,inChapter5,Iexplore

howordinancesandenforcementsdesignedtocontainconstructionnoiseandthe

enclosureofreligiousactivitiesinspireamodeofdisciplinedcreativityparticularto

4See“TheStoryteller”inBenjamin(1968,83-110).

17

formsofreligiouspoeticexpression.AndinChapter2,Iexaminehowbloated

housingmarketsawashwithvacantpropertiescreatespaceandenablenewmodes

ofengagingreligiousmaterialintheworkplace,foronerealtor.Ingeneral,thatis,I

exploreacrossthesechaptershowtheactivityofworkandconditionsofwork

environmentsconformethicalapproachestoreligiousrituals.

Abenchmarkforconsideringtherelationshipbetweenreligiousethicsand

laborethicswassetbyMaxWeberinhisstudy,originallypublishedin1905,of

asceticism,puritanism,andthe“spirit”ofcapitalisticwealthaccumulation(Weber

1992).Thetemptationtowardtheenjoymentofidleworldlypleasuresdisruptsthe

endeavorsofthePuritanChristianasceticandthecapitalist,hewrites(104,112).

BothcapitalismandChristianasceticismdemandanethicofendlesslaborinpursuit

ofusefulprofit(xxxi-xxxii).Thecapitalisticritualofhardworkparticulartoone’s

“calling”isthusalsoareligiousritual,totheextentthatitallowstheascetictouse

hisbody—thatis,God’sgift—inthemostgainfulway(108).

Inasimilarfashion,CharlesHirschkinddescribesthepracticeamongtaxi

driversinCairooflisteningtosermonsasa“distractionfromtoil,”orparaphrased

otherwise,mindfulnessintoil(Hirschkind2006,22).AtaxidriverinHirschkind’s

ethnographysuggeststhatlisteningtosermonswhiledrivingallowshimtobetter

performhisjob:tonot“getupset”and“shoutatotherdrivers”(72).Atthesame

time,thedullmonotonousrhythmsoftaxidrivingcreateasensoriumdisposedto

theapprehensionofreligiousexpressivecontent.Workitselfthuscontributesto

ethicallivingandthepursuitofpiety,Hirschkindargues(27).

18

EspeciallyinChapter1Itracethistypeofideal—inwhichworkandreligious

activitiesbecome“rationalized”together—throughanethicofefficientworklifeand

religiousactionamongmembersofthisShiacommunityinDubai.Butmystudy

deemphasizesafocusontoilandinvestigatesawiderrangeofactivities.

Specifically,Iinvestigatehowdowntime—themundanetextureandrhythmof

everydaylife—istransformedbytheethicsofreligiouspracticeandofwork.Put

differently,Iexaminethemodebywhichethicsofmundanelife,worklife,and

religiouslifearealigned.ExpandingonWeber,Iconceiveworklifeasanenterprise

broaderthanthatdelimitedbyone’scallingoremployment,orbywell-defined

workplacesorworkdays.

Thismoreholisticviewofworklifeandethicscommonacrosslifeactivities

buildsontherecentinterestamonganthropologiststoconceiveandstudyethics

neitherasaclusterofframeworksandrules,norasamatterofcontemplatinggood

behaviorataremovefromritualpractices,butratherasembeddedinthepractice

ofeverydaylifeitself(seeforinstancePandianandAli2010,2).Inimportantways,

MichaelLambekhasheraldedaturntowardthinkingof“ordinaryethics”(2010)as

those“immanent”and“intrinsic”tolifeitself:“withintheordinaryratherthan

exemplifyinganattempttoescapeitormakingapurchaseoutsideit”(2015,1,27,

emphasisoriginal).InamodewithwhichLambekfindssympathy,VeenaDashas

alsoarguedfor:

…ashiftinperspectivefromthinkingofethicsasmadeupofjudgmentswearriveatwhenwestandawayfromourordinarypracticestothatofthinkingoftheethicalasadimensionofeverydaylifeinwhichwearenotaspiringtoescapetheordinarybutrathertodescendintoitasawayofbecomingmoralsubjects.(Das2012,134)

19

Crucially,Das’sanalysisaimstointerrogatethelinkagebetweeneverydayactsand

widerworldevents.ThechallengeforDasishoweverydayethicalactionsand

expressionsendureinthefaceofpervasive“world-annihilating”violenceandhate

(Das2015,54-55).

Iconceive“ethicsofactivity”asanethicsofbodilymovementand

comportmentcontinuousacrosssocialcontextsandthepunctuatedtimeofsocial

events.ItthusbuildsonPierreBourdieu’s(1990)andMarcelMauss’(1973)

theoriesof“habitus,”whichseesactionsasoutcomesoflearnedandinternalized

habitsandroutines.EthicsofactivityalsobuildsonDas’snotionof“ethicsasan

expressionoflifetakenasawhole”(Das2015,56).SimilartoDas’sformulation,an

ethicsofactivityisnotdelimitedtoparticulareventsorparticularcontexts,though

suchactivitiesmaybe“shadowedbydoubts”aboutpotentialfuturecalamities.In

Chapter4,Iinvestigatehowagenreofcrimestorytellingbuildsonimperativesto

represent,identifyand“pindown”nebulousfears,aspartofmigranteffortsto

reclaimemptyspace.Storytellingherepullsthepastexperiencesofviolenceintothe

everyday,andisstructuredbyanethicsparticulartoexperiencesandstrategiesof

migrantlifeinDubai.

EssentialtotheethicsofactivityIexploreinChapter4andelsewhereisless

amodeofdetached“reflection”thanitisaqualityofvacatedspace.Qualitiesof

vacant,austere,andcontrolledspaces—livingspacepartitions,emptypubliclots,

vacantresidentialproperties,unfinishedconstructions,medicalclinics—allowfor

particularmigrantformsofactivityandthusthecultivationofethicalmodesof

being,whicharecommonacrossworklife,religiouslife,andleisuretime.Ontheone

20

hand,thiscounterscertainotherrecentanthropologicalformulationsaboutthe

necessaryroleof“reflection”inthepracticeofeverydayethics(Faubion2011,20;

Laidlaw2013,44).Butfurthermore,myapproachextendsupontheworkofDasand

Lambektoseehowenvironmentalqualitiesandforcesimpingeoneverydaylifeand

structureethicsofactivity.

Mystudythusallowsmetothinkbetweentherecentworkon“ordinary

ethics”andotherworkonenvironmentalethics.AnandPandianhascharteda

colonialhistoryinTamilNaduinwhichqualitiesofagriculturallandaccountforthe

cultivationofworkethicsandmoralbeingamongmembersofa“criminal”caste.

Administratorslinked“arid,rockyandinfertile”landstoidleness,andthustoa

criminalnature.Toaddressthelatterproblem,andtoencourageproductivetoil,

administratorsdevelopedprogramstoofferlandtofarmers,whichtheydescribed

as“gooddryland,redsoil,goodrain-fall,healthycountry”(Pandian2009,148-149).

AndJamesLaidlawhasexploredhowmembersoftheglobalJaincommunity

preserveaconservationistspiritattheheartofJainideology.Whileanenvironment

fullofperilspromptsasceticJainsinIndiatoassiduouslyavoidharmingliving

things,layJainsoutsideIndiaalsocompelledtobe“green”sensitive,replacing

traditionalvegetarianismwiththestricterethicofveganism,forinstance(Laidlaw

2010,64).Thisdissertationbuildsonthisliteraturetoshowhowqualitiesof

environmentscruciallyinfusethecultivationofeverydayethicsacrossdomainsof

lifeactivity.

MultipleConceptionsofEnvironment

21

Thisdissertationcarefullyconsiderstheroleofnaturalenvironmentsto

conformactivitiesformembersofthismigrantcommunity,andtoallowmembers

toalignexperiencesacrossdomainsoflife.InChapter1,forinstance,Ishowhow

theimperativetoconservewater,asanethicofdesertlife,alignswiththe

commemorationofHussain’sordealatKarbala,inwhichheandhisfactionwere

deniedpotablewaterbytheirenemy.Still,Iwishtoclarifythatmyconcernabout

“environmentalforces”extendsbeyondthecorrelationofenvironmentwith

“nature.”Inparticular,Ibuildonnotionsinthescholarshiponurbanbuilt

environments,andonmediascapes,thatexploretheroleofthoseenvironmentsin

thecultivationandconformationofethicalactions.

Asetofinterrogationsintourbanbuiltenvironmentsnoteshow

infrastructuresfunctiontomultipletherangeofactivitiesinurbanlife.NigelThrift

andAshAmindescribedaprocessthattheyterm“theurbanengineeringof

passions,”wheretheaestheticsandinfrastructuresofbuiltenvironments“produce”

“ritualsofdesire,love,greed,andwant.”ThriftandAminconsiderhowurbanspaces

“spark”passionatedrives:“thedesireforcertaintypesoffoodortheurgetorelaxin

theopenspacesofthecity”(AminandThrift2007,155-156,myemphasis).Nikhil

AnandexploreshowtheinfrastructuresofpressurizedwaterinMumbaienable

formsof“hydrauliccitizenship”andallowformaking“politicalclaimsthatexceed

theframeworkofliberal,moderncitizenship”(Anand2011,545).

BrianLarkindescribeshowinfrastructures“mediateandshapethenatureof

economicandculturalflowsandthefabricofurbanlife”(Larkin2008,6-7).

Narratingtheevolutionofcinemaasanurbaninstitutionandinfrastructurein

22

Nigeria,BrianLarkinacknowledgesthecoloniallegacyofinfrastructural

developmentto“createspecificsortsofsocialsubjects.”Hecitesradionetworksand

cinemas,forinstance,asconstructionsgearedto“educatinganddeveloping

Nigeriansinto‘modern’colonialcitizens”(3).Still,inpostcolonialKano,he

illustrateshowcinema-goers“reimagine”andre-appropriatethesetechnologiesof

colonialgovernance(12).Totraceinfrastructuraleffectsbeyondregulationand

discipline,Larkinexploreshow“materialstructuresproduceimmaterialformsof

urbanism—thesensesofexcitement,danger,orstimulationthatsuffusedifferent

spacesinthecityandcreatetheexperienceofwhaturbanismis”(13).Hedevelopsa

notionofurbansensoryexperiencethatcorrelateswithThriftandAmin’snotionin

the“urbanengineeringofpassions.”

LikeLarkin,Iconsidertheroleofinfrastructures,ofroadsforinstancein

Chapter1,tobothregulateandconstrainactivitieswhilealsoallowingawider

rangeofethicalandbeneficialactivitiestobeperformedbymembersofthis

community.AndinChapter3Iexaminehowlandmarkandgrandiosearchitectures

structuretheaspirationsoflaborersintheconstructionandinteriordesign

industries,bothpropellingtheirworkinDubaianddestabilizingtheirsocial

relations.Ihighlight,inotherwords,thediminishingandenablingeffectsofurban

infrastructuresonmodesofurbanworkandlife.

InArjunAppadurai’sinfluentialformationofmediascapes,imagesand

narrativesserveto“mediate”reality.Theseformsprovideconsumers—i.e.those

whoinhabitthemedialandscape—a“material”basisuponwhichtobuild“scripts”

forlife.Appaduraiespeciallysupposesthatthesemediatedformsallowconsumers

23

toscript“imaged”lives,ofthemselvesorofothers.BuildingonAppadurai’s

formulation,asetofstudieshavedescribedtheroleofmediatoamplifyand

proliferatespiritualpractices(forinstance,seetheeditedvolume,MeyerandMoors

2005).RosalindMorrisforinstancedescribeshowtheproliferationofmassmedia

inThailandallowed“mediumship”practicestobe“reborn,”andthatthe

“displacement”inherenttomediatedrepresentationsresonateswith,andprovidesa

metaphorfor,thespiritualdisplacementofthemedium’sbody(Morris2000,460,

465).ThoughbuildingonadifferentphilosophicaltraditionthanAppaduraidoes,

throughDerridaandLevinas,HentdeVriesfurtherextendsthishomologybetween

publicreligiousformsandmedia,arguingforthealwaysalready-mediatednatureof

religionas“manifest”intheworld(DeVries2001,28;seealsoHirschkind2011).

Theseformulationsontheresonanceofreligiousandspiritualformsinand

throughmediaishelpfultomyaccountofreligiousimageryinChapter2,asIargue

thatthepervasionofcellphones,andtheeaseofreligiousvideoandimageviewing

inspacesandtimesofleisure,allowworkingShiainDubaitheopportunityto

immersethemselvesinthecommemorationofKarbalaandHussain’smartyrdom.

EasyaccesstocellphonesandcomputersallowShiastoimmersethemselvesin

religiousmaterialsinworkandleisurespaces,andtobetterconductthemselvesas

Shiasineverydaylife.

Multipleoverlappingsystemsofinstability

Thephenomenonwherequalitiesofworklifecometodominatemigrantlife

inDubaireflectsother“totalizing”formsofstatecontrolandregulation.AsIdevelop

24

furtherinChapter5,thesecurityapparatusinDubaiworkstoprotectmaterialsin

theenvironmentthataredeemed“sensitive:”mosquesandhospitals,forinstance.

The“becoming-sensitive”ofmaterialsinDubaireflectsthematerialityandintimacy

oftherecordingstudio.IargueinChapter5howstudiospacesbecomecentralto

religiousproductionactivitiesinDubai,whereregulationsagainstpublicnoiseforce

performancesindoors.Comparabletothepresenceofthemicrophoneinthestudio,

publicspaceinDubaiisstrewnwithsensitivereceptorsofvariouskinds:static

fixturesintheenvironmentincludingpolicesurveillancecamerasandinstitutions

suchasmosques.Thesematerialsvibrateandbecomeagitatedastheyreceive

informationandimpulsesfromthepublicactivityofeverydaylife.Theirpresencein

theenvironmentfunctionstodisciplineactions,justasrecordingdevicesforce

disciplinedcontroloversoundproductiontechniquesinstudios.Theproliferation

ofintimateindoorspacesforreligiousactivityacrossandaroundDubai,especially

ofstudios,mirrorsthetransformationofpublicoutdoorspaceintoanenvironment

ofsensitivereception.

Secondly,considerthecentralmechanismbywhichkafālaoperatesinDubai.

Thissocial/laborregulatorysystemcapacitatescitizenstoregulateforeignlabor.

Thesecitizensaretherebyincorporatedintothebroadrentierclassandclientelist

frameworkofgovernancethatextendsfromtherulingfamily.Theexpansionofthe

rulingclasstoencompassothergroupsinthegeneralpopulationhasbeencalledthe

“clientizationofsociety”(Cammettetal.2015,329).Here,therulingclassstandsin

forandencompassessociety.

25

NehaVorahasarguedfortheexpansionoftheseclientelistwebsintothe

foreign(non-citizen)managerialclassaswell,inwhichsuchforeign-bornmanagers

standinandactfornativecitizensponsors,whothemselvesactforthestate(Vora

2013,14-15).Non-nativebusinessmanagersaregrantedrightstocontroltheirnon-

nativeemployeesviameanssuchasholdingpassportsandrefusingtotransfertheir

workrightstootherEmirates-basedemployers(93,110-111).Inexploringthe

experienceofmiddle-andmerchant-classIndiansinpresent-dayDubai,Vorathus

arguesforthefluidityandporosityofthecategoriesthatvanguardnational

belonging,aconditionbroadlyapplicabletotheGulfregion(6).Bydisavowing

identitytothenationinthejuridico-legalsense—whileperforming“citizenship”in

otherways—Vorasuggeststhatmembersofthemanagerialforeignresident

communityblurtheboundariesthatvanguardcitizenship(3).5

ThepatternsofgrowthparticulartoDubaiIhavethusfaroutlined,where

partsencompasswholes—theclientizationofsociety,the“studioization”ofpublic

space,andthebecomingworklifeoflife—reflectdevelopmentstrategiesparticular

toDubaiaimedatmanagingthethreatofbroadexternalglobalforcesof

destabilization.Dubai’scultivationofanenvironmentaroundworkandwealth-

seekingactivities,forinstance,functionstodelimitthefloweringofdisruptive

activities—politicalprotest,criminality,terrorism,forinstance—thatmaytakeroot

inconditionsofidlenessandboredom.Clientizationandstudioizationbothfunction

5ExcludedfromVora’smodelof“imaginedcitizenship,”assheacknowledges,isthevastnon-managerialforeignworkingclass,towhichthemajorityofmyresearchparticipantsbelong.WhileIbelievemyinformantswerelittleconcernedwith“nationalbelonging”perse,Iexplore,inthenextsubsectionbelowandinsubsequentchapters,sometheofpowerfulexternalforcesthatfunctiontofurtherdiminishthesalienceofclassboundaries.

26

tocontrolthecultural-criminalthreatassociatedwiththetrans-regionalmigrant

labormarket(Vora2013;Lori2011).IconsiderDubaianodeinasystemof

multipleoverlappingglobalforcesofdisruption.Theseforcesincludethe

transregionalflowoflaborandmoney,terrornetworksandthe“criminality”of

foreigners,andthedisruptiveforceofnaturalerosionparticulartodesert

environments.Iexploretheseforcesfurtherbelow,inlatersectionsofthis

introduction.Letmefirstconsider,however,howdestabilizingsystemsarethought

tointerconnectinaworldofrapidcapitalistexpansion.

Immanenceandglobalfragility

Voraexplainshowaneoliberalstate-projectlikeDubaiisnecessarilyone

whereparticipationintheeconomydoesnotguaranteeentryintoorprotectionsby

thestate.Wrestedfromstateregulations,“neoliberal”economiesarethusmore

alignedwiththenaturaldynamismandunpredictabilityofotheropensystems

seeminglybeyondhumancontrol.WilliamConnollydeemsthisacentralaspectof

“thecontemporaryfragilityofthings:”thealignmentandinteractionofvariousnon-

humansystems,suchasneoliberaleconomiesandtectonicplateactivity,for

instance.Evocatively,Connollyinvitesustoconsiderachainofconsequences.

Appreciatingfragilityintheworldleadsone—thepoliticaltheorist,forexample—to

rejectthenotionoftheworldasdesignedforhumans.Thisinturnallowsoneto

appreciatethe“impingement”ofnon-economicsystemsoneconomicandsociallife.

The“shocks”thatmarksuchinstancesofimpingementthengeneratenewwaysof

thinking,interpreting,andinterveningintheworld(Connolly2013,26,28-29).

27

Above,Idescriedthemultiplemodesbywhichmyresearchparticipants

ascribedmajbūrītoaspectsoftheirlifeexperiencesinDubai.Theconfluenceof

variousprecariousforces—ofinsidiouscriminalbehaviorandovercrowdedlabor

markets,forinstance—functionstodiminishbeliefinthepowerofdesigninnature,

orofman’smasteryovernature,Iargue.Inotedavarietyoffieldworkinteractions

inwhichinformantsappearedtohumblethemselvesinrelationtomightyforces

outsideoftheircontrol.Somewouldfancifullyorwhimsicallydescribedplansand

desirestoamassgreatwealth.Othersdiscussedandmarveledovertheluriddetails

ofrumoredcriminalevents.Oneguidedmethroughhislivingenvironmentwhile

bemoaningitsconstantstateofdisrepairandstructuralbreakdown,asituationtied

tothenefariouseffectsofsewagebasinsnearby,whosenoxiousfumes,when

windborne,delugedthehabitations.

Theorientationofmigrantstoglobalsystemsrecallsthefindingsofother

anthropologicalstudiesinpost-colonial“neoliberal”contexts,inwhichalienation

frommarketscreatesmysticalrelationsbetweenthelaborprocessandmodesof

accumulation(ComaroffandComaroff1999;Morris2000).Morespecifically,the

referentsofmyinformant’simaginativemusingshereareembeddedin

transregionalandglobalsystemsofinstability:thedevelopmenteconomy,thewar

onterror,themovementofgoodsandpeopleacrossnavigablewaterways,the

dynamicmovementofwindsweptsands.Ultimately,thecontemporaryconditionof

multipleforce-fieldsthatdefymasteryhastheeffectoflevelingtheplayingfield.

Givenradicaluncertaintyaboutthefuture—especiallyinplaceslikeDubai—the

28

manager,theoilexecutive,theroyalfamilymembers,allfaceadiminishedcapacity

tobeplannersor“masters.”

Ruptures,crashes,shocks,anddisruptionsinthesesystems,eitheractualor

potential,createnewsocialities—modesofthinkingandacting—withinShiaand

migrantexperience,Iargue.Furthermore,Ifindthatgiventhesharedhelplessness

commontoalllevelsintheeconomic/socialhierarchy,thedistinctionbetween

managersandnon-managerslosesitssalienceandfixity,andthuseffectsamore

radicaldiminishmentofboundariesthanthatwhichVoraproposes,Ifind.Thevast

wealthdisparityintheEmirateitselfrestsonsurrealdesignsandemblemsof

excess—fantasticconstructionprojects,forinstance(Davis2006).Thedrivefor

wealth,asrendereduponthecityscapeitself,isextraordinary,unstable,anddefies

mastery.Rapidcyclesofboomandbustmakeclassboundariesfluid,fosteringthe

optimismandaspirationofmanylow-incomeSouthAsianworkersIencounteredin

fieldresearch,thattheymightsoonandrapidlygaingreatwealth.

Precariouslife/molecularmovements

Takentogether,arangeofethnographicliteratureonprecarityrevealhow

precariouslivesareboundbyanunstableenergy:bycyclesofwaxingandwaning.

Accountsdepictprecariousexistencesthattendalternatelytowardactionor

inaction,movementorstasis,enduranceorexhaustion,accelerationordeceleration,

lifeordeath.AnnAllisonhasprovidedadetailedethnographicaccountofthe

“sociallywithdrawn”inJapan:oftheirexperiencesofeconomicprecarityas

diminishmentandinaction,tendingtowarddeath(Allison2013,2-3).LikeConnolly,

29

andmyownperspectiveonlifeinDubai,Allisonsupposesthatprecarityinonearea

oflife—forinstanceinuncertainworkarrangements—producesprecarity

elsewhere.Iteffectsthediminishmentofone’sability,forinstance,toprovidefor

one’sfamily,orto“findtheenergytokeepgoing”(9).JoaoBiehlhasalsodescribed

theexperienceofthoseinterredin“zonesofsocialabandonment”inBrazil,awaiting

death.Biehltrackshowmanyengagelanguageandthematerialworldasformsof

actioninthefaceofdeath,topreservetiestolifeoutside,to“dosomethingwith

whatisleftoftheirexistence”(Biehl2013,42,myemphasis).

ElizabethPovinellihighlightstheoscillationbetweenenduranceand

exhaustioninprecariousexperiences.InherEconomiesofAbandonment,for

instance,shereferencesafilm,KillerofSheep,andthethemeoftheenduranceof

African-Americanlifeinthefaceofeconomicstrifeandmechanicalbreak-down.

Here,Povinellihighlightshowlabor—thereconstructionofacarfromparts,for

instance—effectsatransformationofabodyintosomething“lessexhausted,

alienated,andnumb,”overcominginstitutionalobstaclestothemobilityofvarious

economicunderclasses(Povinelli2011,102).Similarly,inKathleenStewart’s

OrdinaryAffects,onereclusiveandimpoverishedruralfamilyisdrawnoutby

tauntingyouthsfromthemore-affluentsurroundingcommunity,inaconfrontation

thatthreatensviolence.Here,anoutwardlysedentarylifebecomesquicklycharged

withanimus,illustratingforStewarthowordinaryaffectsarebothunstableand

active,siteswhereforcesmaysuddenlygainpotency(Stewart2007,13-14).

Livesunderconditionsofeconomicprecarity,ill-health,orviolenceoften

embraceactivitywhilebeinghauntedbythespecterofimminentdeathorrupture.

30

InDubai,forinstance,employmentsecurestherighttoreside,whileitsdisruption

maylikelyforceone’ssuddendeparture—viadeportationoritsthreat.WhileI

arguethattheformsofmigrantlifeIobservedinDubaiarenot“bare”inthe

Agambaniansense(Agamben1998)—akeyreferencepointinPovinelli’s

formulationsofprecariouslife—theyareoftenhauntedbytheenduringthreatof

beingundone.Asdescribedintheopeningsectionsabove,Iseetheseconditions

underscoringtheactivitiesofNabil,Saad,andTamir.

Myownethnographythusreflectsthequalityofinstabilityinprecariouslife

reflectedinliteratureIhighlight.Ialsoexpandonthisliteraturebyconsidering

moreholisticallythemutualimbricationofindividualpreciouslivesandunstable

systems.Inote,forinstance,thatprecariousmigrantlifeinDubaiismicrocosmicthe

“life”oftheEmirateitself:caughtbetweenrapidtemposofgrowthandthe

imminentthreatofcollapse,onthevergeofsuddenaccelerationsand

disintegrations.6BrianMassumihascalledattentiontothemutuallyimpacting

energyofindividualsandsystems,followingAlfredNorthWhitehead.Theindividual

takes“somethingoftheworld’sgeneralactivityintoitsownspecialactivity”

(Massumi2011,28).

Strongsecuritystatesareunderminedbymolecularinsecuritieswhich

“thwartandbreakthrough”theboundariesofthestate,aswellasthoseinternalto

theorganization:classcategories,forinstance.Here,DeleuzeandGuattariinviteus

toconsidertheroleoftheindividualterrorist—“thereisalwaysaPalestinian,

6Thishasbeenformulated,forinstance,withrespecttothe“skyscraperindex”theory,oftheimpactofmassiveurbanconstructionprojectsontheperformanceofeconomicmarkets,asIdescribefurtherinChapter3below.

31

Basque,orCorsican”—whowouldeffectadestabilizationof“regionalsecurity”

(DeleuzeandGuattari2004,216).Further,thelinesthatsegment“molar”society

internallyarereplacedbyvariousquantumflows:thecirculationofmoneyfor

instance—whichbreakthroughandcutacrossdemarcatedclasscategories.

Ordinaryaffectsaresimilarlymolecular,itseems:thingsthatoscillateinandoutof

established“wholes,”butarethemselvesfragmentary(Stewart2007,6).

AdoptingtheperspectiveofMassumiandDeleuzeandGuattari,then,we

acceptthatprecariousexistencehasthecharacterofmolecular(ormicropolitical)

activity.Molecularmicroactivitycrystalizesandalsoreshapesandexceeds

segmentarymolarstructures.Thisdissertationtracesavarietyofindividual

activitiesthatdrawontheenergyofsystemswhilebeingexternaltothem.Itrack

movement—ofwork,leisureactivity,rumors—thatisbothcreativeandprecarious:

onthevergeofbeinginterrupted.

Dubai:Nodeofglobaluncertainty

Dubai’sstateregulatoryapparatusalternatelyfunctionstobothguard

againstandprofitfromthedestabilizingeffectsofglobalandtrans-regionalflows.A

varietyofscholarlyliteratureonDubaiidentifythetensionbetweensecuritization,

militarization,andlaissezfaireeconomicsasanenduringaspectoftheEmirate’s

historicaldevelopmentandpresent-dayidentity(Davidson2008b;Kanna2011;

Vora2013).TheDubaiport’searlydevelopmentoccurred,forinstance,inatimeof

greatcompetitionwithnorthernrimGulfportssuchasBanderAbbasinIran,

around1900.Dubai’srulersoptedforaninformalandlightlyregulatedsystemof

32

tradingbasedontheconceptofhawāla,inwhichtransactionsrelyon“personal

connections”(Davidson2008a,149)—asystemtypicaltoIndianOceantrading

practicesatthetime(Martin2009,914-915).Inthetwenty-firstcentury,hawālais

oftenassociated,especiallythroughpressreports,withthescourgeoframpant

moneylaunderingintheGulfregion,includingfundslinkedtoterrorist

organizations.ReformsenactedshortlyafterSeptember11,2001haveledtosome

highprofilearrestsandinterventions,buthavelittleaffectedDubai’scultureof

informallending(Davidson2008a,149-151).Thisresearchseestheinformal

lendingpracticesinsidethisIndo-PakistanimigrantcommunityinDubaiasanother

legacyofhawālaintheregion.InChapter3below,Iexplorehowmembersofthe

immigrantShiacommunityinDubaiusemeansofinformalagreementtotransact

loansamongthemselves.

Inparttocounteractthethreatofterroristactivity—financialandnot—

U.A.E.investsheavilyindefense.Itiscurrentlyoneofeightcountriesgloballyto

exceedtheUnitedStatesindefensespendingasapercentageofGDP.(FellowGulf

CooperationCouncilmemberstatesOmanandSaudiArabiaarealsointhis

category.)7Sincethe“ArabSpring”seriesofpopularuprisingsintheMiddleEast,

Gulfstateshaveincreasinglyinvestedmilitarilytomaintainregionalstability.A

varietyofpolicingpracticesaimtocontainaculturalandcriminalforeignthreat.

7WorldBank.2012.Availableonline[accessedMay12,2016]:http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.GD.ZS

33

That“threat”ispartlyregisteredbymagnitude:thenon-nationalpopulation

comprises89%ofthetotalU.A.E.population.8

Dubainodalstatusrelatestoitsroleintheglobaleconomyasanentrepôt,

beingapointofconversionforgoodsandcapitalflowingespeciallyfromAsiatothe

Americas.InChapter3IdescribeameetingIoncehadwithabusinessmanwho

describedhisplantodevelopatransnationalgoods-shippingbusinessbetween

IndiaandtheUnitedStates,usingDubaiasawaystationinthemanufacturingand

shippingprocess.Dubaihaspositioneditselfasare-exportentrepôtsincetheearly

twentiethcentury,whenPersiantradersoperatinginsouthernIransuddenlyfaced

newincreasedcustomstaxes(Davidson2007,34-35).Aconvergenceofcrippling

UnitedStatessanctionsonIranandwarmingpoliticalrelationswithGulfcountries

ingeneralhasrecentlyledtoDubai’sprominentroleinre-exportinggoodsfrom

WesterncountriestoIran(Habibi2010,1-2).

SuchanarrangementhighlightsoneexampleofhowDubaiisthoughtto

profitfromregionalpoliticalinstabilities.Additionally,Gulfstates,includingthe

U.A.E.,haveservedasaspringboardforoperationsoftheAmerican-ledWaron

TerrorintheMiddleEastregion(Davis2006,58).Also,thoughDubaiproducesfar

lessoilthanitsneighborsAbuDhabi,Oman,andSaudiArabia,itbenefitsfrom

investmentsinconstructionandotherdevelopmentinitiativesfromitsregional

partners,andthereforebenefitsfromuncertaintiesinglobaloilproductionand

occasionaloilshocksthatsendpriceshigh.Inthisway,Dubai’seconomyisnot

8GulfResearchCenter.2015.Demography,Migration,andtheLabourMarketintheU.A.E.,pg.8.Availableonline[accessedMay12,2016]:http://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/36375/GLMM_ExpNote_07_2015.pdf

34

merelyconnectedtoglobaltradeandtrends,butisspecificallyattunedtoglobal

disruptions.

Forcesparticulartotheregion’sdesertecologyarealsodisruptive.Dubai

constructionoperatesinrelationtotheimpermanenceandfluidityofsandinthe

landscape.AsMikeDavisnotes,largeDubaiconstructionprojectsareoften

measuredintermsofthetotalcubicfeetofsandtheydisplace(Davis2006,55).The

Emirateinvestsinthewide-scaleregularremovalofsandfromstreetsand

sidewalk.9Thelandscape’sfluidity,tiedpartlytowindsthatbuildovertheArabian

Sea,makesitmorecloselyresembleseascape.Thedissolutionoflandandseacasts

Dubaiasanislandinanarchipelagoofcities,adominantimageintheconfiguration

ofpre-19thcenturyvisionsoftheglobaleconomy(Braudel1984,30;Abu-Lughod

1991,353).

KeyanthropologicalstudiesoftribalandBedouinpoetictraditionsinthe

MiddleEastrevealametaphoricsofthedesertasexpansiveandindefinite.LilaAbu

LughodmemorablyarrivedinthecoastregionofEgypt’sWesternDesertonlyyears

afterherresearchcommunityofBedouinnomadsdiscontinuedtheirannual

seasonalmigrationintothedesert.Still,theyspoketotheanthropologistfondly

abouttheplace,configuredthroughmemoriesastherelativelyformless“inland‘up-

country:’”ofdryfoods,game,and“grassessodelectabletothegazelle”(Abu-Lughod

92015.“Bee’ah’sStreetFleet.”CleanMiddleEast,October:30-34.Availableonline[accessedMarch28,2016]:http://www.cleanmiddleeast.ae/articles/692/bee-ah-s-street-fleet.htmlRao,Shreenivasa.“Road/StreetCleaning:LoadsOfPressureStirsUpChallengingEnvironment.”CleanMiddleEast.Availableonline[accessedMarch28,2016]:http://www.cleanmiddleeast.ae/articles/578/road-street-cleaning-loads-of-pressure-stirs-up-challenging-environment.htmlKazmi,Aftab.2012.“Clean-upunderwayaftersandstormhitsUAE.”GulfNews,February28.Availableonline[accessedMarch28,2016].

35

1999,40).Exploringspatialmetaphorsandpoliticalrhetoricinthepoetictraditions

oftribalHighlandYemen,StevenCatonhighlightsavarietyofversesthatreference

thedesert’svastness.Oneconfiguresthetraveler’sviewofadistantseascape,which

oncloserinspectionisrevealedtobeamirage:ametaphor,Catonexplains,forthe

people’slackofpoliticalstaminainwar(Caton1990,202).Theconvergenceof

imagesofseaanddesertreflectsametaphoricsofexpansivenesscommontothem.

Inshort,Dubaiisalternatelydestabilizedandenrichedbytheenergyof

cross-cuttingtrans-regionalandglobalsystems.Totheextentthattheseforcesare

cultivatedandharnessedbylaissezfairepolicies,theyunderlietheproductsof

deregulation:institutionssuchasinformallending,andpervasivetechnologiessuch

asvideo-streamingmobilephones.Manifestedthroughtheseproducts,theseglobal

forcesshapemigrantlifeandhelpfacilitatetheintegrationofworkroutinesand

rhythmsintonon-workactivitiesandstructures:reorientingengagementwith

religiousritualsandreconfiguringkinandfriendrelationsviathequalitative

experienceofwork,forinstance.Theseglobalforcesconformindividualactivitiesas

anextensionofthesaturationofmarketsandphysicalenvironments,notasatop-

downmanifestationofpoliticalorsocialpower.Iexplorethesemechanismsand

outcomesmorefullyinthechaptersthatfollow.

Anintroductiontothecoreresearchcommunity

Thechaptersthatfollowrepresentaseriesofinterrogationsinto

configurationsofwork,religious,andsocialactivityforaminorityMuslim

communityinDubai.Roughlytwodozencharacterspopulatetheethnographythat

36

formsthecenterofthisdissertation.Amongthemaresomeofmyclosestcontacts

frommycoreresearchinDubai,overfifteenmonthsbetween2010-2012.I

recordedoverfiftypseudonymsinmyfieldnotebook.Allareapartofadiverse

Urdu-speakingShiacommunityinDubai,someofwhommigratedasearlyasforty

yearsago.TheycametoDubaifromEastAfrica,Afghanistan,Pakistan,andIndia:

placessuchasDar-es-Salaam,Mombasa,Karachi,Parachinar,Islamabad,

Rawalpindi,Bombay,Bangalore,Lucknow,Hallaur,andAllahabad.Indeedsomeof

theseplacesarefiguresintheethnographyaswell.

Throughthisdissertationandresearch,Iconceivemyselfconstructingan

ethnographyofaplace—ofaphysical“nexus”ofShiaactivityinDubai—andthe

peoplewhopassthroughit.Myethnographyilluminateshowpeopleexperiencethis

place,andtracesrelatedpersonalexperiencesoftheseindividualsoutwardfrom

there,intootherdomainsandspacesoftheirlives.ThisnexusofShiaactivityis

situatednearthephysicalcenterofDubaicity:asprawlingurbanareathatoccupies

approximatelyone-thirdofthetotalareaoftheEmirate’s1500squaremiles.By

comparisonNewYorkCity’stotallandareais303squaremiles.Thelocalityatthe

centerofmyresearchisanchoredaroundadimly-litcommercialsidestreet.The

streetiscappedatoneendbyadividedmainroadwithupmarketshopsanda

luxuryhotel,andattheotherbyonopenunlitsandlot.Socialandreligiousactivities

formembersoftheShiacommunityweresituatedaroundoneShiamosqueandan

adjacentimāmbārgāh:acommunitygatheringandreligiousworshipcenter.

Ihaveinmindamapofthestreet:ononecorneracrossfromthe

imāmbārgāhwasatailor’sshop,andthereayoungPakistanitailor’sapprenticewho

37

sometimesaccompaniedmeandothersoncharityfooddeliverydrives.Acrossfrom

themosqueabarbershop,wherepoetswouldsometimesplaytheirnewDVDsof

dramaticpoeticrecitationsinUrduforfriends,onthewall-mountedTV.(Atmost

othertimes,theTVtypicallyplayedanendlessseriesofPakistanisoapoperasand

comedyshows.)AChaistalloperatedbyyoungBanglamenalsoacrossfromthe

mosque,andaPakistanirestaurantfurtheruptheroad.Thismixedcommercial-

residentlow-riselocalewascosmopolitan.Publicandcommercialspacewasshared

mostlybetweenthosefrequentedSouthAsianSunniestablishments—includinga

Sunnimosqueclosertotheupmarketendofthestreet,aswellasFilipino-occupied

homesandbusinesses,suchasbeautysalons.Someinmyresearchcommunity

describedformetheirillicitsexualrelationshipswithFilipinawomen,commenting

quietlytoeachotherwhenyoungFilipinomenandwomenpassed.Othersdescribed

aprocessoffindingaFilipinawillingtoconverttoIslam,andthenmarryingher,all

whilemaintaininganotherwifeandfamilybackhomeinPakistan.

Inthisdissertation,IconstructanimageofDubaithatIhopewouldbe

familiartomyresearchparticipants.Iplacethisimpressioninrelationtoother

impressionsofDubaithathaveemergedfromotherrecentresearchstudies,

particularlythosethatconsidermigrantexperiences.Myaccountbothreinforces

andreshapessomedominantthematicunderstandingsofDubai—forinstance,

Dubaiasneoliberal“dreamworld”(Davis2006)orsiteofneoliberal“exception”

(Kanna2011;Vora2013)—thatemergethroughotherstudies.Iconsidervarious

assessmentsofDubaias“neoliberal”morefullyinadiscussioninChapter5.Irecast

centralcontradictionsofmigranteconomiclifeinDubai—betweenexperiences

38

conformedthroughthe“repression”ofthestrongstatesecurityapparatusand

through“access”tofreemarkets—whileunderscoringthecentralitytothat

experienceoflifein“post-boom”post-2009Dubai.

Crucialtothedefinitionofmyresearchsubjectandtargetcommunity,then,

isafreedomofmovement.Peoplewhoattendprayerandmajlisgatheringsatthe

imāmbārgāhandmosqueIdescribeareabletodosogivensufficiently-favorable

logisticalrealities,termsofemployment,andpersonalresources.Thefewworkers

housedincompanyaccommodationwhoIchroniclehere—forinstance,Nadimand

Imran—areabletoattendgatheringsbyvirtueoftheircamp’scloseproximitytothe

imāmbārgāhandmosque.Mystudy,inotherwords,doesnotandcannotspeakin

first-handdetailtotheexperienceofthelargepopulationofSouthAsianmigrant

workershousedatdistantlaborcamps.Membersofthiscategoryhavebeen

chronicledinotherstudiesthathaveemphasizeddifferentaspectsofmigrant

experience.MichelleBuckley,forinstance,haschronicledaseriesofworkers’

protests—bothinpublicandinthecampsthemselves—inreactiontowithheld

wagesandpoorcampinfrastructure(Buckley2013,265).ThemigrantexperiencesI

followedinthisresearchwerestructuredbydifferentconfigurationsoflife.The

migrantworkerswhocomprisemyethnographyenjoyedagreaterautonomyof

movementandflexibilityoutsideofthelaborcamp-worksitedyad.

WhilesomeworkedforlargeemployersinDubai,insectorssuchasmaritime

tradeandinternationalbanking,manyothersworkedforsmallbusinesses.Asgar

forinstancewasaclericalassistantforasmallaccountingfirm,whileSaadwasa

salesmanatasmallcosmeticsshop.Stillothers—forinstanceKadirandLatif—ran

39

theirownbusinesses,inconstructionandtechnicalservicesrespectively.MembersI

encounteredinresearchwereemployedinawiderangeofoccupationsacrossa

varietyofindustries,including:taxidriver,privatecardriver,lighttruckoperator,

tailor’sapprentice,barber,restaurantmanager,environmentalsafetyofficer,car

salesman,airportmaintenancecrew,medicaltechnician,realestateagent,

informationtechnologyspecialist,andindustrialmachinist.

Situatingmyselfatthisphysicalcenterofsocialgatheringandreligious

activity,formemberswhotogethercomprisedasubsetoftheDubai’sShia

community,Ifollowedamethodofbuildingoninitialcontactstoexpandmy

networkofresearchparticipantsoutward.Thismethodmostcloselyresembles

“snowballsampling,”morefamiliarinthedisciplineofsociology,asawayofusing

informants’ownsocialnetworkstorecruitnewparticipants.Asmynetworkof

researchparticipantsgrewoverthecourseoffifteenmonthsinDubai,Idevelopeda

pictorialrepresentationofthewebofrelationsononepageofmyresearch

notebook.AtthecenteroftherepresentationwasNadimandSaad,throughwhose

introductionsIestablishednumerousadditionalresearchparticipants.

OverthecourseofmyresearchamongthiscommunityinDubai,Icounted

onewomanasaresearchparticipant.AsaconservativeMuslimcommunity,Ihad

littlechancetomeetwomen:thewivesandadultdaughtersofthemenI

interviewedandspenttimewith.AsIdescribeingreaterdetailinthenextchapter,

manyintheKhojacommunitywerelong-term(10-40year)residentslivedwith

theirfullfamilies—spousesandchildren—inDubai.Sharif,aworkerinhismid-

thirtiesfromIslamabad,hadalsobroughthiswifeandtwodaughterstoDubai,

40

wheretheyalllivedtogetherinarentedroomneartheimāmbārgāh.Latifhadawife

backhomeinhisvillageinPakistan’stribalregion(FATA).10Nadimwasalsoinhis

earlythirtiesbutunmarried.Hecitedhisparents’desiretoarrangehismarriageas

onereasoncompellinghimtoreturnhometohisnorthIndiancityinSeptember

2012.

AsIhavestressed,thisresearchfocusesonadiverseShiamigrant/

immigrantcommunityofSouthAsianheritage.Withinthisgroup,Inotedthrough

myresearchthatamajorityofmykeyparticipantsfellintooneofthreemainethnic

“categories”orcommunalidentities.ThefirstwasthecommunityofSayyidShias:

thosewhoclaimlinealdescentfromtheProphetMuhammadthroughoneofthe

twelveShiaImams.Manydescribedtomewrittengenealogiesthattheykeptin

theirhomesinPakistanandIndia.Onedisplayedhisshajara,or“familytree,”forme

duringoneinterviewinDubai.IdescribethisepisodeingreaterdetailinChapter1.

TheSayyidShiasImetinDubaiwerenativetoawiderangeoflocalities

acrossbothIndiaandPakistan.TheytypicallyspokeUrduoraHindi-Urdudialectas

theirfirstlanguage.AsIdescribefurtherinChapters1and3,SayyidsintheShia

communityholdanelitestatus,whichoccasionallyregisteredassenseof

superiorityastheybuiltbusinessandsocialrelationshipsinthisdiverseSouth

AsianShiacommunityinDubai.ManytookthenameoftheparticularShiaImam

throughwhichtheirgenealogicallinedescendedastheirownsurname.

Asecondcategorywerethoseparticipantswhodescribedthemselvesas

Pathan,andmostofwhomspokePashtoinadditiontoUrdu,andhadvarying

10FATAisanacronymthatstandsforFederallyAdministeredTribalAreas.

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degreesofEnglishproficiency.Pathans—sometimesAnglicizedas“Pashtuns”from

thePashtowordPaṣhtūn11—areanethicgroupnativetoregionsofeastern

AfghanistanandwesternandnorthwesternPakistan.SimilartotheSayyid

community,PathansassumeshareddescentthroughacommonancestorQais,a

descentwhichthecolonialadministrator-turned-historianOlafCaroedescribesas

“mythical”incharacter(Caroe1958,9).InChapter4Idescribefurtherhow

individualinformantsbelongtotribesandgroupswhoseidentitiesareattachedto

specificdescendantsofQais.Ialsodescribehowthecontemporarymigrationof

PathanstoDubaibuildsonalongerhistoryofout-migrationofpeopleespecially

fromunfarmableanddryregionsofWesternPakistanandEasternAfghanistan,

seekingworkintheurbancentersofSouthAsiaandtheMiddleEast(seefurther

Nichols2008).

ThethirdethniccategoryistheKhojacommunity,whosemembersoperated

thepopularimāmbārgāhatthecenterofmyresearch.Historically,theKhojashave

beenpopularlyknownforhaving“syncretic”(Asani2001,159)and“heterodox”

(Solanki2011,292-293)religioustraditions;theyareacommunitythathistorian

FaisalDevjihascalled“aVaishnavpanth,aSufiorder,atrader’sguildandacaste”

(Devji1987,49).Mosthistoriespointtotheirgradualconversiontoa“Persian

(Ismaeli)varietyofIslam”beginninginthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies,

havingbeenpriortothat“anestablishedHindutradingcommunityinWestern

India”(Mallampalli2010,1057;seealsoAsani2011,97-98).Asaconsequenceof

11Etymologically,thecolonialadministrator-turned-historianOlafCaroeremarks“theappellationPathanistheIndianvariantofPukhtanah,thepluralofPakhtun”(Caroe1958,xv).TheUrduspellingPaṭhān,withtheadditionoftheretroflex“te,”suggeststheHindi-izationoftheloanword.InPashtoorthography,theequivalentwordisRomanizedbyALA-LCconventionsasPaṣhtūn

42

theirheterodoxpast,manyinthecommunitywhomImetinDubaihadsurnames

associatedwithHinducastes,asInoteinChapter1.Furthermore,asahistorically

wealthyitinerantmerchantcommunity,12andgiventheprominenceoftheDubai

imāmbārgāhthatthecommunityoperates,InotedthatKhojasoccupyelitestatusin

theSouthAsianShiacommunityinDubai.Iexplorethisespeciallyinthefinal

sectionofChapter5.

Focusingcloselyonthissiteofreligiousactivity,asanexusforotherformsof

activitythatmyresearchsubjectsengagedinthroughtheireverydaylivesinDubai,

IhavedevelopedthroughthisresearchapictureofShiaexperiencemoregenerally

inDubai.InChapter5Itracesomeofthehistoryofthiscommunityinrelationto,

andintensionwith,thedominantconservativeformofSunniIslampracticedinthe

region,especiallyinSaudiArabia.ThisformisalternatelyknownasWahhabismor

Salafism,andoftenglossedas“fundamentalist”Islam.TheoverallShiacommunityis

diverse,andinternalbreaksdownbetweensub-factions(Ithnā‘ashariandIsmāʿīlī,

Arabic,Farsi,Urdu,English-speaking).Onecommunitygatheringsiteincentral

Dubaifunctionedtohostlargespecialevents—especiallymarriagesand

funeral/remembranceservicesinthecommunity—andthusfosteredintermixing

betweensub-factionsinthecommunity.SincetheShiapopulationoverallisina

minority—andmarginalizedinwaysIdescribefurtherinChapter5—someofmy

analysisabouttheinteriorizationofcommunityactivitiescanbeascribedtoShia

experiencegenerallyinDubai.

12Idiscussthishistoryofmigration,especiallyintheIndianOceanregion,inChapter1.Seefurther(Markovits2008).

43

TheoverallsizeoftheShiacommunityinDubai,andthesubsetofSouth

Asianheritage,isdifficulttoestimate.Officialreligiousdemographiccensusfigures

arenotmadepublicbytheU.A.E.government,thoughsomeestimatesindicateShias

comprise15%ofthenativepopulation.13ThecombinedIndianandPakistani

populationoftheU.A.E.totalapproximatelyhalfofthetotalpopulation,or4.1

million.14Subtractingtheroughly500,000Hindupopulation15largelyfromthe

Indiandiaspora,weestimate3.6millionareIndianorPakistaniMuslim.Assuming

theShia/Sunniratiowithinthisdemographicapproximatestheratiothatexistsin

bothIndiaandPakistan(10-15%and85-90%),16Ipresumethatroughly450,000

IndianandPakistaniShiasliveinU.A.E.

Toquantifythecommunityinanotherway,duringmytimeinDubaiforthis

research,communitymemberswouldbeturnedawayattheimāmbārgāh’sdooron

thenightsʻĀshūrāandĆehlum,andImām‘AlīShahādat(Imām‘Alī’smartyrdom

anniversary)oncecapacityinsidewasreached.InSouthAsianvenues,overflow

crowdsareusuallyaccommodatedinopenspaceoutdoorareas,oftenwiththe

ceremonyeventsprojectedandamplifiedviaclosedcircuittelevisionandspeakers.

Thetraditionofaccommodatinglargecrowdsformajoreventsinthereligious

calendaryearextendsfromthegeneralIslamicinstitutionofthe‘ĪdgahinSouth

Asia,forinstance—thatis,alargeopenareareservedforonce-yearlymorning

prayersontheoccasionof‘Īdal-Fitr̤.ThelimitationsonShiasintheGulfreflectsthe

13U.S.DepartmentofState,2011,“UnitedArabEmirates,”InternationalReligiousFreedomReport.14EncyclopediaBritannica,2014,“UnitedArabEmirates,”WorldData.15PewResearchCenter’sReligion&PublicLifeProject,2012,“Table:ReligiousCompositionbyCountry,inNumbers.”16PewResearchCenter’sForumonReligion&PublicLife,2009,“EstimatedPercentageRangeofShiabyCountry,”MappingtheGlobalMuslimPopulation.

44

dominanceofSunniheritageinthenativepopulation,andanxietyaboutpresumed

politicalloyaltiesofGulfShiatothereligiousleadershipinIran(Louër2008,4).The

overflowcrowdsalsospeaktothechallengecommunityleadersfacetoexpand

indoorspacestoaccommodatethegrowingcommunity.

Anoutlinetothisdissertation

Thechaptersbeloweachaimtotellastorythatfeaturesa)auniquesubsetof

keycharactersfromthecommunity,andb)aparticularconfigurationofinnovative

socialorreligiousaction.Eachchapterfocusesonauniquequalityofdowntime

experiencethatiseffectedbytheethicsofworklifeandreligiouspractice,whichI

glossas“efficiency”(Chapter1),“excess”(Chapter2),“aspiration”(Chapter3),

“anxiety”(Chapter4),and“constraint”(Chapter5).

Chapter1focusesonthepreoccupationamongafewresearchparticipants

toinvestactionsandmaterialsineverydaylifeanddowntimewithfāʼida(“benefit”)

ors̤awāb(“spiritualbenefit”).Whiletheseethicsarealignedwiththeendeavortobe

agoodMuslim,theyalsochannelenergyfromtheimperativesandrhythmsofwork.

Onekeyparticipant—Nadim—workedadangerousindustrialjobandoftenbragged

abouttheriskshefaced.Theoutdoordaytimeworkrequiredvigilanceandphysical

poise,andexhaustedhim.StillhehelpedleadavarietyofinitiativeswithintheShia

communitytooutreachtothebroaderDubaicommunity,includingblooddonation

drivesandfooddistributiontoworkersatoutlyinglaborcamps.Iexploreinthis

chapterhowactions—regardlessoftheirsizeandcoordination—maybemade

beneficial,andhowthisspiritofdowntimeactivitydrawsontheactivityofwork.

45

Chapter2focusesontheactivitiesofagroupofyoungworkingPakistani

menwhopursuevisceralreligiousexperiencesprimarilythroughimages,and

secondarilyatpublicenclosedgatherings.Iexaminehowrestrictionsonthesize

andnoiselevelsofpublicgatheringslimitpractitioners’abilitytorituallyperform

mātam17inDubai.Nonetheless,thereadilyavailableandaccessible

telecommunicationtechnologiesandinfrastructures—aswellastherhythms,

imperatives,andtechnologiesofcertainkindsofofficework—allowformore

pervasivepresenceandseamlessintegrationofvisceralimagesineverydaylifeand

worklife,ascomparedtoPakistan,wherelivegatheringsarepopular,frequent,and

widespread.Thecheapavailabilityofmobilephoneandinternetconnectivityarea

legacyoftheflowofglobalproductionforcesthroughDubai,andreflectitsentrepôt

status.SimilartoathemeIdevelopinChapter5aroundsoundproduction,“tastes”

inbodilyritualperformancecorrelatetoassumptionsaboutthesocialandclass

identitiesofindividuals.InthepolyglotSouthAsianShiacommunityInavigatedin

Dubai,somesoughttolimittheircontactwiththeseindividuals,referencingtheir

inabilitytocontroltheircompulsions—forbothmātamandmoney.Thechapter

featuresportraitsoftwokeyindividualswhocultivateanethicof“managedexcess”

toengagewithworklifestrugglesandwithvisceralreligiousimageryonline.

Chapter3followsthequestforwealthamongmembersofonesmall

business.Ifocusonhowmembersaccountfortheirbusinessneedsandgoals

monetarily,andexaminethesenseofdesperationthatpervadestheirdowntime

activitiesastheirbusinessperpetuallystrugglestoturnaprofit.Inparticular,I

17AShiapoeticformassociatedwithrhythmicchest-beating.

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examinehowthegroup’sleaderdrawsonawidenetworkofkinandfriendsto

securevarioussumsofmoneyvialoans:aquestthatoftendestabilizesthose

relations.Giventheclimateofdesperatestrivingtosucceedinthemigrant

community,coupledwithDubai’s“entrepreneurial”workethicandhistoryof

informallendingstructures,IexplorehowkinrelationsaremonetizedinDubai,in

waysthatareseentocorrupttheethicalstandardsofthecommunityparticularto

IndiaandPakistan.Theethicof“striving”theycultivateintheirwork,inother

words,conformsdowntimeactivitiesaswell,andreworksandsometimesimperils

kinandfriendrelations.

Chapters4and5focusontheformsofdowntimeexpressionshapedbyan

environmentofurgency.InChapter4,Itracevariousexpressionsofanxieties

relatedtolifeinPakistan,viastoriestiedtocriminalandterroristactivities.Stories

heredrawtogetherachorusofanxieties—aboutlurkingsecuritythreatsand

invisibleregulatoryforces—andtakerootintheemptiedspacesofnon-work.One

latemiddle-ageunemployedjobseekernarratedformeinvividdetailatraumatic

abductionexperienceinPakistan’sunstablefrontierregion.Inanother

conversation,situatedagainsttheforegroundofavacantsandylotthatservedas

overflowparkingforamosque,twolow-wageworkersconsideredparallelsinthe

luriddetailsofunusualcriminaleventsinDubaiandPakistan.Inoneway,Isuggest

thatthestoriesaregroundedinvividandverifiabledetailsthatbuildsonthe

imperativetoobeyrulesinDubai.Moregenerally,Iexplorehowtheevacuationof

spaceandslowedrhythmoflifeallowsforanethicofexplorativeruminationon

painfulexperiencesviastorytelling.Throughcrimestorytelling,Ishowhowmigrant

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workersprojectanxietiesaboutconcealedcrimesinDubaiontomemoriesofpast

first-experiencesofviolenceinPakistan.

Chapter5partlyfeaturestheeffortsofonereligiouspoetryreciter—Saad—

toadaptthestylesandconventionsofliveperformancetothedemandsofstudio

recording.Ifocusespeciallyonhisinteractionsinthestudiowithavarietyofaudio

productionengineers,or“recordists,”andwithotherreciters.Thedemandsof

reciters’andrecordists’dayjobsleaveverylittletimeforstudiowork.Still,the

abilitytoschedulerecordingtimesonoccasionaldaysoffandovernightmakes

recordingamoreaccessibleandflexibleactivitythanpublicperformance.Aswith

themātamperformancesexploredinChapter2,civicregulationsinDubailimit

publicgatheringswherenōḥē18areperformed.Iexplorehowworkdemandsand

civicregulationsinDubaiforcereligiouspoetryperformanceexperiencesinto

tightly-definedtimeframesandcontainedinteriorstudiospaces.Iseeanethicof

“constraint”hereasaparticularmigrantmodeofmanagingspaceandconducting

one’slifeinlightofregulationsofspaceinDubai.Inmyanalysis,thedriveto

partitionspaceisamigrantstrategyofcreativityandresourcefulnessconsistent

withimperativestocontainandisolatebothformsofnoiseandShiareligious

activities,percivicregulationsandpoliceenforcementpractices.Similarly,Iexplore

howparticipantsintherecordingstudiocultivatedanethicofdisciplinedcreativity

throughtherecordingprocess.ThisincludedinstancesInotedwhereparticipantsa)

“riffed”onsungpoeticslines,b)workedtoensurethatrecitationsremained“non-

18Singular,nōḥa.ApopulargenreofelegiacShiapoetryinUrduandPersian.NōḥēcommemoratethelivesanddeathsofthemajorShiaImams.ElegiescommemoratingImamHussainandthemajorfiguresatKarbalamayalsobedesignatedasnōḥē,thoughmars̤iyaisthemorespecificgenricdesignationandsubsetforthis).

48

musical,”andc)improvisationally“partitioned”spacesdesignedforresidential

living,inordertocreatethestudioitself.

Atthecenterofeachchapterisanefforttoidentifyethicsofactivitycommon

acrossdomainsoflife.Occasionallymyinformantsdirectlydescribedtometheir

motivationstoactincertainways.Still,thecultivationofsuchcommonethicsin

eachcase,Iargue,reliedlittleonmodesandspacesof“reflection.”Rather,Ifound

thatgapsintheenvironmentallowedthemtoactinwaysconsistentwithother

projectsandstrugglesinlife.Takentogether,thechaptersaimtoshowthecentral

importanceofemptied,austere,andhighly-disciplinedspacesforthecultivationof

anethicsofactivityembeddedineverydaylife.

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1.Efficiencybenefit,intention,fāʼida,s̤awāb,nīyat

IndeedAllahdoesnotwronganyoneevenbyajot:ifonedoesagooddeed,Hedoublesit,andthenfromHimselfbestowsarichreward.(Qur’an4:40)Ibeginthisdiscussiononformsofworkandnon-workefficiencybysetting

anotherscenefromfieldwork.OnahotnightinAugust,Nadim,Saad,AsgarandIsat

inmycarparkedbehindacentralShiamosqueinDubai,afterFridayevening’s

prayer.WiththeengineidlingandtheA/Cchurning,ourconversationturnedtothe

globalgeographyofShiapracticetoday,consideringimportantand“beneficial”

placesofShiapilgrimage:

Saad:[listingplaces]“Karbala,Kufa;Iraq,Iran…“Nadim:“fāʼida,fāʼida,fāʼida.”(Benefit,benefit,benefit.)Brian:“Fāʼida”Nadim:“Youwanttoseefāʼida,no?Betterfāʼida.”

AsNadimtalked,Ipulledawayfrommyparkingspot,turningontoasideroad.The

enginerevvedupslightly,andNadimcontinued:

Nadim:“fāʼidasiyāra(benefit/profitcar)no?Yoursiyāraisfāʼida(profitable/beneficial)no?”Brian:“YaIthinkso.”

Drivingabitfasterandturningontothemainroadnow,andtheconversation

shiftedabit:

Nadim:Kōnjārahāhē,Sharifkō(WhoisgoingtohelpShariftonight?)[Sharifisananothermutualfriend]Saad:MaiṅaōrBrianjārahāhaiṅ.(BrianandI)Nadim:Asgarnahīṅ?(NotAsgar?)Saad:Asgarziādakarchukā,shāmkī,hēna?Ziādanahīṅkiā,tumkī?(Asgardidalotofworklastnight,didn’tyou?Didn’tyoudoalotofworkforhim?)

50

TheycontinuedtodiscussthesituationofAsgarhavinghelpedwithafood

distributioneffort,withsomeothermembersoftheimāmbārgāhcommunity,the

nightbefore.Nadimsuddenlyinterjectedamockingreferencetothepersonthey

helped.Asgarlaughed,andthenpersisted,toNadim:

Asgar:“Vowālēkō…tumkōgāyēthēna?Vowālē…(Thatguy…youwentthereno?Thatguy…).”

Nadimcontinuedtodenyknowingthemantheyreferredto,andhisinterestagain

seemedtodriftaway,lookingoutthewindowintotheresidentialneighborhood.

JustthenSaad—aprominentpoetryreciterinDubai’sUrdu-speakingShia

community—wasperhapsalsodrifting,andstartedrecitingasungpoem.Icaught

thefirstwords:

Saad:“Mōlādasht-egalān….Yāmōlādasht-egalān(Ohmaster,thedesertflowers).”

AsSaadcontinuedthepoeticline,andwecontinuednowdownabusiercommercial

stretchofsideroadintheneighborhoodnearthemosqueandimāmbārgāh,Nadim

suddenlygriped:

Nadim:“humsēpatanahī,siyaravag̠ẖēraghūmnāziādaachhānahīṅlagtā(Idon’tknow–Idon’tlikethisaimlessdrivingonandoninthecar.)”

Afterapauseinthechatteringconversation,Asgarspottedateashopandaskedme

tostop.Parkinginfront,andturningofftheengine,Saadabruptlyexcusedhimself,

walkedofftowardhishouse.Nadimgotoutandstoodoutsidethecartosmokea

cigarette.Laterafewmorefriendsstoppedbytheteastall;NadimandAsgar

engagedtheminshortconversationswiththem.Afterroughlyfifteenminutesof

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chatting,Nadimsuggestedhewouldwalkhome,andstartedoffinthedirectionof

hiscompanyaccommodation.IdroveAsgartohisroominanearbyneighborhood.

Ibeginwiththisanecdoteaboutacentralcharacter,Nadim,andaboutthe

downtimepracticeofdrivingforyoungmeninthiscommunity,asanopeningto

considerhowNadimandothersconceiveofthe“beneficial”characterofthings,

actions,time,andexperiencesinDubai.Inanticipationofmyownimpending

departureneartheendoffieldwork,Iretainedarentalcarforafewmonths,in

hopesofcompletingavarietyofresearchinquiries.Recognizingitsvalue,Nadim

begantoregularlyrefertomycaras“fāʼida-siyāra.”Theplayfullocution—anUrdu-

Arabicmixturethattranslatesas“benefit-car”or“profitable-car”—ontheonehand

affirmsthecar’simportance.Intheteasingcontextoftheconversation,thelocution

alsonotedthatwhiletransportedthemaroundDubai,Ididnotearnmoneylikea

taxidriverwould.

Butmorespecifically,Icametonoticethroughlong-terminteractionswith

Nadimandhisfriends,thatwhenascribedtoathingoraction,fāʼidausuallyimplied

itsmultipleoverlappingbeneficialfunctionality.Inthefinalsectionsofthischapter

below,Ireflectfurtheronourdiscussionsaboutfāʼida-thingsthatoccurred,likethe

exampleabove,duringthe“downtime”orafter-workactivitiesthatIparticipatedin.

InreferencetothecarthatIretained,itsdualfunctionlayinitsbenefittome—to

allowmetoconductresearchmorequicklyandefficiently—anditsbenefitto

others—whoIhelpedwiththeireverydaytasksandobligations.Ofcourse,lending

assistancetothemultimatelybenefittedmyownlearningandresearchprocessas

well.

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ForNadimandothermembersoftheShiacommunityworkinginDubai,the

pursuitoffāʼida(benefit)wasentwinedwithpursuitofs̤awāb(spiritualbenefit).

NadimworkedaregularshiftathiscompanyincentralDubai,inindustrialservices,

fromearlymorningthroughmid-afternoon.Hehadanetworkoffriendsamongthe

otherworkerswithwhomhesharedthecompanycampaccommodation,including

anumberoffellowIndo-PakistaniShia.Thecampwasdirectlyconnectedtothe

worksiteviaanundergroundtunnel.Betweenhomeandwork,workersneednot

evensetfootoutsideofthework-livingenvironment.Yetdespitetheheatin

summerandhislabor-intensiveoutdoorworkactivities,heregularlymadethetrip

(roughlya20minutewalk)fromhisworksiteaccommodationtoaShiamosqueina

nearbyneighborhoodfornightlyprayers,unlikemostofhisfriends.“Godwillgive

thes̤awāb,”hedeclaredtome,inEnglish,aswewalkedonenightfromthemain

roadtothemosque.Hisclaimreferstothegreaterbenefitthataccruestothe

individualwhoexertstheefforttoattendeveningprayerinpubliccongregationat

themosque.

Inthischapter,Iexplorehowmembersofthiscommunityseekbeneficial

experiences,andhowtheyvaluatethingsandactionsonthebasisofthefāʼidaor

s̤awābthattheyconferontheindividual.Thepushtomaximizebenefitispartlya

reactiontoaparticularsenseoftimeandfinitudeinDubai,Iargue:thetimelinessof

industrialworkroutinesandthegeneralsenseofimpendingdisruptions,especially

thepotentiallossofworkandvisa.Investingcoordinatedorpurposefulactionswith

theenergytobearmultipleoutcomes,criticallyevaluatingchoicesonthebasesof

fāʼidaands̤awāb,andforegoingandabandoninguselessthingsandactions,are

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constitutiveofastrategyofefficiency.Itracetheimpactoftheimperativetolabor

efficientlyonthenon-workandreligiousactivitiesofworkingShiainDubai.

Indoingso,Ibuildonavarietyofstudiesthatconsidertheimpactof

“neoliberal”marketforcesonthepracticeofreligion,andviceversa.Inparticular,

somestudiesengagewhatJoelRobbinshasobservedasthe“religious

encompassmentofdevelopment”(Robbins2004,100),toconsiderhowavarietyof

religiouspracticesbecome“rational,”modern,efficient,andorientedtoward

utopianends(Rudnyckyj2010,4;Bornstein2005,2-5;Ferguson1999,5;Meyer

1999,214).Relatedly,ethnographicstudiesonMuslimentrepreneursand

merchantshavesoughttoshowhowIslamandeconomicenterpriseare

“rationalized”together(OsellaandOsella2009;Sloane1999;Stone1974).Max

Weber’sperspectiveontheoverlappingrationalityofworkandreligiousactivity

stilldominatesformulationsinthisfield.Inanattempttofindtherootsof

expandingbourgeoiscapitalisminEurope,hediscoveredanethicparticularto

Calvinism—anasceticformofChristianity—compellingfollowerstoworkhardand

accumulatefor“divineglory.”FortheCalvinist,Weberfound,“LabourandIndustry

istheirdutytowardsGod”(Weber1992:106,122).

InhisintroductiontoTheProtestantEthicandtheSpiritofCapitalism,Weber

atteststoafocusontheinfluenceof“religiousideasonthedevelopmentofan

economicspirit,”andthusto“onlyonesideofthecausalchain”(Weber1992,xxxix).

Myownapproachinthischapterexploresethicsofefficiencygermanetoboth

domainsofworkandreligion.Iaminterestedintheirconvergenceandimpacton

theleisure-timeactivitiesofforeignworkersinDubai,butIdonotsupposeasimple

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causallinkbetweenethicsofreligiouslifeandefficientactionsofworklife,orvice

versa.Theintermixinganddiffusionofethicsofefficiencyintotheenvironmentof

leisure-timesupportsmyefforttoseetheforcesthatworkonandthrough

individualslessastop-downformsofpowerbutaspervasiveandlateral:asaform

ofcapillarypowerinthesensedevelopedbyFoucault(1979,198).

Key,then,tounderstandingthedrivetowardefficiencythatIfoundamong

membersofthisworkingShiacommunityinDubaiareafew“environmental”

aspectsoutsideofthedomainofworkorreligiouslife.Iseeefficientactivityin

DubaiasrootedintheparticularausterityofDubai’senvironment.Aphysicaldesert,

theenvironmentofDubaiforforeignersisalsooftenoneevacuatedofimmediate

kin.Furthermore,theorderlinessofroadsandtheausterityofthehospitalclinicare

keyqualitiesofspacethatfosterthecultivationofefficientactivities,Iargue.Eachin

theirownways,thecentralstoriesInarratebelowdrawonthesequalitiesofspatial

austerityandorganization.

Industrialwork:Highstakesandmechanicalefficiency

NadimworkedatasprawlingindustrialsiteontheArabianSeaincentral

Dubai.Alargecranestoodalofthighoverthesite,anomnipresenceforthoselived,

worked,ortraveledaroundit.Thesitewasflankedononesidebyaseriesofvillas,a

clusterofnightclubsandhigh-endrestaurants,andthenapublicbeach:alarge

engineeredexpansethatcutasweepingcrescentintothecoastline.Aswebade

Nadimfarewellonthatbeachonthenightbeforehisdepartureandrepatriationto

India,wediscussedhisfuture,andthevariouscomfortsofhomethatbelongto

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anothershoreadjoiningtheseainfrontofus.Toourright,illuminatedatnight,was

thecranehighaloftinthebackground:amanifestationandreminderofwhathewas

leavingbehind.

Nadimhadbeenperhapsmyclosestguideandoccasionalassistantin

fieldworkinDubai.HehadcometoDubaifiveyearsearlier,initiallyonathree-year

workvisa,renewedforanadditionaltwoyears.LikemanyImetintheUrdu-

speakingIndo-PakistaniShiacommunityinDubai,hewasaSayyidShia.Onofficial

documentsandonhissocialmediaaccounts,heusedashissurnamethenameofthe

ShiaImamandProphetMuhammaddescendentthroughwhomhisfamilytraced

theirgenealogicalheritage.HehadagingparentsathomeinAllahabad,India—a

medium-sizedcityandhistoricalseatofUrdu-languagecultureinnorthIndia—to

whomhesentmoney.Hesometimesdescribedtheiranxietyathisbeing

unmarried—asituationforwhichhisotheryoungerandmarriedfriendsinDubai

wouldalsooccasionallyteasehim.

Onourfirstmeeting,inNovember2011,heofferedwhatItookasanearly

indicationofhisperceptiveness,andperhapsalsofeistiness.AsIdescribedthe

stakesofmyresearchinthemosquecourtyard,mentioningthatitwaspartofmy

degreeprogram,heinterjected,“butwhatisthebenefitforus”(āpkēli’ē,kyā

fāʼida?).Later,asIwrotethisdissertationandconsideredourinteractionsmore

holistically,Icametoseethisexpressionaspartofhisconcernthatactionsbe

beneficialinmultipleoverlappingways.

NadimwasemployedbytheDubaigovernmentatalargepublic-private

industrialservicessite.MidwaythroughmyresearchtenureinDubai,hemadean

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attempttotransfertoapositionwithaprivatecompanyoperatingatthesite,

drawingonhisnetworkoffriendsinthecamptopursuetheposition.Suchpositions

wereoftencovetedamongthecampworkers,onewhichwouldconferNadima

higherwage,fewerhoursofworkperday,andgreaterflexibilitytotaketimeoff.He

complainedalsoofneverhavingbeenpromotedinhiscurrentorganization,inspite

ofhisrecordofhardworkandfavorablereviewsgivenbyhissupervisorsand

foremen.Heviewedthejobattheprivatecompanyasamodestandreasonable

promotioninlightofhisexperienceaccumulatedoverfouryearsinhiscurrent

position.Hewasultimately,however,deniedthepositionattheprivatecompany,an

outcomereflectingexperiencesofothersinthebroadermigrantcommunitythatI

observed,whofailedinsimilarattemptstogainadvancementopportunities.Asa

partialconsequence,itseemed,hedecidedandabruptlyannouncedthreemonths

laterthathewouldreturntoIndiaafterfiveyearsworkinginDubai.

ThroughconversationswithNadimandhisfriends,Ibegantodrawapicture

ofthesite’semphasisonefficiencyandsafety.Onefriend,Imran,workedasa

complianceofficerinthe“environmentalimpacts”section.AcharacterwhoIdiscuss

furtherinthechaptersbelow,especiallyinChapter4,Imranwasnativeto

Islamabad,andalsoclaimedtobeaSayyid.Inoneconversationneartheendofmy

fieldworktenure,hedescribedhisfamily’sbackgroundinlaw:hisfatherandhis

sisterwerelawyers,andhisgrandfatherhadbeenajudgeintheearlydaysafter

Pakistan’sindependence.

Toillustratethecongruencebetweenwastemanagementandprofiteering,

Imrangavemethisdescriptionofhissection:“Thisenvironment[the

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environmentalimpactssection]asarulefollowstheDubaimunicipality.Andithas

verymanycontracts.AndthisenvironmentalsohasabusinessintheGulf:scraps

selling,waste-ironselling,grid-selling.Verymuchselling.”Theimperativeofhis

sectiontonotmerelyproperlyprocessanddisposeofwaste—andtonotmerely

followDubairulesorinternationalstandardsforenvironmentalprotection—but

alsotoprofitfromthesaleofwastesuggestsanethicofproductivityandofefficient

useofresourcesinternaltotheiroperations,andanaversiontowastefulness.

Waste-processingisfrequentlyacomponentof“development”ideologies.In

Westernthought-systems,VinayGidwaniandRajyashreeReddyremindushow

waste-processingispartofeffortstoimposeorderovernature,buildingonasense

developedbyJohnLockethatnatureiswasteful.Theyexploretheaversionof

colonialmanagersinIndiatowaste,andtheethicagainst“wastage”takenupby

Nehru.Asaninheritanceofpost-colonialdevelopmentimperatives,Gidwaniand

Reddyalsodocumentarecenttrendwhereby“waste-picking”inDelhihasbecome

increasinglystructuredandconstrainedbycorporatizedandmechanical“waste-

management”enterprises:anetworkofgarbagecollectionmachines.Therecent

supremacyoftheprivatecompaniesowespartlytonewremunerationstructures

forwastecreatedbythemunicipalgovernment:onethatpayscollectioncompanies

perpoundoftrash,regardlessofits“use”value.Thesysteminpresent-dayDelhi

diminishesincentivesforpickerstooperateand“segregate”usefulitemsfrom

uselesstrash(GidwaniandReddy2011:1635-1637).Byreducingthelaborand

timerequirementsforcollection,theturntobulkwastesellingandmechanized

collectionalignswithdevelopmentwaste-managementimperatives.

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InDubai,“bincats”bothregulatetrashandprovokepublicscorn.The

problemofstraycatsinDubairelatestotheproblemofabandonedcars:theleft-

behindtrappingsofhastilyabandonedlives.Inoticedfarfeweroftheseanimalsin

2012thanIhadinapre-dissertationfieldworktripin2010,whenIsawthem

regularlycongregatearoundandinsidepublic-usestreet-sidegarbagebins.AsI

passedanoverflowingbininmyneighborhoodonedayinJuly2012,withafriend

fromtheShiacommunity,henotedthatthestraycatswhichhadbeenaregular

fixtureinneighborhoodsandfirst-lineregulatoryforceinwasteprocessing,were

nowbeing“removed”ingreatnumbersbytheDubaiauthorities.Icouldn’tverify

hasexactclaim,thoughIfoundadescriptionofoneofficialprogramthatinvolved

capturingtheanimals,neuteringthem,andthenreturningthemtostreets.Itake

thisasanexampleofthegovernmentemployingefficientmachinestocontain

naturalforces.Italsodemonstratesthelinkbetweenefficientworkpracticesand

theausterityoftheenvironment:aformofmechanicalefficiencywhichalsoaimsto

limitbiodiversity.

Imranagainreferredto“waste”inaseparateconversationabouthiscareer

goals.HedescribedhowhehadcometoDubaitenyearspriortoworkatthe

industrialsite,inordertosupporthisfamily.Belongingtoafamilywithmany

lawyersinPakistan,heexplainedtome,heaspiredtoworkinlegalaffairsor

environmentalregulation.Howeverhewasonlyabletosecureajobinthe

environmentalsectionafternineyearsworkingotherjobsatthesite.“Iwastedthe

time,”hetoldme,asheworriedabouthisfutureandslowcareerdevelopment.

WhenhefurtherexplainedthathewasuninterestedinpracticinglawinPakistan,I

59

askedwhetherhecouldpursuealawdegreeinDubai,buthesaidhehad“notime

andnomoney.”

BothNadimandImrandiscussedsafetywithme.Nadimdescribedhowsafe

workingimpliedcoordinatingmachinesasefficientlyaspossible.Machinesenabled

theprocessofliftingandmovingheavyconstructionmaterials,butonlyasan

extensionofdeliberateandefficienthumanactions.Workersworebrightorange

jumpsuitsontheworksiteatalltimes,andaccessedtheworksitefromthecamp

accommodationbuildingsviaundergroundtunnelstoavoidthepublicstreetthat

separatedthetwolocations,heexplained.Inthisway,dayafterday,aworkerwould

neverhavetoleavethesite.Leisureactivitiesweredirectlyincorporatedintoand

structuredbytheworksiteenvironment.Theworksitewas“home,”andthe

environmentwasstructuredfortheefficientmanagementoflabor.

IvisitedtheaccommodationcamponthreeoccasionsasaguestofImran.A

posteronawallleadingtowardthetunnel,withaphotodepictingaforemanin

hardhatandwhitejumpsuitapparentlygivingdirectionstoavarietyofworkersin

orangejumpsuitsandhardhats,read“SafetyisyourHighestPriority.”Onanother

occasion,Nadimdescribedthesituationofbeingaccountableforhiscoworkerson

thejob,andthesystemofcommunicatingwithothersinordertosafelycoordinate

tasks,forinstance,ofkeepingyourcoworkers“alwaysinlineofsight”(hamēsha

sāmnēmēṅ)whilemovingaroundheavyequipment.Themantrasofsafework-

environmentpracticesaimedtochargeindividualswithvigilanceandresponsibility

forthesafeandefficientfunctioningoftheworkenvironment.

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Service,conservation,efficiency

ThroughkeyresearchcontactsIdevelopedintheimmigrantcommunity,I

alsoexploredethicsofwork-efficiencyrelatedtoDubai’sserviceeconomy.Sajdali

wasaprominentmemberoftheShiacommunitywhohadpursuedhiscareer

managingarestaurantinDubai.UnlikeNadim,whosekinrelationsalllivedinNorth

India,SajdalihadasmallfamilyandlonghistoryinDubai.Aging,andretired—

thoughstillanactiveleaderandorganizerinthecommunity—helivedwithhis

workingdaughterinasmallandmodestapartmentinadesirablecentralDubai

location.HiswifeandmotherwereburiedinanearbyShiacemetery,whereIvisited

withhimoneday,toleavesweetsandgiveremembrances.

SajdalibelongedtotheKhojaShiacommunity,whosemembersformedthe

leadershipatthelargeandprominentimāmbārgāhincentralDubai,thelocational

nexusofmyownresearch.Hissurnameindicateshishistorical/ancestralaffiliation

withaHinduthakkurcastenativetoSindh.Throughengaginghiminconversations

aboutthehistoryofblooddonationcampsintheShiacommunity,Icametolearn

moreabouthisownbackgroundinDubai,andabouttheearlyIndo-Pakistaniand

KhojaShiacommunity.HavingimmigratedtoDubaiin1976,Sajdaliwasamongthe

earliestemigrantsIknewinfieldwork.Still,hedescribedhowthe“original”Khoja

ShiashadarrivedfromTanzaniainDubaiin1967,andhadintegratedthemselves

withotherIndo-PakistaniShiasinDubai—mostlyPunjabis—whohadalready

establishedanimāmbārgāhandwereholdingweeklymajlisprograms.19Bythe

19ThemajlisinSouthAsianShiaIslamreferstoprogramsorganizedweekly,andonspecialoccasionssuchasImambirthanddeathanniversaries,whichusuallyfeaturepresentationssuchasQur’an,du‘ā(blessings),andpoetryrecitations,andanexegeticalsermondeliveredbyanImamorotherreligious

61

early1970s,theexpandingbaseofKhojafamiliesbeganholdingtheirown

programsintheirhomes,andrentingothersharedgatheringspacesforspecial

events.

TheKhojasareahistoricaltradingcasteandcommunitynativetotheareas

ofIndia’swesterncoast,Sind,andGujarat.Theyoriginatedinthefifteenthcentury

asasub-communityofthe“Satpathi”tradition:ahighly“pliable”andhybrid

communitywhich“employedtermsandideasfromavarietyofIndicreligiousand

philosophicalcurrents,suchasBhakti,Sant,Sufi,Vaishnavite,andyogictraditions”

(Asani2011,95-96;seealsoDevji1987)Beginninginthecolonialera,theKhoja

communitygainedprominenceasahighlyitinerantMuslimmerchantcommunityin

theIndianOceanarea(Markovits2008,78).DespitebeingidentifiedasIsmaili

communityinthecolonialera,inmanycasestheyfollowedHindupersonallaw—a

legacyoftheir“syncretic”traditions(Mallampalli2010,1057).Amidheightened

Hindu-Muslimtensionswhichanimatedthelatecolonialperiod,thehistorically-

diverseKhojacommunity“graduallytransformed”withamore-cohesiveShia

Muslimpopulation,astheybecamepressuredconformtheiridentitytocommunal

norms(Asani2011,97).AsInotedinthecaseofSajdali,theheritageofKhoja’s

HinduandSatpathipastisevidentinthenumeroussurnamesamongcommunity

membersinDubaiwhichareassociatedwithHinducastesandsubcastes.

ManyofthemembersImetinDubaispokeKutchiorSindhiathome,despite

havingleftIndiafiveorsixgenerationsprior,inadditiontospeakingGujarati,Urdu,

Swahili,Arabic,andEnglish.TheyoungergenerationwhohadbeenborninDubaileader.InArabic,majlisalsoreferstotheplaceofgathering,thoughinUrduitistypicallyusedtorefertothegatheringitself.

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generallyspokeEnglishasafirstlanguage,andhadattendedEnglishschoolsin

Dubai,thoughpridingthemselvesinknowingmultiplelanguages.MostoftheShia

KhojasImethadimmigratedtoDubaifromEastAfrica.MostheldTanzanian

citizenshipforinstance,whileafewheldKenyancitizenship.

SajdaliimmigratedtoDubaiwiththeintentiontoopenhisownrestaurant,

whichhemanagedwithhiswifeuntiltheyretiredinthelate2000s.ThoughIdid

notobservehiminthatworkenvironment,manyofourotherinteractions

suggestedtometheroleofarestaurant-workethic—inparticular,onetiedto

serviceandefficiency—inhisvariousnon-workactivities.Inavarietyofways,for

instance,hedemonstratedasincerecommitmenttofooddistributionascommunity

service.LikeNadimandHamdan(anotherprominentcommunitymemberI

introduceasakeyblooddonationcamporganizerbelow)Sajdaliwasafrequent

serverofniyāzattheimāmbārgāh:acommunalsnackorlightmealserved

immediatelyfollowingafullmajlisprogram.20Especiallyduringthehigh-traffic

mourningperiodsofMuharramandRamadan,niyāz-serviceroleswerekeenly

soughtandsometimeshardtosecure,asindividualshopedtoaccruegreaterbenefit

(s̤awāb)throughthepracticeofservingothersinthecommunity.

SomeofSajdali’sotherserviceeffortsseemedaimedtocultivatestrict

efficiency.Heextendedhiscommitmenttoserviceattheimāmbārgāhtoother

assemblyfunctionsinthebroaderDubaicommunity.AthisinvitationIonce

20InmanyShiacommunities,niyāzisservedandconsumedasan“offering”totheImamsasatypeofremembrance(D’Souza2004,198).Forthiscommunity,evenasmallniyāzisservedaftereachweeklymajlisprogram.Asareferencepoint,Plattsdictionaryoffers“supplication,”“inclination,”“offering,”or“dedication”asconnotationsofniyāz,whileitdefinesniyāz-ě-rasūlas“offeringoffoodoralmsinthenameoftheprophetMohammad.”Platts,JohnT.2003.“Niyaz.”InADictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish,1164.Delhi:UrduAcademy.

63

accompaniedhimtoadinneratalargeShiaprivateeventsvenue,onethatcatered

toeventsforShiaofvariousbackgroundsinDubai.Theeventmarkedthefortieth

dayofmourningfollowingthedeathofaprominentelderArabShiabusinessmanin

Dubai.Wearrivedearlyattheevent,andweremetatthefrontofalarge,visually-

opulentgatheringhallbytheclosestsurvivingmalefamilymembersofthe

deceased,whowereassembledinarow.Sajdali,dressedinasimplebusinesssuit,

shookhandswitheach,proceedingdowntheline,offeringcondolences.Congenial

withall,heseemedtoknowsomebetterthanothers:hehuggedandhadalonger

conversationwithtwomenattheend.IfollowedSajdaliandofferedcondolencesto

thefamilymembers,thentalkedtoafewotherguestsintheroom,whohadlivedin

EnglandandvisitedtheUnitedStates.Sajdaliintroducedmetoafewmoreguestshe

knew.

Aswepassedahalfanhouroftalkingandminglingwithguestsandfamily

members,theroomgraduallyfilledwithmen.Then,uponmakingabrief

announcementofthanks,thedeceased’sbrotherledgueststoanadjoiningbanquet

hall.AtthistimetwootheryoungmenfromtheIndo-Pakistanicommunity,who

Sajdalihadinvited,appearedandjoinedus.Weallthenjoinedtheothersinthe

banquetroom,wherewewereseatedaroundlargecirculartables.Eachtablewas

overloadedwithlargeplattersofavarietyofArabandIndian-influenceddishes

typicaltotheregion’sculinaryidentity.Aswesatandate,Italkedtoothersabout

lifeinDubaiandagainabouttravelintheWest.

Peopleatequicklyandmostlylimitedthemselvestosmalltalk.Asthey

finished,menmostlydressedinwhitekandūrahsbeganfilingtowardthedoor,

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leavingbehindtablesstillpiledhighwithfood.IfexcessisafeaturetypicaltoArab

foodpresentationandservice,Sajdalisawthissituationasanopportunity.

Appearinginvigorated,heseemedtoproducefromnowhereavarietyofplasticbags

andcontainers,whichheinstructedmeandhisothergueststousetocollectthe

remainingfood.Aswedid,weweresoonracingagainstthevenuestaff,whowere

themselveschargedwithcleaningup:disposingoftheleft-oversastrashand

collectingthedishes.Sajdaliaskediftheycouldgiveusmoretimetocollectthefood,

thoughtheywereconstrained:theirworkschedulesdictatedtheneedforaswift

cleanup.

Havingcollectedasmuchleftoverfoodaswecouldintheremainingtime,we

lefttheroomcarryinglargetrashbagsfilledwithpreservedleftovers,loadingthem

andourselvesontoabackserviceelevator.Sajdaliseemedgratified.Wewalked

fromtheelevatordownadarkcorridorandthenoutontoaloadingdockonthe

backsideofthebuilding.WethenhelpedSajdaliloadthefoodontoasmallwhitevan

waitingforusthere.Asweloaded,heenthusiasticallydescribedhishabitof

attendingeventssuchastheseandcollectingleftoverfood.“Theythrowitaway!We

putittogooduse.”

AnArabwomandressedinablack‘abāyahalsojoinedus;herwornand

partiallytornclothingmadeherappeardestitutetome.Shesortedthroughsomeof

ourbags,andseemedtoretainsomeitemsforherself,speakingloudlyand

authoritativelytoSajdali,inArabic.Inturn,Sajdaligavehercurtinstructions,but

seemedtolethercollectwhatshewanted.Asshewalkedoffwithafewlargebags,

afterwefinishedloadingthevan,Sajdaliexplainedtomethatsheworkeda

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resourcecenterinSharjahforhomelessandabusedwomen,andwouldtakethe

foodthere.Thedriverofthewhitevanwasalsostoodby,silently.Itookhimtobe

anothercontactinSajdali’scommunityservicecircle;hegavethedriver

instructions,afterwhichhedroveoffwithoneoftheyoungmenwhohadjoinedus

intheevent.SajdaliexplainedthefoodwouldbedeliveredtotheSonapurlabor

camps:anoutlyingDubaidistricthousingmanyisolatedlaborcampsforworkers

busseddailytoconstructionandindustrialsitesthroughouttheEmirate.

Sajdalithengrabbedthetworemainingbags,andbroughtthemtohiscar.He

explainedthatwewouldtakethesebacktotheimāmbārgāhandmosque.Wedrove

off,andhedescribedwithsatisfactionhowhewouldalsosavesomeforhimselfto

eatinthecomingweek.Sajdaliappearedtorelishhisrolemanagingtherecovery

anddistributionofleftoverfood,andtheopportunitytoexploithisclose

connectionswitheliteandpowerfulfamiliesinthiscommunityinordertoserve

others,to“efficiently”utilizetheexcessofothers,andreceiveabenefit.Hisdefault

roleinthiscontext,asinthecontextofniyāzatthemajlisgatherings,wasservice.

Oneotherinstance,embeddedintheroutinetextureofourinteractionsin

everydaylife,furtherconveyedtomeSajdali’scommitmenttostrictefficiency.After

tryingforweekstoarrangeameetingwithhimtodiscusshisfamilyhistoryinDubai

andTanzania,hefinallyagreedtomeetmeinhishouse.Aswechattedinhis

kitchen,heturnedtoattendtoastackofunwasheddishesinthesink.Heaskedme,

“Doyouknowhowtouseonlyonehandfulofwatertowashanentiresinkof

dishes?”Todemonstrate,hefilledthetopbowlwithwaterandcarefullyscrubbedit,

thenletthewaterfromitfallintothenextcup,thenscrubbedthatandletthewater

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falltothenextdish,etc.Headdedabitmorewatertoafewothercupsand

continuedtheprocess.Iwatched,andhecontinuedtowash,aswecontinuedour

conversation.

Concernforconservingwaterrelates,insomeobviousways,todesert

ecologicalrealities,andalsotiestoformsofdesertexperienceregisteredinboth

generalIslamicpracticeandinShiatraditions.Forrequiredablutions(wuḍūʼ)—

performedbeforeprayer,forinstance—manyresearchparticipantsapprovingly

citedḥadīth21guidingMuslimsnottowastewater.Onedayagroupofmen

marveledastheyshowedmeaYouTubevideofeaturingayoungmanperforming

wuḍūʼinwhatappearedtobeadesertlocation,usingjustahandfulofwater.The

deprivationofwaterisaprominentaspectoftheordealthatImamHussainandhis

factionfacedatKarbala,in680AD—somuchsothatpiyās-e-Hussain(“thethirstof

Hussain”)isarallyingcryatmodern-dayimāmbārgāhs.Thewaterserviceareain

theKhojaimāmbārgāhcourtyardinDubaiisframedbyalargebannerwhichreads,

inblood-soakedlettering:PAANIPIYOTOYAADKAROPYAASHUSSAINKI(“Drink

water,andrememberthethirstofHussain”)whichpartlyservestoremindpeople

togenerallyconservewaterresources(seeImage1.1).Sabīl—aroadside“shedin

whichwateriskeptforthirstytravelers”especially“duringthefestivalof

Moharram”22—isalsoacommonmalenameintheShiacommunity.

Variousanthropologicalaccountsofgiftingdescribethediversewaysthat

surpluswealth—suchasleftoverfood—maybe“valued.”The“potlatch”traditionof

21SayingsattributedoftheProphetMuhammad,takenasguidancedistinctfrom—attimesamplifyingorconflictingwith—themessageoftheQur’an.22Platts,JohnT.2003.“Sabīl.”InADictionaryofUrdū,ClassicalHindī,andEnglish,634.Delhi:UrduAcademy.

67

Image1.1:PhotofromthewaterserviceareaofaDubaiimāmbārgāh,September2012.Photobyauthor

NorthwestcoastNativeAmericancommunitieshasbeenwelldocumentedby

anthropologists,mostfamouslybyFranzBoasandfurtherdevelopedbyMarcel

Mauss(2000).Inthesecommunities,Boasargues,wealth(especiallysurplus

wealth)isdesirableinsofarasitallowsmemberstoorganizefestivalswhere

wealthisgivenawaytoothermembers,latertobereturnedwithinterest:the

systemknownas“potlatch”(Boas1897:341-344).InGeorgeBataille’s

interpretation,thebenefitreceivedbythegiverisnotthe“inevitableincreaseof

returngifts”butthe“rank”conferredviatheritualitself:i.e.thepublicdestruction

ofwealth.(Bataille1988,71).

68

IarguethatSajdali’sactofgivingawaysurplusfoodisatypeofaʻmāl:agood

deedthat“enriches”thedoer,andthatmaybequantified.23Nadim,whoregularly

assistedSajdaliinhisfooddistributioneffortsinDubai,onceremarkedonthe

occasionofana’mālprogramattheimāmbārgāhthathehadnointerestin

attending.“Mya‘mālisgood,”heexplainedtomeinjustification.Iarguethatacts

suchasthedistributionofexcessfoodareatypeofa‘māl,andarestructurally

similartopotlatch,inthatabenefitaccruestothegiverwhichmaybemeasuredasa

personalrankorstatus.

Onthebenefitofgivingawaysurplus,BillMaurerhasalsodescribedhow

Musliminvestorsandportfoliomanagersmayuseinterest-earningsfrom

investmentstomakerequiredyearlyzakāt24contributions(Maurer2005,107-108).

Sinceinterest(ribā)isotherwisenotallowedinIslamicfinance,thisistheonlyway

thatinvestorsmayreapitsbenefit,protecttheirwealth,andbenefitothersinthe

communitywhoreceivezakātdistributions.IseeSajdali’sefforttoconserveand

efficientlyusefoodandwateraspartofabroaderattempttoalignthepursuitof

personalbenefitwiththegreaterbenefitofthecommunity.Hisapproachtowashing

dishesandgatheringfoodarebotha)rootedinIslamicvaluesandb)buildonskills

accumulatedthroughyearsofmundanerestaurantworkandmanagement,Iargue.

23AsIdescribefurtherinthissection,a‘māltranslatesasactionsordeedsandcomesfromtheArabicroot‘amlmeaningwork.InIslamicpractice,a‘mālactivitiesareusuallyformalizedritualsinvolvingtherepeatedrecitationofQur’anicversesorothershortphrases.DianeD’Souzacomparesa‘māltoẕikrinadetaileddescriptionofthepracticeamongSouthIndianShia.Shealsoemphasizestheimportanceof“accounting”recitationstowardachievingthedesired“blessings”fromGod(D'Souza2014,173-186).24AnobligatorytaxforallMuslimsonincomeoveracertainminimum,proceedsfromwhichgoprimarilytothefinancialneedy.

69

Donationcampdesign:religiousduty,communityservice,medicalcare

Participationinblooddonation,atsitesorganizedbytheShiareligious

communityleadershipcommittee(thejamā‘tboard),encapsulatedformethe

notionofaccruingamplifiedandmultiplebenefitfromasingularorsimpleaction.

Theriseof“religious”-orientedparticipationinblooddonationefforts25hasbeen

notedtocoincidedwiththedeclineandgrowingdisfavortowardremunerated

blooddonation,especiallyfollowingtheWorldHealthOrganization’sdeclarationto

achieve“100%voluntarynon–remunerateddonationofbloodandblood

components”worldwideby2020.26For“religious”donors—asanthropologicaland

publichealthresearchreflects,andasIexploreingreaterdetailbelow—benefitcan

beconstruedinreligiousterms(seeCopeman2009,Martinezetal.2014).Sajdali

discussedwithmetheproblemofblooddonors’motivationinDubai,explaining

howthestatehospitalsformerlypaidblooddonors,inordertoretainadequate

supplies.Would-bedonorswhoseekorexpectmonetarycompensationremainsa

lingeringproblemfordonationcampsorganizedbythejamā‘t,heexplained.The

jamā‘tappearedtotakethisintoaccountintheirpromotionofoneblooddonation

eventin2012.Anemailcontaininginformationandapromotionalposterforthe

eventwascaptionedatthebottomwithanintimationtoprospectivedonors:“the

factthatyou’rehealthyandcandoitisitsownreward.”

25SeeSusieTurner,2013,“Christiansaskedtogiveblood,”ChristianToday,June11,http://www.christiantoday.com/article/christians.asked.to.give.blood/32838.htm;and“CallforRamadanBloodDonation,”IranDaily,August29,2010,http://old.iran-daily.com/1389/6/7/MainPaper/3764/Page/7/MainPaper_3764_7.pdf.26WorldHealthOrganization,2010,“Towards100%voluntaryblooddonation:aglobalframeworkforaction,”Geneva:WHOPress,http://www.who.int/bloodsafety/publications/9789241599696_eng.pdf.

70

SajdalidescribedtometheearlyeffortsofblooddonationamongtheShia

communityinDubai.Onedoctor,heexplained,hadorganizedafewcampsinthe

late1980s.Priortothat,aprominentKhojaShiareligiousscholarinTanzaniahad

organizedoccasionalblooddonationsinMombasa,sincethe1970s.Thecurrently-

ongoingblooddonationprogramswerebegunin1998byanotherkeymemberof

thecommunityandtheKhojaleadershipattheimāmbārgāh.

Sajdaliintroducedmetothisman,Hamdan,earlyinmyfieldwork.Afellow

memberoftheKhojacommunity,whohadimmigratedtoDubaifromTanzania,

Hamdan’ssurnameindicateshisfamily’soriginalancestralmembershipinthe

DaivadnyaBrahmincommunitynativetoGoa,India.Hamdanwasinhismid-forties,

andlivedwithhiswife(alsofromTanzanianKhojacommunity)andtwoyoung

sons.Hewasemployedasamedicaltechnicianatalocalgovernmenthospital.By

2004heorganizeddonationcampsduringRamadangatheringtimesaswell

Muharram,andafewyearslater—afterthehospital’sacquisitionofamobileblood

collectionunit(seeImage1.2)—heshiftedthecampstospacesnearthereligious

gatheringsitesthemselves,incentralDubai.Overmyresearchtenure,Idevelopeda

relationshipwithHamdan,especiallyaroundtheseevents.Iattendedtwothathe

hadorganized:oneatMuharraminearlyDecember2011,andoneatRamadanin

lateJuly2012.Theseeventsoverlappedwiththetwobiggestreligiousgathering

eventsintheShiacalendar:theoccasionsofcommemoratingthemartyrdomof

ImamHussainandImamAli.

Inthissection,IexamineespeciallyhowHamdandesignedand“marketed”

theeventstothecommunity,employingalanguageandlogicofa)calculationand

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Image1.2:DubaiHeathAuthority’smobilebloodcollectionunit,parkedinfrontofabloodclinicinDubai,July2012.Photobyauthor

equivalence,b)religiousservicetothebroadercommunity,andc)theworkof

deliveringmedicalcare.LikeSajdali,IfoundthatHamdanwasfrequentlybusyand

hardtomeet,withbothworkobligationsandsignificantafter-work“service”

activities.HeoperatedanemaillistservforthemembersoftheShiacommunityand

postedaregulardigestofcommunitynewsupdates,eventannouncements,forsale

items,andadsforemploymentandhousing.Hemaintainedahighprofileinthe

communitybyorganizingandcoordinatingavarietyofoutreachcampaigns,

particularlythosetoservethebroaderworldwideShiacommunity.

Oneinitiative,forinstance,mirroredSajdali’sefforttocollectandrepurpose

leftoverbanquetfood.Hamdandevelopedaservicetocollectpeople’sunwanted

left-overfoodfromprivatereligiousevents,inordertobringthosesuppliesto

peopleinneed,forinstance,laborers.AlistinginoneofHamdan’semailnewsletters

72

advertisedanddescribedtheservice.Adonatorcouldcallthehotlineanytime,and

“dependingonthequantity”offoodonhand,within“30-60minutes”ateamof

volunteerswouldarrivetocollectit.Itwasthenimmediatelydistributedto“poor

andneedypeople”inDubai,especiallythoseatlaborcamps.Ilaterobserved

multipleoccasionsonwhichHamdanandNadim,andoccasionallySajdaliaswell,

wouldcoordinatelateatnighttocollectfoodanddrivetothelaborcampsonthe

edgeofthecitylikeSonapur—thosepredominatelypopulatedbySouthAsian

industrialworkingmen.

Hamdan’semaildigestseachendedwiththesamebenedictionrelatedto

service:“mayAllah(swt)blessuswithalongandhealthylifetoserveothers.”Each

wasalsoframedbyadifferentquotationfromtheQur’an,Ḥadīth,orasayingofone

oftheShiaImams.Oneemail,forinstance,featuredanextendedadvertisementfor

Shiacommunitymemberstogivemoneytoaziyāratsabīlcampaign:tosupportthe

provisionoffoodandblanketstopilgrims,whocommemorateImamHussain’s

marchtoKarbalainIraqeveryMuharram(seethepromotionalposter,Image1.3).

TheadvertisementendedwithaquoteattributedtothesixthShiaImam,Jafar

Sadiq:“ifsomeonegoesforziyāratonfoot,foreverystephetakes,onevirtuewillbe

recordedinhisname,onesinwillbeforgiven,andhislevelwillberaisedone

degree.”Thestatementimpliestheconcernforefficiencyandintentioninziyārat,

whichunderliestheaccrualofbenefit.Somethingasroutineandthoughtlessas

walkingmaybeorientedtowardreceivingareward—stepbystep—whenthe

requisiteintentionisgiven.

73

Image1.3:PromotionalposterforsabīldonationcampaignforKarbalaziyārat,circulatedinDubaiviaemail,December2012.

74

ThestatementattributedtothesixthShiaImamabovealsocorrelateswitha

varietyofversesintheQur’anattestingtotheoutsizedbenefitofagoodaction.For

instance,theImam’saccountingthateachstepachievesbothasinglebenefitandthe

erasureofasinglesinreflectsa“doubling”logicsuggestedbyaversefromtheSurat

An-Nisa(“TheWomen”):“IndeedAllahdoesnotwronganyoneevenbyajot:ifone

doesagooddeed[hasanati],Hedoublesit,andthenfromHimselfbestowsarich

reward”(Qur’an4:40)AverseintheSuratAl-Ana’am(“TheCattle”)presentsa

differentaccountingscale:whileeachgooddeedgeneratesatenfoldreward,each

baddeed(sayyati)generatesasingle“recompense”(jazā’)(Qur’an6:160).Saba

Mahmoodalsoconsidersvariousaccountinglogicsbywhichactionsorritualsare

evaluatedasvirtuous,aspartofabroaderdiscussionontheroleofdoctrineandto

informeverydaypiouspracticeamongMuslimwomeninCairo(Mahmood2005:

96).Withsimilarlogic,oneelderleaderintheShiacommunitycommentedtome

thatthelessonofIslamisnottoavoidsin,butrathertobeawareofthesin,andto

counterthatactionwithgooddeeds:alogicheused,inthecontextofour

conversation,tojustifytransgressivesexualexperiences.

Allactions—a‘māl—maybeimplicitlyvaluedasconferring“merits”or

“detriments.”A‘mālalsoconnotesasthesumofgooddeeds(khīrān)figured

againstbad(shirān),aretherewardsthatGodwillgivethefollower,bothinthis

lifeandthenext.Forinstance,Platt’sUrduDictionarydefinesaʻmāl-nāmaasthe

registerofone'sdoingsorconduct;theregisterinwhichthedeedsofmenare

supposedtoberecorded(Platts1884,61).Inmydataanalysisforthis

dissertationIdiscoveredanimagepostedonanIslamiconlinedigestthatserved

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76

Thelogicthatgoodactionsineverydaylife—likegivingblood—willhavean

outsizedbenefitorreward(inthenextlife)isfurthersuggestedinthepromotional

materialforblooddonationcamps.Ienteredfieldworkinlate2011unawareofthe

roleofblooddonationasaformofreligiousservice.Threemonthsintomyresearch,

whileattendingamajlisontheeighthnightofMuharraminDubai,Istumbledupon

acampthatwasset-upinavacantlotadjacenttotheimāmbārgāh.Approaching,I

noticedthelargevehiclespeciallydesignedformobilebloodcollection,thatbore

theDubaiHealthAuthority’sbrandingonitsside.Thesideoftheunitwasalso

adornedwithaninspirationalmessage:“onedropofyourbloodcansavealife”(see

Image1.2).ThoughIdidnotattendtheMuharramblooddrivethefollowingyear,

Hamdanemailedmetheposterheused(seeImage1.5).Theemailhehadcirculated

tohislistservecontainedanotherreferenceaimedtoconveytheoutsizedbenefit

attachedtotheact:“Itmeansafewminutestoyoubutalifetimeforsomebodyelse.”

Iwalkeduptothesign-uptable,whereafewyoungmenwereaddingbasic

identificationinformationonaform,whichhadbeenpreparedbythejamā‘tin

ordertotallyparticipants.Thetopoftheformwascaptionedwithanotherphraseof

inspiration,attributedtotheQur’an.ThemetonymiclogicfitthatoftheDubai

HealthAuthority’spromotionallanguage,whileexpandingthescale:“tosaveone

lifeistosaveallofhumanity.”Inthesemessages,onedropofbloodanda“few

minutes”ofyourtimeareweightedwithgreatpurposeandutility.TheQur’anic

referenceaimedtofurtherpersuadethepotentialdonorofhisorherimpact,with

thereminderthatasmallactcansavehumanity.

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Image1.5:PromotionalposterforMuharram2012blooddonationdriveinDubai,circulatedviaemailDecember2012.

78

Inadditiontotheseeffortstoconfigureblooddonationasareligiousduty,I

arguethatthepromotionalmaterialsaimedtodrawthedonorintoarelationship

withrecipient,andthusintoanactofmedicalcare.Iseethisasanefforttoconnect

blooddonationwithbloodtransfusion,aspartofasingularprocess.Asamedical

technician,Hamdan’shospitalworkdrewhimregularly,thoughindirectly,intothe

processofadministeringmedicalcaretopatients.Heleveragedhisconnections

withintheDubaiHealthAuthorityandhismedical-technicalexpertiseindesigning

andleadingtheblooddonationcampeffortsforthecommunity:organizingthestaff

andreservingthemobileunit,forinstance.Furthermore,thepromotionalemailhe

postedtohislistservcontainsanoteaboutthevarioususesanddestinationsforthe

bankedblood:“Thalassemiapatients…roadaccidentandburnvictims…patients

withneonatesandmaternityhealthcomplications…casesdiagnosedwithcanceror

scheduledforopenheartoperations.”Byinvitingpotentialdonorstoreflecton

specificpatientstypes,andevenonparticularaccidentscenarios,Hamdan

effectivelyalignswould-bedonorsandthepotentialrecipientsoftheirbodily“gift,”

configuringthedonorasaparticipantintheadministrationofcare.Intheseways,I

seeHamdan’sinterestinaligningreligiousservicewithmedicalcareaspartofhis

owncomprehensivecommitmentto“service,”whichbuildsonaspectsand

imperativesofhisemploymentinmedicaltechnicalservices.

Intentionunderlyingbenefit

TocriticallyevaluatetheparticularbenefitsometimesascribedtoShiaswho

donateblood,beyondthegeneralvaluesofreligiousandcivicservicethatIoutlined

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inthesectionabove,Imustfirstdiscussingreaterdetailtheprocessbywhichsuch

benefitsaresecured.Ingeneral,inIslamicpractice,nīyat(intention)iscloselytied

totheaccrualofs̤awāb(spiritualbenefit).Specifically,theextenttowhichthe

practitionerreceivesspiritualbenefitfromanyactionislargelytheextenttowhich

theyestablish“intention”priortotheaction.Nīyat,forinstance,includesthe

requirementthatthepractitionerorganizestheirheartormindpriortoengaging

theQur’an,viatextorrecitation.Shias,suchasmembersofthiscommunity,then

extendthisrequirementtothehandling,recitationorauditionofkalām:a

shorthandreferencetoalltypesofShiareligiouspoetry.Kalāmtranslatesas

“speech,”“language,”or“words,”whilekalamatAllahmeans“thewordofGod,”or

“HolyScriptures.”27

Giventhesaturationoftheenvironmentwiththingsandutterancesthatmay

containkalāmorQur’anictext,encounteringthemwithouthavinggiventhe

necessaryintentionisanabidingproblem.Oneevening,whilesittinginmycarwith

Asgarinfrontofateashop,aswewaitedforotherfriendstojoinus,Iturnedonthe

car’sradio.IttunedinachannelplayingcontinuousQur’anicrecitation.Aftera

minuteoflistening,AsgarsuggestedthatIturnoffthestation,indicatingthatitis

notgoodtolistentoQur’anrecitationwhiledistracted.Inotherwords,itis

impropertoencounterthewordswithouthavinggiventherequisiteintentionand

performedtherequisitebodypurifications(wuḍūʼ).Onanotheroccasion,Irodeina

carwithafriend,Muhammad,fromthecommunityshortlyaftertheconclusionof

eveningprayer.SunnimosquesperformtheprayerslightlylaterthanShiamosques,27Wehr,Hans.1994.“Kalm.”InArabic-EnglishDictionary,981-982.Urbana:SpokenLanguageServices.

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andalongtherouteafewprayerleaderswerestillrecitingQur’analoudto

membersoftheircongregation,havingfinishedtherequiredpartsoftheprayer.As

wepassedonesuchmosquethatstillhadit’sspeakeropen,broadcastingthe

recitationtothepublicareasoutside,thedriverturnedtome,exclaiming,“Iwish

thesemosqueswouldnotkeeptheirmicrophonesopenfortheprayerand

recitation.Wedon’tknowwhattodowhenwehearthis—shouldwestop?”

Ofcourse,actsofwaitingandofdrivingarethemselvesintentional,

functioningtoachievetheoutcomesofreunitingwithfriendsandreachinga

destination.However,encounteringorhearingthewordsoftheQur’anwithout

activelylistening(i.e.without“intending”tolisten;withoutgivingnīyat)introduces

aquotientofinattentiveaction.Uponhearingthewords,theunderlyingaction—

drivingorwaiting—issuddenlynolongerfullyintentional.Someexpenditure

associatedwithbeinginandsensingtheworld,andundertakingamundaneactivity,

isnowwasted.Inthisway,theefficacyoftheactionisalignedwithitsefficiency.If

inefficient,itisnolongereffective:henceMuhammad’ssuggestionthatperhapswe

oughttostopandlistentotheQur’anrecitationwaftingoutfromthemosque,before

continuingourjourney.Thisconceptionofefficiencyreliesagainonthe

understandingthatmundaneactionsareoftencentralcomponentofthepursuitof

spiritualbenefit,asdemonstratedinthenotionofziyāratdescribedintheprevious

section.

Shiaparticipation:blooddonationasreligiousperformativeact

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AsIaimedtodescribeinrelationtodonationcampdesignabove,Ibelieve

thatHamdanencouragedparticipationinblooddonationasageneralformof

Islamicservicetothebroadercommunity,andasaformofparticipationinmedical

caregiving.WhenIaskedhimdirectly,hedeniedandexpressedsomediscomfort

withafurther“valuation”oftheblooddonationritualasasubstitute—materially

andcorporeally—forotherformsof“blood-letting”viaself-injurythatmanyShia

engageintocommemorateImamHussain’smartyrdom,torememberandfeelhis

pain.YetexamplesaboundworldwidethatattesttotheparticipationofShiain

blooddonationassynchronouswiththeprimarytimesofcommemorationinthe

Shiacalendar,andattesttoindividualsandorganizationsevenurgingfellowShiato

“substitute”blooddonationforactsofinflictingself-injury.28Inthisway,blood

donationfitsintothewidercritiqueofblood-lettinginShiarituals,inpartasa

consequenceofAyatollahKhamenai’sinfluential1994fatwathatdescribesthe

practiceasanti-Islamic.29Often,andimportantlyforthestakesofthischapter,the

calltoforegoritualizedselfinjuryencouragesindividualstoinsteadmake“useful”

28Schubel(1993),Zahab(2008),andMadsenandHassan(2008)describetheorganizationofblooddonationcampsinKarachiinthe1980sand1990s,partlyinstigatedbyaShiastudentorganizationencouragingfellowShiastodonatebloodasasubstitutionforflagellation.SchubelandZahabbothstressthatthecampparticipationdidlittletodiminishparticipationinritualself-injury.Norton(2005)andDeeb(2005)bothdescribehowHezbullahencouragedandhelpedorganizelargebloodbanksontheoccasionofʻĀshūrāinLebanon,beginninginthe1990s.A2013-2014medicalcasestudybasedinSrinagar,Indiaexplorestheunderrepresentationoffemalesatvoluntarybloodbanks,butnonethelessnotestheoutsizedcontributionofShias,particularlyonʻĀshūrā,suggestingthat“theseareuniqueopportunitiesavailableforlimitedbloodbanksthroughouttheworld”(Bala,Handoo,andJallu2015,188).OthersdescribeinstancesofflagellationcriticsinLadakhencouragingShiastodonateblood(Pinault2001),theIranianBloodTransfusionOrganizationdispatchingcollectorsthroughoutthecountryonʻĀshūrā,andultimatelycollecting3.5timesmorebloodnationwideonthatdaythanthenationaldailyaverage(Abohghasemietal.2011),andarecentbloodbankorganizedinNewYork(MadsenandHassan2008).29ForabroaderdiscussionaboutthedebatesovertheseritualsinsideShi’ism,seethechapter“SpurtingBloodandAttemptstoRegulateRitual”inPinault(2008).

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(Pinault2001)andnot“waste”a“scarce”bodilyresource(MadsenandHassan

2008).

TheenduringcentralityofpaininmodernShiaexperiencerelatestothereal

connectionShiasfeel,effect,andrepresenttotheAhlal-Bayt,andthustothepivotal

experienceofHussainatKarbala.NamessuchasGulamAli—meaning“slaveofAli”

inUrdu—andBandeAbbas—meaning“friendofAbbas30”—arecommoninthe

SouthAsianShiaheritagecommunity.TheclaimsofcertainShiastogenealogical

descentthroughoneormoreoftheoriginalTwelveImamsreflectsthecloseness

ShiasfeeltotheProphet’sfamilyandprogeny.SayyidShiasoftenkeepdetailed

recordsoftheirgenealogies—asashajaraor“familytree”—intheirhomes.Onewho

ImetwithinDubaicarefullykeptacopyofhiswithhim,whileleavingtheoriginal

inhishomeinPakistan.Hedisplayeditformeonedaywhenwemet(seeImages

1.6-1.9).

ForShiasthen—amongotherMuslims,andamonganyonewhohearsthe

story—thebarefactsofHussain’streatmentatKarbala,andthedeathsofinnocents

suchasmanyyoungboysandHussain’sowninfantsonAbbas,ascommemoratedin

oratoricalsermonsandoralpoetryperformancesinSouthAsianShiatraditions,

elicitpain.Weeping,strikingone’schestorheadwithhands,andstrikingone’sback

withblades,lieonacontinuumofemotionalandsorrowfulresponsetohearing

poetryevocativeoftheexperienceofHussainandhisfaction.Woundsontheflesh

ofthemodernShiabodyareapointoftransference,linkingthedestructionofthe

30AbbaswastheinfantsonofHussain,struckbyanarrowandkilledatKarbala.

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Image1.6:PhotocopyofSayyidshajra(genealogy)fromapublishedsource,displayedbyresearchparticipantinDubai,August2012.Photobyauthor.Thetreetracesmaledescentonly.Thetitleattopofthepagereads,“Genealogy,VillageKahetry,DistrictMuzaffarnagar”.

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Image1.7:Anotherpagefromthesamepublication,throughwhichtheresearchparticipantalsotracedhisgenealogicaldescent.DisplayedinDubai,August2012,photobyauthor.Thetitlereads:“EndVportiongenealogy,villageChitwara,districtMuzaffarnagar.”

85

Image1.8:Thefirstpage(offourtotalpages)ofparticipant’shandwrittengenealogy,andextentionofthepublishedgenealogicaltree.Thefirstline(obscuredforprivacy)beginswithhisownname,thenhisfather’sname,andcontinuesthroughmalerelatives.DisplayedinDubaiinAugust2012,photobyauthor.

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Image1.9:Thefinalpageoftheparticipant’sgenealogicalnotebook.Thefinalentryinthelonglinearchainofmalenames,circledintheaboverecord,is“HazratImamAliNaqi:”thenameofthetenthImamrecognizedinthisbranchofShiaIslam.Thegenealogyestablishesinwrittenrecordtheparticipant’sSayyididentity.DisplayedinDubai,August2012,photobyauthor.

87

“Hussainīyat”31bodiesonthebattlefieldatKarbalawiththefeelingofpainconjured

byitsrecollectioninthepresent-day.32IthussupposethatthediscomfortforShias

whowoulddonatebloodasa“substitute”forareligiousactliesnotwithmaking

blood-lettingefficient—i.e.,productiveinmultipleways—butratherwithmaking

commemorationrestrained.

Hamdan’sdiscomfortwiththevaluationofblooddonationasanexpression

ofprotestofthefateoftheImamsmayseemincongruouswithhisbroader

commitmenttoefficiency,andfurthermorewithother“efficient”Shiapracticessuch

astheconservationofwaterinthenameofHussain,andthecommunity’s

organizationofa‘mālprograms.Still,Iproposethatsuchincongruityinfactreflects

acentraltensionwithinShi’ismpracticetodaybroadlybetweentheethicsof

conservationandexcess.Effortstoconservewateratimāmbārgāhs,organizea‘māl

programs,andtoalignblooddonationwiththecommemorationofmartyrdom,

clashwithformsof“excessive”self-injuriousactivityandthepursuitofvisceral

imagesandexperiences(asIdescribefurtherinChapter2),andwithaspectsof

religiouspoetryperformance,includingtheoverproductionofsound(asIdescribe

furtherinChapter5).ThetensionbetweenShiapracticesthattendtoward

conservationandthosethattendtowardexcessservesinparttodividepeopleon

thebasisof“tastes,”intosubgroupswithinthediverseShiacommunityinDubai—

divisionsIexplorefurtherinthenextchapter.HoweverIarguethatthetensionalso31AlocutionimplyingthecultofpersonalitysurroundingHussain.32Othershavestressedthatself-injuriousformsofmātamareessentiallynot“painful”experiences,asparticipantsattesttofeelingnopainwhileperformingit.WhilemembersoftheDubaiShiacommunitymadesimilarclaimstome,mātamcannotbeseparatedfromthebroaderrangeofmajālisperformancesinwhichtheyareimmersed,whichincludecollectiveweeping,loudwailing,andnon-rhythmiccheststriking.ThesevocalizationsandbodilyactionsexpressgriefattherecollectionofdetailsoftheHussainīyatexperienceatKarbala,duringmars̤iyaandsermonperformances.

88

manifestsasmultiplecompetingimpulsesinternaltomanyindividualmembers,

suchasHamdanandSajdali,whoontheonehandapplyastandardofstrict

efficiencytoeverydayactions—suchthatthoseactionsbearmultipleoutcomes—

butalsoactivelyorganizeandparticipateinmourningprograms,wheretheyweep

openlyandrecitepoetry.

Visualsymbolismcontainedintheblooddonationmaterialsandinthe

mosqueenvironmentalsosuggestthetension.Consider,forinstance,the

presentationofthemessage“Drinkwater,andrememberthethirstofHussain,”in

thesigninImage1.1.Theblood-redlettersseemtooozeblood,conjuringtheimage

Hussain’sbleedingonthebattlefield,andofparticipantsinself-injuriousmātam.In

contrast,considerthepurecontainmentsuggestedbytheimageoftheoversized

dropofblood,intheblooddonationpromotionalandinformationalmaterials,in

Images1.10and1.11below.Here,thetensionbetweenconservationandexcessis

renderedindiscretepropertiesofaliquid,toeitherspillorconformasdroplets.

Asafurtherspatialmanifestationofthistension,Inotedthe“emotional”

disconnectbetweentheblooddonationcampandtheimāmbārgāhinlate2011

Muharramgatherings.Thejamā‘t’sdonationcampsatadjacenttothecentralDubai

imāmbārgāhinthecornerofavacantsandylot,frequentlyusedatothertimesby

migrantmenandboysforimpromptucricketgames,andongatheringnightsfor

overflowparking.AsIdescribedabove,thedonationcampspacewasmarkedas

religiouswithuseofQur’anicpassagesasinspirationalslogansonthesign-upforms.

Themetonymicsofthesingularcontribution—onedropofblood,onemoment,one

life—alignedtheQur’anicmessagewiththeHealthAuthority’spromotional

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Image1.10:PromotionalposterforRamadan2012blooddonationdrive.CirculatedviaemailinDubaiinJuly2012.

90

Image1.11:MissionstatementplaqueonthewallofthewaitingroomintheDubaiBloodDonationCentre,July2012.Photobyauthor

message.Still,thecampwasabsorbedintotheambientspaceandenergyof

downtimeactivities.Mensharedjokeswitheachother.ItalkedtooneBritish-Indian

emigrantworkinginDubaiwhodescribedblooddonationsbackhomein

Manchester,butourconversationalsoturnedtomundaneaspectsofworkandlife

inDubai.Theemotionalenergyofthemātamperformances,andthepoeticlanguage

ofKarbala,pain,andsacrifice,werecontainedintheenclosedareasofthe

imāmbārgāhnearby,whereperformanceswereongoing.Despitetheproximity,

aspectsoftheemotionalritualexperienceofmātamperformancewereforeclosed

fromthedonationsite.

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VernonSchubel,ascholarofSouthAsianIslam,hasgivenanalternative

ethnographicaccountofMuharram-linkedblooddonation,describinganearlycamp

organizedbytheHussainiBloodBankinKarachiin1983:

OnthetenthofMuharram,abloodbankissetupintheimāmbārgāh.Thebloodisdrawnandtypedrightattheimāmbārgāh.Infact,itisdrawnintheghuslkhanah[washroom]andthentypedinthesamefieldwherethezanjirkamatam[self-flagellationritual]isperformed.ThetypedbloodisthendistributedfreetoShi’ihospitalsinPakistan…(Schubel1993,150)

Themoreobviousspatialmixingofmātamandblooddonationactivitiesinthis

examplesuggestsanattempttoassociatethetwoactivities,Schubelsuggests.Yethe

goesontoquestionthesuccessfulsubstitutionofoneactionfortheother.Though

thecamphadrecorded200donorsbynoononʻĀshūrā,heexplains,thoseactivities

wereoffsetbythe600-700peoplewhohadcompletedinjuriousmātamatthe

imāmbārgāh(Schubel1993,150).

InRamadan2012,theKhojaShiajamā‘tboardaskedHamdantoshiftthe

donationeffortfurtherawayfromtheimāmbārgāharea.(Ilaterfoundoutthatin

Muharram2012,thedonationcampwasagainorganizedadjacenttothe

imāmbārgāh.)Theyexplainedthatitdrewtoomuchfoottrafficaroundthe

gatheringcenter,anareathatwasregularlypatrolledbytheDubaiPolicefornoise

andotherpublicnuisancedisruptions.HamdanorganizedtheRamadanblood

donationeffortatthebloodcollectioncenteratthepublichospitalwherehe

worked,about5milesawayfromtheimāmbārgāhviaaseriesofhighways.Nadim

offeredtohelpHamdanorganizeridestothecenterwithvariousothercommunity

memberswhohadcars(seealsothepromotionalposter,Image1.10).

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Thoughthesamemobileunitsatidleoutsidethebloodclinic,theblood

extractionswereundertakeninsidetheclinicitself.InotedaprominentMission

Statementdisplayedononewall,whichemphasizedattributesparticulartothe

medicalprocessingofblood,forinstance:“service,”“care,”“safety,”and“timeliness”

(seeImage1.11).Iarrivedbeforeanyothers,andwatchedasaslowflowofmostly

menbegantoarriveincars,emerginginsmallgroups.NadimandAsgararrived

togetherlater,comingfromtheMajlis.Theyexplainedthat,despitetheirefforts,

theyhadfoundfewrecruitsfortheblooddrive.Bytheendofthenight,Icounted

twenty-sixnamesonHamdan’ssign-uplist.

TheblooddrivewasorganizedonthetwelfthofRamadan,exactlyoneweek

beforethefirstShab-e-QadrnightrecognizedbyShias:anightwhichcommemorates

thefirstrevelationofQur’anicversestotheProphetMuhammad,andonwhich

ShiasalsocommemoratethemomentwhenImamAliwasfatallystruckbyasword

inKufa,Iraq,whileprayinginamosque.Iaskedtwooftheinitialblooddonorsat

thehospitalwhytheydonated,andbothmentionedḵẖidmātor“service.”WhenI

askedifImamAli’sdeathcommemorationwasamotivator,theysmiledbutshook

theirheads,denyinganassociationwiththeiractofserviceandAli.Theyseemeda

bituncomfortablewiththesuggestion.

Nadimdeclinedtogiveblood,butheandIandafewotherswalkedbackin

theclinic’scollectionareawithAsgar,ashewasadmittedinbyanurse.Nadim

seemeduncomfortablewithprospectofgivingblood,butAsgar,atallandsoft-

spokenmaninhisearlytwenties,satconfidentlyandcalmlyinthechairasthe

nursepreparedfortheextraction,confirmedhismedicaldetailsandasked

93

questionsabouthishealth.Nadimaskedthenursequestionsabouttheprocedure,

andteasedAsgarabit,askingifhewasanxious.Asgarreactedlittleastheextraction

proceeded;hesqueezedaballtoaidtheprocess,andsmiledandjokedwithusaswe

waited.

Aftertheprocedurefinished,andwereturnedtothelobby,wechattedina

smallgroup.IaskedAsgarabouthismotivationfordonating.Healsomentioned

ḵẖidmātandaboutreceivings̤awābforhisactfromGod,whichtheothersaffirmed.

WhenIaskedabouttherelevanceofAli’smartyrdom,healsosmiledashepausedto

considerthequestion,andthenconcededthatyes,hewasalsothinkingaboutAli.

Anotherspokeup:“somepeoplewillgivenīyattoAli,beforetheinjection…They

willsay‘yaAli,’likethat.”Intentioncouldbeconveyedverballyornon-verbally,

anotheroffered.“Bas,yādrakhnāissufficient.‘IthinkofAli…’”Nadimadded,

demonstratingwaysthatnīyatcouldbereasonablyestablished.Asgarthenclarified

tomethathehadgivennīyattoAlibythinkingofAli,thoughheandtheothers

downplayedthesingularityoruniquenessofthisopportunitytolendintentionto

action.Thisattemptatnīyat,then,isimmersedinthecontextofeverydayactions:

donatingbloodmaybeoutsideofone’sdailyroutine,buttheopportunityto

establishbenefitisoneamongvariousothereverydayactions,theysuggested.

Specifically,avocalizednīyatisoftenrequiredinthecontextsofmoreformal

publicgatherings,rituals,performances,andmodesofaddress.Qur’anrecitation

requiresit,forinstance.ThiswasunderscoredformeaweekaftertheRamadan

blooddrive,whenIjoinedameetingofaQur’anreadingclassorganizedatthe

imāmbārgāh.TheleaderoftheQur’anclassmatchedme,andmyabilitytoread

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Qur’anicArabic,withagroupofmostlyeightandnineyearoldboys.AsIlistenedto

theothersslowlyandcarefullypronouncethewordsinmostly-correctdictionand

varyingdegreesoffluency,Itriedtodiscernandrecallpatternsforconjoining

wordsanddroppingconsonantsinspokenfuṣḥaArabic.Thechallengeso

preoccupiedmeasIlistened,thatwhenmyturncametoreciteIforgottobeginwith

myownnīyat,anintonationofthebismillāh,andthegroupleaderpolitelystopped

me.Thefullphrase—bismillāhir-raḥmānir-raḥīm,meaning“InthenameofGod,

mostgracious,mostmerciful”—whenrecitedatthebeginningofarecitation,

impliesanintentiontodevotetheactofreadingQur’antoGod.Thebismillāhis

writtenatthebeginningofalmosteverysūrah(chapter)oftheQur’an,thoughthe

recitationgroupextendedtherequirementtoincludethisexpressionofone’snīyat

atthebeginningofeachnewspeaker’sturn.

Monthsafterthat,inSeptember,Ihadthegoodfortunetobeinvitedtosit

withAsgarandanIndianpoet,Adil,asheundertookaprocessof“giving”Asgara

poemtorecite,line-by-line.AsgarhadcaughttheattentionofAdilmonthsearlier,

whenhehadrecitedanotherpoematamajlis.Livingpoetsoftenenterinto

exclusiverelationshipswithrecitersforthepermissiontopublicallyrecite

particularpoems.AsgarintroducedmetoAdilaftermajlisoneevening,andIhelped

facilitatedtheirmeetinglaterthatnight.Wesatinmycar,withthepoetinthefront

passengerseatandAsgarsittinginback.AshereadthepoemaloudtoAsgar,line-

by-line,hewouldoccasionallyshowAsgarhisownpage,toclarifythespellingofan

esotericword,forinstance.Intheend,healsogaveAsgarasenseofthe“tune”by

singingtheverseoutloud.Theprocesswasinteractive:aftermirroringthepoet’s

95

tuneonaline,Asgaronceasked“hereitispossibletogohigh?”(“idharhighćelsaktē

haiṅ?”).Afterconsideringforafewmoments,AdilagreeditwasAsgar’schoice

(“āpkīmerẓī”).

Astheyproceededlikethis,InoticedaninscriptionatthetopofAdil’spage

thathehadnotreadouttoAsgaraloud,andaskedaboutit.Heshowedittomeand

explaineditwasatwo-foldnīyatthatheappendedasaprefacetoallhispoems.The

firstlinereadbismillāhir-raḥmānir-raḥīm,andthesecondlinereadya‘Alīmolāhaq

(“OhAli,masteroftruth”).IaskedAsgarifhewouldreciteitaswell.Hementioned

thathewouldbeginwithanīyattoAli,mostlylikesimply“YaAli,”hesuggested.

TheShiaIworkedwithinDubaiunderscoredthebasicnecessitytoorient

one’shearttoAllah,ortooneoftheinfallibles,inordertoinvestactionswithadded

benefit.Whiletheyattestedtotheequalvalueofeithervocalizingorthinkingone’s

intention,vocalizednīyatitselfhasthecharacterofritual,andoftenattachesto

ritualperformativeactions.GivingnīyatbythinkingofImamAliatablooddonation

intheweekpriortohismartyrdomissufficient,Asgarandhisfriendstoldme,to

lendtheactionanaddedbenefit.Buttovocalizeone’sintentioninblooddonation—

theysuggestedsomedonorsdo—moreclearlyplacestheactintothecategoryof

ritualizedactions,includingtheperformanceofShiamourningpoetry,forinstance.

Tovocalizenīyatinblooddonation,inotherwords,moreclearlyalignstheactwith

theritualofself-injurythatmanyShiainthiscommunityaspiretoenact.Ina

contextinDubaiwhereself-injuriousmātamisnotallowedbythestate,duetoits

graphicnatureandcontroversialstatusasan“excessive”andpoliticalShiaritual,

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blooddonationundernīyatisperhapstheonlytypeof“bloodletting”religious

ritualthatisalsoencouragedbythestate.

Fāʼida-paradigm

IendthischapterbyreturningtotheworldofDubaiasconstitutedbythe

movementandmomentumofnon-worklife.Here,Iconsideraspectsandqualitiesof

roadsnetworksandofvehiclesthatenablesomeofthekeyfāʼidaactivitiesIhave

alreadydescribed,suchasthedistributionofleftoverfoodtodistantlaborcamps.

Butasaconverseaffect,Iexplorethetemptationtopleasureassociatedwithdriving

thatposeaproblemforthosemostcommittedtothepursuitoffāʼida.Asastarting

pointIreturntotheworldofdowntimedriving,andtheinstanceinwhichNadim

reactedwithfrustrationanighttimedrivemorphedintoidleconversationand

aimlessroamingabouttheneighborhoodsofcentralDubai.

Avarietyofstudiesseecarsastoolsenablingthesubversionofnormative

classandpowerstructures.EndaDuffyhasdescribedhow,throughdrivingcars,

individualsreappropriatequalitiesofmechanicalspeedandefficiency,germaneto

the“Taylorist”ethicsofworkenvironments,asaformofpersonalpleasure(Duffy

2009,4-5).ElizabethPovinellihasdescribedthecarasaforceenablingnotmerely

mobilitybutalsothetransformationofbodiesmade“numb”and“exhausted”by

work,and“alienated”bypovertyandracism.IntheparablefromthefilmTheKiller

Sheepthatshedrawson,however,theexhaustionfromhumanworkonthecar,ina

conditionofeconomicdepletion,overcomestheprotagonist,andhisattemptat

makingitfunctionalfails(Povinelli2011,101-103).PascalMenorethighlightsthe

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practiceofjoyridinginRiyadhasaformofanti-establishmentprotestbyayouth

underclass,enabledbytheinfrastructureofroads.Itisapracticethat“unbuilds”the

city,invertingthesecuritystructurethatpervadesthecityattimesoutsideof

predawnhours,whenjoyridingispracticed(Menoret2014,12,133-134).Ascars

co-optanincreasingrangeandproportionoflifeexperiences,thespatiallogicofthe

city—i.e.oftightlyintegratedzonesofhome,work,business,andleisure—isfurther

“unbundled”(Urry2005,28).

KathleenStewartrendersthecollapsetogetherofstillimagesparticularto

thelandscape,inanaccountshegivesofdrivinginthecoalcountryhillsofWest

Virginia.ShealsogoesastepfurtherthanMenoret,renderingthedesireshe

observesinherselfandothercarefuldriverstoabandononeselftothe“thingin

motion,”andtothesurroundingtextureof“dizzying”densityofthingscollapsing

together.Inthisway,shereferencesLevinastodefinethemountainroadasaspace

ofalterity:“astateofbeinginbetweenwherethingsareneitherfullypresentnor

absent”(Stewart1996,67-69).Whileshedoesnotmentionit,Ibelieveher

referencetothisparticularexperienceofdrivingalsoresonateswiththenotionof

observer’s“coincidence”withamovingobjectdevelopedbyphilosopherHenri

Bergson(2007,1-4)inhisIntroductiontoMetaphysics.

ThecommunityIworkedwithinDubaihadabaselinemobilitythatallowed

them,forinstance,toattendmajlisgatherings:thatis,toenterintothe“community”

ofShiapractitionersaroundparticularimāmbārgāhs.Assuchtheyhadnotablymore

freedomofmovementthanthoselaborerswhosecompaniesaccommodatedthem

atisolatedcamps.Still,theyweremoreconservativeintheirmovements,especially

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ontheroad,thanmore“free-wheeling”youngEmiratis.Manyquietlycritiquedthe

practicesofnativeEmiratistome,associatingthemwithbothworklazinessand

recklessroad-behavior.Insomeimportantways,theforeignworkersIinteracted

withconfiguredthemselvesoppositely:hardworkingbutrestrainedintheirroad

movements.

Thecarhasthecharacterofanenclosedprivatespaceengagingothermobile

machinesandpeopleintheverypublicsettingsofroads.Roadsas“free-use”spaces

accommodatingallusersarebeliedbythehierarchies,strictconventionsandrules

ofuse,andbythesecuredprivacyofcars.Mostinthecommunityfearedpolice

surveillanceandpunishmentsfortransgressions,andalsoavoidedconfrontation

withlocalsandArabsgenerally.Ontheroad,someofmyresearchparticipants

wouldcharacterizecarelessdriversas“Egyptian,”whilefurtherassumingspeeding

driversinblackwindow-tintedSUVstobelocals.Still,theydeferredandavoided

anyconfrontationwitheithergroup.

Thiscontrastedwithoneparticular(andinsomewaysminorandsemi-

serious)“roadrage”episodeIwasinvolvedin,whiledrivingmycaratnightintheal

RashadiaareaofDubai.MypassengerswerethreePakistaniPathanmembersofthe

Shiacommunity,allwhoworkedastaxidriversinDubai.Whilegoingthrougha

tunnel,Ifailedtoyieldwaytoacarwhowantedtopass,wholoudlyblasteditshorn

andflasheditslights.Preparingforaconfrontation,andabitnervousandagitated,I

watchedasthecarspeduponawidenedstretchofroadontheothersideofthe

tunnel,andthecarcameupbesideus.Theoccupantsmaderaucoustaunting

gestures,towhichmyparticipantsplayfullyrespondedinkind,whileseeming

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amusedandmostly-feigningoutrage.Inotedtheothercar’soccupantswerealso

SouthAsianyoungmen,thoughnotPathan.Myinformantsidentifiedthemas

“Malwari,”aderogatorytermappliedgenerallytoSouthIndiansinDubai,and

specificallytothemanyKeraliteworkersespeciallyassociatedwiththe“Malabar”

coastalarea.

Ontheonehand,thecar’sprivacyallowsforexpressionsofangerdirectedat

othersthatwouldnotbepossibleinotherpublicencounters.Buttheinhibition,

playfulness,anddistractionthatcar-drivingcreates,asexhibitedinthisepisode,

posesaproblemforthosewhovalueandseekproductivityandefficiencyinnon-

workexperiences.Therapidcrushofimages,thestatusofeasymobility,thedrone

andvibrationofanengine(buildingonthenotionsaboutdrivingthatStewart

presents),conspiretolulldriversandpassengersintodistraction.Furthermore,the

smoothconcreteroadsurfacesallowsforbothfastdrivingandpleasurable

experience:temptationsofwhichNadimwasfrequentlycritical.Still,Nadimwas

amongthemostenthusiasticaboutmydecisiontoretainarentedcarinthelate

summermonthsof2012,andhewasperhapsmymostfrequentcompanionin

variousafterworkactivities.Thisunderscoredhisalternativeviewofthecarasa

usefultool,orinhisplayfullocution,asa“fāʼida-siyara.”

Nadim’sconcernformakingactionsandthingsbeneficialwascaptured

throughfrequentandcreativereferencestofāʼida.AsImentionedatthebeginning

ofthischapter,Nadimusedlocutionssuchasfāʼida-phone.Whileheownedasimple

cellphone,whichheusedfortextingandvoicecalls,heappliedthephrasetomy

phone—athird-generationiPhone—todescribeitsmultiplebenefit.Iwould

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occasionallyusemyphonetoplayvideos,suchasmātamvideos,forthosewho

askedforit.Iwoulduseittotakephotosandtorecordmajlisesandinterviews.

Nadimandotherswouldasktouseittomakelow-costinternet-basedcallstoIndia

andPakistan.Inanotherinstanceandcontext,Nadimjokedwithmewhenone

friendaskedmeabouttheprocedureforsecuringavisatovisittheUnitedStates.

WhenIansweredthatIwasunsure,Nadimturnedtome,presumingIwas

intentionallywithholdingvaluableinformation,teasing:“youwanttotakesome

fāʼida,no?”

Nadim’sconcernforfāʼida-actions,andformycar,alsorelatedtoadesireto

notwastetime.Heregularlyadvisedmetoavoidconversingwithcertainpeople,

wonderingwhatthebenefitwastome,andsuggestingthatInotwastemytime.He

alsoadvisedmeagainstgivingaridetoanyonewhomightrequestit,predictingthat

manypeoplewouldtrytobecomemyfriendinordertoavailthebenefitofan

occasionalride.Perhapstolendhisappeallegitimacy,heoftendeclinedorcutshort

rideswithmeinthecar,describinganaversiontoaimlessorwanderingtravel:

whichheoftendenotedusingtheHindiverbghūmnāortheEnglishword

“rounding.”

Inanotherrelatedepisode,inearlySeptember,NadimandIsatintheback

seatofacarbelongingtoanothermutualfriend,Datu,ashedroveandSaadsatin

thepassenger’sseat.Distractedly,DatuandSaaddiscussedthetechnicaldetailsof

recordingDatu’snōḥarecitationinastudio,whileSaadalsofrequentlyburstinto

sungrecitation.Nadimidlyshowedmeabruiseonhislegandtoldmeaboutfalling

atwork,inbrokenEnglish:“myintentionisnot:tez,falldownonplatform–thisis

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g̠ẖaltī̤[mistake].”LaterheaskedwhetherIhadbeen“rounding”33(drivingaround)

thepreviousnightinanearbyneighborhoodwithothercommunitymembers.Isaid

Ihadnot.

Aboutfourminutesintoour“rounding”withDatuinhiscar,Nadimspokeup

tocutshorthisparticipation,aswehappenedtodriveneartohislaborcamp

accommodation:

Nadim:Datubhai,mērīkōidharī,agarāputārdēngētōachhārahēgā.(Datu,ifyoucouldletmegetouthere,thatwouldbenice.)Datu:[surprised]Abhī?(Now?)Nadim:Hāṅjī.Kyoṅkīmērīṣubaḥdutyhē.(Yesyes.Ihavetoworkinthemorning.)Datu:Ohhh…Surehō?(Areyousure?)Nadim:Jījī.’inshā’Allāhkalshāmkōmulāqāthōgī(Yesyes,inshallahwe’llmeettomorrow…)Datu:Āpkīmerẓī.Humnēsōchāthākiāphumārēsāthinkāćhōṛkēphirā’ēṅgē?(Asyoulike.Ithoughtyouwouldcomewithustodrophimoff[dropSaadathisfriend’splace],thencomeback?)Nadim:Nahīṅnahīṅ,bahutdērhōjā’ēṅgī.Kamsēkamēkganṭalagēṅgē.(Nono,itwillgetwaytoolate.Itwilltakeatleastanhour.)Datu:Ah.Ārāmsē…(Ohok,don’tworry…)

ThissecondepisodeinSeptembermirrorsthefirstIrelatedabovefromlateAugust,

intheopeningsectionofthischapter.ThenotionofghūmnāinUrduissometimes

casuallytranslatedas“rounding”inEnglish,andalsomeans“toturn,”butinthis

contextimplieswanderingoraimlesstravel.Inadditiontothenotionofwasted

time,IseeNadim’sstatementofhisdispleasureatour“aimlessdriving,”inthebrief

excursioninlateAugust,relatestothewanderingandincreasinglydistractednature

oftheconversationatthetime.

Hisaversiontotheseformsofdistractionandaimlessdriving,inthese

examples,wasalsorootedinwhatIconsideredhisgreaterreligiousconservatism,33AwordoftenusedbyUrduspeakersinEnglishspeech,asasubstituteforghūmnā.

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andinparticular,hisdisinterestinShiareligiouspoetry.Onsomecar-rides,he

openlymockedandteasedSaadashesangpoeticlines.Aftertakingtimetolearna

fewversesmyself,duringmysessionswithAsgarandthepoetAdil,Ipresented

themtoNadimoneevening,andshowedhimmysheetwhereIhadtranscribed

them.Helistenedandreadbeforecommenting,“kalāmachhāhe”(“thewordsare

good”),andthenaskedmetostopsinging.Heenjoyedreadingpoetrybutnot

listening,hetoldme.WhenIpushedhimonhisrationale,headmittedbeingunsure

whetherrecitingwithtuneswasmustaḥabb(virtuous)inIslam.Hepreferredto

readorlistentounsungpoetry,andpreferredthereciterstorecitewithoutsinging.

Hewonderedwhatvaluelayinsungperformances.Hisaversiontopoetryaudition

andtoaimlessformsofdrivingwasrootedinasenseofefficientactionsandagainst

thewastefuloruselessexpenditureofenergy.

Conclusion

MuslimsregularlydrawonaframeworkinIslambywhichallactionsmaybe

categorizedaccordingtotheirvalueorpermissibility.Whilemanybasicactionsare

widelyacceptedinparticularcategories—forinstance,thefive-dailyprayersare

wājib(mandatory)whiletheworshipofmultipleGodsisḥarām(forbidden)—many

otheractions,suchasthetonefulrecitationofpoetry,mayrequireapractitioner’s

everydayadjudicationtobestdetermineappropriateparticipation.Shouldsung

poetrybeavoided,pursued,ormerelytolerated?Thesalienceoftheframework,and

itsapplicabilitytoallactions,helpsexplainNadim’sabidingconcerntoidentifyand

avoidwastefulactions.

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Still,Iarguethatthemotivationtomaximizebenefitandtobeefficient—as

exemplifiedinthecasesofNadim,Sajdali,andHamdan—doesnotfollowfrom

religiousidealsalone.Rather,thisisrootedinanethicofwork,particulartoservice

inSajdaliandHamdan’scases,andtophysicallaborinNadim’scase.Inotherwords,

theworkbackgroundsofthesepeoplehelpexplaintheirleadershiprolesinservice-

orientedprojectsinthecommunity,andtheirstrictaversiontowastefulness.

Drawingonparticularaspectsoftheirworkexperience,theyextendthelogicof

theircommitmenttoreligiousserviceandtothepursuitofspiritualbenefit(s̤awāb),

intothepursuitofeverydaybenefit(fāʼida)andtheefficientmanagementoftheir

non-workexperienceandtime.Inthisway,theethicofworklifeefficiencyhelps

alignthepursuitofs̤awābandfāʼidaaskeyaspectsofthelivesofworkingShiain

Dubai.

Sotooqualitiesofenvironmentshelpconformthepracticesofefficiency,

reflectedthroughtheurgencyofworklife,thatthischapterhastraced.Inclosing,I

wishtoreflectontwokeyenvironments—roadnetworksandmedicalclinics—tied

tothe“beneficial”practicesIhaveoutlinedinthischapter.Withrespecttothe

importanceofroadinfrastructure,recallforinstanceHamdan’sleftoverfood

distributionservice.Thepropositionoftheenterprise—tocollectpreparedfoodin

shortandwell-definedtimeframes,anddeliverittofall-flunglaborcamp

populationsbeforethefoodperishes—dependsonthereliableinfrastructureand

smoothconcretematerialityoftheroadnetwork.Thedistributionofexcessfoodto

theneedyisoneamongmultipleformsofexperienceenabledbytheorderlinessof

trafficandsmoothqualityofroadsasunencumbered,reliable,andfree-flowing.

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Sotootheenvironmentofthemedicalclinicisoftencharacterizedasorderly

andaustere.Foucaulttracesahistoryofhospitalsthroughanimpulseineighteenth-

centuryEuropeansocietyto“createforthesickdifferentiated,distinctspace”

(Foucault2012,21).Inanethnographyofadolescentdrugrehabilitationin

Baltimore,Maryland,ToddMeyersdescribesonedrugtreatmentclinicasan

“austere”environmentdesignedtofoster“seclusion”fromthecityanddisrupt

“patternsofdruguseandviolence”germanetolifeoutside.The“order”ofthe

treatmentcenterhelpedonepatient“maintainhisownfeltorder”intreatment,

Meyerswrites(2013,37,40).

Reflectingthesespatiallogics,Iarguethatthespaceoftheblooddonation

clinicinDubaiallowsthedonor,the“patient,”toprojectformsofexperienceby

virtueoftheclinic’squalitiesofausterity,orderliness,andcompartmentalization

fromthecity.ThequalitiesoftheclinicalspaceenableShiapractitionerstoproject

aspectsofcommemorativereligiousritualsintotheactivityofblooddonation.The

abilityofparticipantstoprojectthosereligiousexperiences,inotherwords,

overcomesthephysicaldistancebetweenimāmbārgāhandblooddonationsite.Like

thesmoothandunencumberedsurfacesofroads,thesequalitiesofspacefunctionto

multiplytherangeofpossibleexperiencesfortheparticipant.

Smooth,orderlyroadsallowforfree-flowingmovement,andarethus

consistentwiththeimperativesoffoodwastedistribution.Austereclinical

environmentsallowfortheprojectionofexperiences,andthusfosteractivitiesthat

yieldmultipleoverlappingbenefits.Theseenvironmentsarethusproductiveof

“efficiency”inthewaysIhavedefinedsuchformsofefficientactivityinthischapter.

105

Ifindthattheurgencyofworklife,andthesmoothandausterematerialityofthese

environments,conformanethicofefficiencyformembersofthismigrant

communityinDubai.

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2.ExcessViscerality,war,visualShiaculture,mātam

OnedayinApril,onaroutetothemosqueIhadfrequentlytraveled,I

transferredatametro-railstopontoasurface-roadbusandwasgreetedbyaman

I’dnevermetbefore.Theman,whoI’llcallFiroz,hadseenmeinthemosqueand

imāmbārgāhseveraltimesbefore,hesaid.Aswegotoffatabusstopnearthe

mosque,heinvitedmetohishouse.AnativeofSouthIndia,thoughworkingin

Dubaiforalmosttwentyyears,Firozlivedwithhisfamilyinamoderntownhouse-

typeresidencenearthemosque,inamiddle-classneighborhood.Hisfather,he

explained,hadbegunasmallbusinessinDubaidecadesearlier,whichhehadtaken

overanddevelopedintoasmallchain,withfiveotherDubailocations.

Firozdescribedhisenthusiasmforhisbusiness,inspiteofthechallengeof

highrentcostsandlowsalesmargins.HefeltafamilialcommitmenttoDubai—his

agingfatherstilloperatedtheoriginallocation,andhistwochildrenwerebornhere.

Aproudparent,heseemedmosteagertointroducethemtomeanddemonstrate

theiraccomplishments.Hisdaughter,theoldest—Iestimatedhertobeperhaps5

yearsold—hadmadesomepaintings,hesaid,aidedbyhermother.Hebroughtout

twotheyhadrecentlycompleted.

Thefirstpaintingthatheunfoldeddepictedascenefromthefamiliar

fairytaleCinderella.ACinderellafiguresatintheforeground,againstamostlyblue

background,whileaPrincekneltbeforeher,holdingaslipperinhishand.The

outlineofthescenehadbeenpre-drawnonthepage,asinacoloringbook.Firoz

showedittomeapprovingly,thenflippeditovertorevealthesecondone,whichby

contrastdepictedaclimaticscenefromthebattlefieldatKarbala.Init,Hussain

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appearstolieonhisbackontheground.Streaksofredandorangearoundhisbody

appeartodepictflowingblood.Severalarrowsstickupintotheairfromhisbody.

Otherbodiesarelyingonotherpartsofthebattlefieldinsimilarstates.The

backgroundisalsopredominantlyorangeandred.

Firozdisplayedthemformeinsequence,thenlaidthemside-by-sideonthe

coffeetableaswecontinuedtotalk.Heonlyaddressedthemasdistinctimagesby

commentingthathewishedhisdaughterwoulddrawmoreliketheKarbalaimage.

Thetwowereotherwiseassociated,asifpartofacollection:ofachild’sdrawings,of

depictionsoficoniclegendaryscenes.Ourattentionshiftedasthetwodaughters

andthemother,whoworeḥijāb,appearedandgreetedme.Thegirlsshowedme

theirbikesandplayedonthemarblefloors,beforetheirmotheraskedthemfor

help.Wecontinuedinthisroutineuntilitwasprayertime,atwhichtimeFirozandI

stoodandleftinthedirectionofthemosque,leavingbehindthetwopaintingson

thecoffeetable,togetherwithafewotherpiecesofmailandemptyteacupsfrom

whichwehaddrunk.

Ontheonehand,Ibeginwiththisstoryasawaytofurtherconveysomeof

thetextureofeverydaylifeasIobserveditforShiaexpatriatesworkinginDubai.In

anotherway,thedetailsofthisepisodesurviveinmymemoryandtextgiventhe

“starkness”oftheKarbalaimageinparticular,asIexperienceditthen,andlatervia

notesandrecollections.Ononelevel,asIdevelopfurtherinasectionbelow,my

surpriseatencounteringtheimageinthiscontextreflectsaconceptualizationof

“children”and“war”asmutually“repelling”categories(Trawick2007,6).The

puzzleformethen,atanotherlevel,relatestohowparticularconditionsmake

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particularimageseitherordinaryorextraordinary,asanaspectofcontextand

everydayexperience.

ThischapterconsidershowvisceralimagesparticulartoShi’ismbecome

embedded,routine,and“ordinary”ineverydaylifeinDubaiasexperiencedby

membersofthisexpatriateworkingcommunity.Inthesectionsthatfollow,I

explorehowengagingwithavarietyofimagery(stillimagesandvideo)allows

memberstoreadilyaccessvisceralexperience,andoffsetsthelackofopportunities

toexperience“real‘azādārī”34inDubai.ThelifeofcontrarianimagesinDubai

mirrorsthehistorical“impermanence”ofmaterialsintheEmirate’s“austere”

naturalandcommercialre-exportenvironment.Inote,forinstance,thatthechild’s

drawingsFirozshowedmewerenotdisplayedinhishouse,butwererather

uncoveredanddisplayedforme:anoccasionofshowingthemtoaguest.

Meanwhile,imagesonlineandonphonesanimatethephysicalenvironmentsin

whichtheyareviewed,butonlyfleetingly.Intheexamplesthatfollow,Itake

seriouslythesurroundingenvironmentinwhichmobilevideoorimageviewing

occurs:asifcertainmomentscouldbefreeze-framedintheirthree-dimensional

existence,andconsideredfromdifferentlinesofsight.

Still,fleetingimageslikethesearenot“of”theseviewingenvironments,and

arethusofelsewhere:forinstance,oftheenvironmentsinwhichtheyarecaptured,

framed,edited,produced,uploaded,orstored.Likere-exportgoodsandthewind-

blowndetritusofsandlots,imagesinDubaiareofelsewhereanddonotinherein,

34‘Azādārī,aPersian-originword,collectivelyreferstothepublicmourningritualsthatShiasengageinaroundMuharram(seeforinstanceQureshi1981,63;Zahab2008,105).“Real‘azādārī,”inthelocutionthatmembersofthegroupfromRawalpindiused,impliedtheuseofforcefulmātamintheserituals.

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butrather“pass”through,over,andaroundmaterialsinthebuiltenvironment.

Trangressiveimages,likeillicitcapital,areimmersedandconcealedinthepowerful

transregionalflows,naturalandeconomic,thatconstituteDubai’sdynamic

environment.Jumpyvideoimagesflashacrossbobbingcellphonescreens,soaked

againsttheabundantsunlightoftheDubaiside-street,asagroupofmen

spontaneouslygatheraroundoutsidetheimāmbārgāhtoviewamātamvideo

recordedinIndiaorPakistan.TheimagesthemselvesshakewithintheYouTube

videoframeastherecorder’sowncellphonejostlesinandoutofsyncwiththe

mātamperformanceitself.Asherecords,hecapturesotheronlookers’cellphones

extendedtowardtheunfoldingevent.Thesevideoimagesarewovenintoan

environmentinDubaiofaubiquityofvideo-readysmartphones,andremain

inconspicuous.

Technologiesareinstrumentalinthisprocessofanenvironmentalenfolding

ofimages.Economicpolicieshavecreatedeasymarketsforbothmobiledevice

technologiesandinternetservices:infrastructuresthatenableaccesstoimages.

Boththemediaandmediatedcontentaretransient:madeelsewhereandquickly

consumed.SomeofmyresearchparticipantsinDubai“re-exported”theirdevices

withthemwhentheyreturnedhome,whileothers“recycled”theminDubai.For

instance,asectionofHamdan’semailnewsdigests(analyzedintheprevious

chapter)functionedasamarketplaceforthesaleandpurchaseofusedgoods,

includingmobilephones.Onelistingadvertisedausedmobilephoneavailable“free

ofcost,”requiringinterestedrecipientstojustifywhythephone“shouldbegivento

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you.”Insuchcaseswheretechnologyisleftbehind,theybecomeapartofDubai’s

“re-use”environment,rootedinausterity,materialefficiency,andworkefficiency.

Ofcourse,phonesandcomputersarecentraltomanyformsofworkinglife.

Thattheirworthismeasuredintermsoftheirutilityratherthanasmonetaryvalue

suggeststheessentialwork-relatedfunctionstheyperform,includingfacilitatingthe

searchforemployment.Inthefinalsectionbelow,Iexplorehowthemediationof

visceralandreligiousimagesthroughworkdevices,andtheirconsumptioninwork

environments,changeshowindividualsexperience“religious”visceralityingeneral.

Ilookathowcertainexcessesofworkliferoutineshelptransformandground

religiousexperiences,andenfoldtheseactivitiesintoeverydaylife.“Screen”-media

conformanethicof“crisismanagement”or“managedexcess”inworklifeand

religiousexperience,Iargue.Excessiveexperiencesbecometransfusedacrossthe

hyper-technologizedenvironmentsofworkingofficespacesandpublicstreets.The

dualcrisesofjoblessnessandofHussain’sfateatKarbalaare“mediated”together

throughthesepracticesofengagingimageryinDubai.

KeycharactersinthischapterincludeagroupofPakistaniShias—Punjabis

fromRawalpindi—whoIgottoknowinDubai,andwhodistinguishedthemselves

fromvariouscharactersfeaturedinthepreviouschapter,forinstance,fortheir

pursuitofforcefulself-injuriousmātamactivitiesviamartyrdomcommemorations

atimāmbārgāhs,andonline.Thischapterthusexpandsonacentraltensionin

contemporaryShi’ism,aspracticedinDubai,thatIbegantoexploreintheprevious

chapter.Thatis,thoughavarietyofactivitiesarestructuredbyanethicsof

conservationandefficiency(exploredindetailinthepreviouschapter),arangeof

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othersproduceexcess,especiallythosethatseekinsomewaytorepresent,mimic,

reveal,andenact—asaformofprotest—actsofextraordinaryandunjustviolence

enduredinbattlebymembersoftheProphetMuhammad’sdirectprogeny,over

1300yearsago.

GeorgesBataillehasdescribedwarasa“catastrophic”and“profitless”

destructionofexcess(Bataille1988,23-26).Whilethetensionbetweenefficientand

“wasteful”activityproducesfractureswithintheSouthAsianShiacommunityin

Dubai,basedinparton“taste”preferences,Ifindthatextraordinaryformsof

religiousritualaremade“ordinary”astheyareintegratedintothetextureof

everydaylifethroughthepervasionofmobiletechnologies.Iarguethatvideoand

imageviewingviamobilephonesisa“haptic”experience(Deleuze2003,122-143)

forShiainDubai,andkeysubstituteforthecommemorativeenactmentofpainvia

actualmātamperformances.Theyintegratevisceralfeltexperienceintothe

mundaneandroutineformsofeverydaylife.

Visceralimageryandthetextureofeverydaylife

Letmebeginwithanextendedethnographicaccountthatconsiderssomeof

thesequestionsoftheenvironmentalenfoldingofvisceralimages.Theyear2012—

myprimaryfieldworkyearinDubai—featuredamid-summer,July-August

Ramadan.Summersgenerallyheraldashift,inthisArabiandesertclimate,toward

late-nightsocialandworkactivities.BeginninginJune,sportsleaguesforadultsand

childrenaresponsoredbytheShiaKhojajamā‘tleadershipboard,withsessions

oftenbeginningaround11pmormidnight,duetoexcessivedaytimeheat.Many

112

businesses,shutteredduringdaylighthoursindeferencetofasters,openandclose

late.Manycompaniescurtaildailyworkdayschedules,partlyacknowledgingthat

fasters—whoabstainfromfoodandwaterfrompre-dawnuntilearlyevening—

experiencereducedproductivity,especiallylateintheday.Unemployedorflexibly-

employedmembersofthecommunitymightsleepduringthedayfrompre-dawn

untilmid-afternoon.Thoughthesemembersfulfillthefastingrequirement,they

foregothesenseofsacrificeMuslimsaimtoexperienceinthismonth.Inthis

category,ItalkedtoavarietyofyoungKhojaswhoattendedcollegeabroadbutwere

homeforthesummer,andsleptduringtheday.

Giventhesetrends,myownscheduleshiftedinthisseason,toadjusttothe

mostlynocturnalfieldofactivityIwasnowengaging.Still,researchdemands

sometimespulledmeblinkingintothewhitewashedoutdoorlandscapeofmidday

mid-summerDubai.OnemorninginJune,Iawokeearlytohelpafriendwhohad

requestedmyassistance.IpackedanoldMacBookintomybag—mysecondary

laptopwhichIsometimesusedtofacilitatefieldexperienceswithmyparticipants—

andmadethemetro-trainjourneyintocentralDubai.Arriving,Iwalkedthesun-

soakedandmostlydesolatestreetsoftheresidentialneighborhoodwhereherented

hisroom.ThoughnotRamadan,thiswasaSaturday:typicallytheseconddayofthe

weekendespeciallyforthoseworkingin“whitecollar”jobs.Thefollowingday,a

Sunday,alsocoincidedwithanationalholiday,Leylatal-Mi‘rāj,literally“theNightof

theLadder,”whichmarksMuhammad’sascensionintoheaven.Thusformany

workersinDubai,thiswasthemiddleofalongweekend.

113

Asifwasatthetimeunemployed,buthadafewdaysearliersecuredanew

temporaryjobcontractasasmalltruckdriverforaretailmanufacturer.Hewas

awaitinghisnewsponsorshippaperwork,heexplainedtome.Onthatmorning,he

wasawakeandanticipatingmyarrivalintheroomherented:partofastructure

designedasaservantsquarters,behindalargesingle-familybungalowonaleafy

palm-linedresidentialblock.Tomysurprisehisroommateandtheirotherfriend

werenotthere:atwork,Asifexplained.Allthreehadcalledmetocomebythat

morninginordertohelpthemsetupavideofeedtoaparticular‘azādārīprogram

beingheldinPakistanthatday,broadcastonline.Thedaymarkedtheshahādat

(martyrdom-deathanniversary)oftheseventhImam,MusaKhadim.Theprogram

promisedtoprovideexamplesof“real”‘azādārī,theytoldme.Theywereanxiousto

showmesomethingthatwasotherwiseunavailableinDubai,butwerealso

themselvesnostalgicfortheexperienceof‘azādārīinprogramslikethat.

Asifwasinhislatetwenties,unmarried,andhadcometoDubaitwoyears

prioronaworkvisawithaconstructionservicescompany.Heandhisroommates

wereallShiaswithnon-Sayyidbackgrounds,andhadfamilytiestoavillage

approximatelyonehour’sdrivesouthofRawalpindiinPunjab,Pakistan.My

relationshipwiththisgrouphadgrownoutofsometensionwiththegroupthatI

chronicledinthepreviouschapter—Saad,Asgar,Nadim,andSharif—inpartover

thisgroup’spreferenceformore-forcefulmātamrituals.TheRawalpindigroupalso

includedanactivenōḥareciter,Bashir,whosharedAsif’sroom.Thoughtheylived

neartheKhojaimāmbārgāhincentralDubai,theyregularlyattendedanother

Thursdaynightmajlisprograminamoredenselyurbanandcommercialareaofold

114

Dubai,neartheDubaicreek.Iattendedthemajliswiththemonafewoccasions,

laterofferingtodrivethemthereandbackwithmyrentedcar.Theimāmbārgāh

wasolderthantheKhojacenter,andofpoorerconstruction.Itfeaturedaverysmall

indoorhall,andbycontrast,alargecourtyardareawithahighwall.The

constructionwasthusconducivetotherigorousformsofopen-airmātam

performedthere,whichthesemensought.

Asthetimeapproached11am,AsifandIopenedmylaptop,thenstruggleda

bittoconnecttotheinternet.Onceonline,wenavigatedtothewebsiteoperatedby

animāmbārgāhintheirnativevillage.Unfortunatelyforus,thelivefeedonthepage

appearedtobedown.Abitfurtherdownthewebpage,wefoundsomevideo

recordingsofpreviousmajlises,includingafewfeaturing‘azādārīfromthisyear’s

Muharramgatherings.Wewatchedforabit,thenAsifaskedmetofindafewmore

onYouTube.Hegavemethreesearchterms:thenameofthevillage,andthename

ofaprominentnōḥaḵẖawān(nōḥareciter)and“zanjir.”Theresultsproduceda

varietyofvideos;Irecognizedone.Wewatchedforabitasthemenvigorously

whippedthemselveswithblades.Afterafewminutes,weagainreturnedtothe

websiteofthevillageimāmbārgāh.Thefeedwasstilldown.Wesearchedforagain

onYouTube,andafterafewminutesAsifselectedanotherzanjīr35video,whichwe

watched.Afterthat,weagainreturnedtotheimāmbārgāh’swebpage.Itwasstill

down.

Wegaveup,andasitwasthenapproachingtimeforẓuhrnamāz(midday

prayer),andagreedtowalkbacktogethertothenearbyShiamosqueinthe35ZanjīristheUrduwordfor“sword,”andinthiscontextdenotesformsofmātaminwhichparticipantsself-flagellatewithswords.

115

neighborhood.Wewalkedoutontothestreet,whichwasstillquietandemptyof

peopleortraffic.Ifeltthecontrastbetweenthethreeenvironments:a)theSpartan

anddarkenedroomwherewehadcrouchedaroundthezanjīrmātamvideos

enlargedonmylaptopscreen,b)theimaginarysceneinRawalpindi—perhapslike

othersIhadobservedinpersoninIndiaandinonlinevideos,withthrongsofblack-

clothedandbare-backedmenwhippingthemselvesinthedaylightgathering(itwas

mid-afternooninPakistan),andc)thevacantmid-summer,mid-weekend,white-

washedstreetscapeinDubai.IamnotsurewhatAsiffeltinthatmoment,butour

conversationquicklytransitionedbacktotheworldwewereactuallyin,andto

work.Heimmediatelybegantoagaindiscusswithmethedetailsofhisnewjob,

whileearnestlyconfidinglingeringanxietiesabouthislong-termprospectsinDubai.

“Kāsh,me…”(“alas…”)hesaidatonepoint,histhoughtseemingtotrailoffbefore

hecouldarticulateittome.

Violenceineverydaylife

Inthepreviouschapter,Ibegantodevelopanargumentaboutpainasa

centralaspectandaffectofmodernShiaexperience.Iexploredmyinformants’tacit

effortstolend“intention”toeverydayactions,andthustosubtlyinfusepainful

memoriesofhistoricalmartyrdomexperiencesintoeverydaylife.Theseefforts

drawonanethicsofefficiencyrootedina)theparticularworkroutinesinwhichmy

informantsengaged,andb)variousShiaandIslamictraditionsthattheyreferenced,

Iargued.Theexamplesindicatehowcertainritualactionssignificantlyreduceand

condensetheoriginaldestructiveactionsthattheycommemorate.Forexample,

116

mouthingorthinkingthewords“yaHussain”importsthephysicalmemoryof

extraordinarypainandinjusticefromKarbalatowardorientingamundanemodern-

dayaction.ForthekeyparticipantsIfollowedinthatchapter,suchcondensed

commemorativeactionssubstitutedforothermorevisceralformsofexpressionI

exploreinthischapter,andinoneway,indicateda“taste”preference.

Inthecurrentchapter,Ialsoexplorethemeansbywhichpainfulrituals,and

historicalmemoriesofpain,arewovenineverydaylife.Yetinthischapter,I

highlightadifferentaspectoftheDubaienvironmentinrelationtothe

commemorativeactivitiesandrepresentationsItrace.Ratherthanthequalitiesof

efficiencyandrestraint,thatis,IfindvisceralimageconsumptionreflectsDubai’s

environmentofmaterialfluidityandimpermanence.Furthermore,inimageand

videoviewing,Ifindthatrepresentationsofpainareconcealedandmore-effectively

managed,ratherthanreducedorcondensed.Visceralimagesarethusproductiveof

anethicofexcessinDubailife:onethatbuildsonanenvironmentalmaterial

impermanenceandalignsaspectsofShiaexperiencewiththesometimesseemingly

perpetualstruggleforemployment.

JustastherampantflowofillicitcapitalandgoodsbeliesDubai’sstrict

securityculture,36andnaturalforcesimperilextraordinaryartificial“built”-

environmentprojects,37visceralimagescontrastwiththeenvironmentalcalmthat

surroundsmanyShiasitesinDubai:apointIdevelopfurtherinthenextsection

36Onwide-scalesmuggling,moneylaundering,andcontrabandtradepracticesinDubai,seeDavidson(2008a).37Forsomepre-marketdownturnassessmentsofthisphenomenon,seeMikeDavis(2008)andYasserElsheshtawy(2008).Forthetensionbetweenconstructionprojectsanddestructivenaturalforces,includingtheambitiousWorldIslandsarchipelagoproject,seeHawco(2013),andapictorialrepresentationinImage2.1.

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118

repeatedinvariousconversationsandinstancesinfieldworkinDubai—thatShias

oughttolive“asifeveryplaceisKarbala,andeverydayisʻĀshūrā.”

Whatstrategiesarenecessaryinordertotransitionbetweenepicand

mundanestruggles?Orputdifferently,ifeverydayisʻĀshūrāandeveryplaceis

Karbala,howdoShiasgoaboutmundanelaborindailylife?Howdoimagessuchas

achild’sdrawingofKarbalaandofaCinderellastorycometositcomfortablyside-

by-side,andrelatedly,howdorepresentationsofextremesufferingandgraphicself-

violencebecomeimmersedinstrictlyregulatedenvironmentslikethatofDubai?

ToreadthejuxtapositionofscenesfromKarbalaandCinderellaasjarring

mightreflectaviewoftheassociationbetweenchildrenandwaras“repellant:”a

view,inotherwords,thatthephenomenonofchildreninwarisadevastating

excess.Theviewpointpartlyreliesona“cosmopolitan,universalist,and

fundamentallyWesternmind-set”MargaretTrawicksuggests,inherethnographic

studyofTamilliberationsoldiersinSriLanka,setintheearly2000s(Trawick2007,

6).Forthisperspective,Hussainissometimescriticizedforhavingbroughthis

familyintothebattlesocloselywithhim.Nonetheless,giventhecentralroleof

childrenintheKarbalaepisode,itisnotsurprisingthatShiaparentsinDubai

presenttheirchildrenincommemorationritualsasextensionsoftheidentityand

experiencesofthechildrenatKarbala.

Hussain’sinfantsonAliAsgarwaskilledinKarbala,asthemytho-historical

narrativegoes,byanarrowthatpiercedhisneck.Variousaccountssuggestthatthe

infantwastryingtoprotecthisfatheratthetime.Hussain’sdaughterSakina

survivedKarbala,thoughwascapturedbyYazid’sforces,alongwithmostother

119

womenandchildreninHussain’sparty.Shewasmistreatedbyhercaptors—the

epicaccountsuggestsshewasslappedandhadherearringssnatchedfromherears,

causingthemtobleed—anddiedincaptivityinDamascusapproximatelyonemonth

afterHussain’sdemiseatKarbala.Oneethnographicaccountdescribeshow

present-daymournersinIrandressyoungboysinclothesthatmimictheimagesof

AliAsgarcirculatedonpostersandothervisualrepresentations,andbringthemto

marchinthepublicprocessionals(Flaskerud2010,138-139).Anotherdescribes

howparentsofyounggirlsdressthemlikeSakinaatwomen’smourningmajlisesin

Pakistan(Abbas2009,142).

Inmyownpre-dissertationfieldworkinIndiain2006,Iwatchedfromahigh

balcony,onecoolnightinFebruary,asasmallgroupofmenperformedaMuharram

mourningritualinthemaincourtyardofLucknow’sBaṛāImāmbārgāh,surrounded

byalargecrowdofmajlisparticipants.Themenlineduptotaketheirturnwalking

overhotcoals:atrialofenduranceandself-inflictedpain,intendedtocommemorate

thepainfulexperienceofHussain’spartyatKarbala.One-by-one,themenslowly

approachedthecoals,arrangedinarectangularspaceaboutsixfeetacross.They

thenquicklybutdeliberatelywalkedovertheembers.Onemanapproachedslowly

holdingatoddler-agedchild.Justashewasabouttowalkacross,heputthechild’s

feetdownintothecoalsalongwithhis,andwalkedwithhischildacrossthem.With

someevidentdisapproval,afewmennearbyquicklyleanedintotrytograbthe

man’sarm,toforcehimtoliftthebaby.Heaggressivelyresistedtheirattemptsand

continuedtocompletetheritual,thenpickingupthechildandquicklywalking

away.Aswiththeself-flagellationritual,Shiasattesttofeelingnopain(Schubel

120

1993,146)astheycompletetheseactionswithsincerefocusand“intention,”ina

statethatDavidPinaulthascomparedtoecstaticstatesofselflessnesstheSufi

practitionersfeel,inwhichself-injurynolongerregistersaspain(Pinault2001,33-

37).38

TheattemptofthemaninLucknowtoengagehischildintheritual,andthe

mixedreactionofvisualdismayanddispassionateconcessionfromthemostly-

admiringcrowd,demonstratesthecomplexrangeofbeliefsandpractices,withina

community,onpropersocialrolesforchildren.PamelaReynoldshasworkedto

elucidatethemixofuniversalvalues(“childrenareseldom,ifever,treatedequally

[toadults]”),particularclassandculturalvalues,andevenindividualvalues(“we

seechildrenthroughtheeyesofthepast.Ourwaysofseeingaredefined,inpart,in

[ourown]childhood”),whichunderlieconceptionsoftheplaceofchildrenamong

adults(Reynolds2000,145-146).Andinthecontextofchildreninwar,VeenaDas

andReynoldscautionthatacritiqueofthenotionthat“Westernmodelsof

childhood”applycross-culturallymustalsonotassumethatnon-Westernersare

unconcernedornot“sorrowful”atseeingtheirchildrenbecome“embodiments”of

violence(seeHart2006,8).Theseaccounts,andtheritualIobservedinLucknow,

suggesttheindeterminacywithwhichtherelationshipbetweenchildrenandwaris

adjudicatedbyindividualsandsub-factionswithinspecificcommunities.

TheparticularcoordinatesofFiroz’sdaughter’srelationshipwithKarbala,

then,area)embeddedinaprocessofadjudicatingthatplaysoutintheShia

38Schubeloffersacontrastinginterpretation,describingtheabsencefrommātamritualsofaspectsassociatedwithothertypesofecstaticperformances,suchasthoseperformedby“Hindufaqirs”(Schubel1993,146).

121

communitybroadly,andb)anaspectofparentingingeneralthatbuildsona

multifocalsystemofbeliefs.ForthecommunityinDubai,then,andforFirozin

particular,thechallengeisnotoneofreconcilingaWesternrestraintwith

indigenousexcess,butratheroneofstitchingtogetherthingsandimagesfromthe

environmentandthosefromhistoricalmemory.Herethequestionofhowthe

extraordinarybecomesimmersedintheordinaryoverlapswithhowabsence

becomespresent.

WorkingamongPartitionsurvivorsinDelhi1973and1974,anthropologist

VeenaDasfoundthattheextraordinaryaspectsofpastarewoveninsideeveryday

language.Shetracksthepainfulmemoriesofviolencenotasarepressedpastbutas

a“surface”qualityoflanguage,presentinthesilencesbetweenwordsandthe

“gestures”oflanguage.Partlytomakeherpoint,sheexaminesashortstoryinUrdu

ofSaadatHasanManto.ThesceneisaPartition-erahospital.Inthecourseofwhat

mightbeconsideredeverydaycare,adoctorhasamundanereactiontothe

environment.Feelinghot,hesays,“kholdo:”arequesttoopenthewindow.Ayoung

femalepatientinhiscare—inastatethatDasdescribesas“livingdeath”—responds

tothecallbyuntyingherpants(Das2007,10-11,46).Thereaderunderstandsthat

theordinarylanguageofthecallevokesamemoryofpasttrauma—mostlikelya

rape—forthepatient,promptingapartial“reenactment”oftheexperience.The

doctorisapparentlyshockedbyherreaction.Thatordinarylanguagecanprompt

bothanordinaryactionandanalternativeaction—onelinkedtoatraumaticpast

experience—helpsrelatehowapastextraordinaryeventcanbewovenintothe

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present.Thesurplusenergyofwarandviolenttraumaisdefusedintotheeveryday

present:itbecomesconstitutiveofawayofliving.

Religiousemotion/religiousenvironment

TobetterunderstandhowmobileimagesfunctiontoenableShiasto

integratevisceralcommemorativeexperienceintoeverydaylifeinDubai,letme

firsttrytofurtherdrawoutthetensionbetweenthevisceralityinShialife

experienceandtheShiapublicenvironmentinDubai.Basedinpartonthe

importanceofritualweepingandotherformsof“painful”expression—suchasthe

passionatetonefulrecitationofelegies—atShiapublicgatheringeventsinmany

partsoftheworld,ShiaMuslimsareoftenreputedamongnon-ShiaMuslimsas

being(excessively)emotionalaboutearlyIslamicfigures.JamesWilcehasnotedthe

historicalconnectionbetweenlamentationandmadness,includingoutsiders’

perceptionsofShiamourningpractices(Wilce2009,53).ManyYouTubevideosthat

featurenōḥaandmars̤iyaperformancesincludeexchanges,sometimeshostile,

betweenprofessedShiasandnon-Shiacritics.Onenōḥarecitationvideo39containsa

comment,representativeofmanycritiquesintheYouTubecommentforums,

thoughinmoremeasuredandconciliatorythansome:“IloveHussaintoobutwhat's

thepointofWHIPPINGyourself?Wouldhehavewantedyoutodothat?Getonwith

yourlifeanddon'tbeOBSESSEDwiththepast.LOGIC???”ForceswithintheShia

community,includingavarietyofclerics,alsoexpressconcernaboutsuchemotional

practices,whentheyare“takentoextremes”(Pinault2008,96).LauraDeebcites,39Availableonline[AccessedNovember10,2015]:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jx765ERxe2A.

123

forinstance,oneShialeaderwhocriticizedas“backward”themotivationofsome

reciterstoelicitasmuchcryingaspossiblefromlisteners(Deeb2011,142).Among

theIran-basedShiaclericalorder,theconcernagainstexcessivepublicemotionalor

self-injuriousdisplaysrelatesinparttothepotentialharmitcouldcauseShiaIslam,

andIslamingeneral,tooutsideviewersaroundtheworld(Pinault1999,299).

Amulti-sensory,full-bodied,orvisceralresponsetolinguistictriggers—

poeticormundane—wasevidenttomeineventhemostinitialandtentativeofmy

fieldworkencounters.Inpre-dissertationfieldworkinAbuDhabi,in2009,Itooka

rideoneeveningfromanopenairMuharramgatheringsitetoasmallinformalniyāz

gatheringataparticipant’shouse.IsatinthefrontseatasayoungPathandroveus

tothebungalowinhistaxi.AswetalkedaboutmymotivationforcomingtoAbu

Dhabi,IexplainedmyinterestinShi’ismandearlyIslamichistory.Tosubstantiate

myinterest,IdescribedafewstoriesIhadrecentlyheardaboutthelifeofFatima

Zahra(theProphet’sonlydaughter,wifeofAliibnAbuTalib,andmotherof

Hussain).AtthementionoftheFatima’sname,tearsbegantofillhiseyes,andhe

remarkedthathealsogreatlyadmiredFatima.Theresponserepresentsforme,in

part,thekeyroleoftheAhlal-Baytfamilymembersunderlyingemotional

expressionsinShiaexperience.

EmbodiedandexternalrepresentationsofShiaidentityarehiddeninthe

publicenvironmentofDubai.Suppose,forinstance,anoutsidepedestrianor

travelermovingupthenarrowtwo-laneroadincentralDubai,oneithersideof

whichistheKhojaimāmbārgāhandapopularShiamosque—andwhichalso

featuresaSunnimosque,manysmallshops,andfinallyendsatamajormarketroad

124

andcommercialarea.Theywouldlikelynotrealizetheyhavetraveledthrougha

majornexusofShiacultureandpracticeinDubai.Ioncehadataxidropmeatthe

mosqueinmidday.Ihadgivenhimturn-by-turndirectionsfromthenearestmajor

landmark:ahotelinthemarketsquareinseveralblocksaway.Aswearrivedatthe

dustycorner,thedriveraskedcuriouslywhyIhadcometovisitthisplace.

TheShiamosqueandimāmbārgāhareunassuming.Aplaquerestsonthe

mosque’sboundarywall,atitsfrontcourtyardgate,identifyingitslinktoanother

Gulfcountry,thoughnotidentifyingitssectarianaffiliation.Thecharacteristichand

symbol,usedtorepresentthefiveoriginalfamilymembersimportantinShia

commemorationpractices,includingtheProphethimself,sitsaloftonapoleabove

theimāmbārgāh.

Beyondthesetwosigns,themostsignificantvisualmarkersofShiapractice

inthepublicareasaroundthemosqueandgatheringcenter,appearonvideo

screens.TwoShiabarbers—whoseshopsitsacrossfromthemosque,andwhichI

describeinmoredetailinalaterchapter—didlittletoadornthephysicalspace.The

shopfeaturedlargemirrors,withafewIslamicsymbolsaffixedtothem,suchasa

calendarinonecorner,andaphotooftheKaʿbah(thesmallbuildingatthephysical

centerofMecca)pastedononewall.Themostprominentfeaturewasalargeflat

screenTV,mountedhighononewall.ThoughtheTVmostoftenplayedPakistani

serials,comedies,andrealityshows,itwasalsoamediumonwhichpoets,who

droppedbytheshop,wouldplaytheirlatestpoetryvideos.

Theshop,includinganarrowcurbsideareaalongitsfront,wasontheone

handaninformalmeetingcenterforyoungmembersactiveintheShiagathering

125

community,andalsoakeysiteforthetransmissionofcreativeexpressiveforms.

Nearthewindow,thescreenwasframedforviewers,sittinginsidetheshop,bythe

surroundingstreetscape,includingthemosqueontheotherside.VividTVimages

grabbedtheattentionofthebarbers,theircustomers,andotherfriendswhosatina

lineofchairsalongtheshop’ssidewall.Poetryrecitationvideostypicallyfeatured

thepoet,gesturingwithhishandsasherecitesthepoem,ascut-sequencesfadein

andout,depictingbattlescenes,swords,fires,horses,shadowyfigures,and

recognizableShiasitessuchasHussain’stombinKarbala.Thesuggestivelyviolent

imagescommandedtheattentionsofviewersinthisotherwise“non-religious”

barbershopenvironmentofworkandsocialization.

Unlikemonumentsandotherstationarypublicarchitectures,imagesareof

course“flat”two-dimensionalrepresentations,aqualitywhichallowsforone-

directionalforward-facingviewing.Theirdirectionalitylimitstheimpactoftheir

attention-grabbingvibranceandflashintheenvironment.Imagesarealsohighly

transient,asIhavenotedinmydiscussionofotherreligiousimagesinDubaiin

general,thusfar.Theaggregationofmenaroundscreens,inthevicinityofthe

gatheringandworshipsites,constitutethemostprominentvisual“symbols”of

publicShiacultureinDubai,Iargue.

Mobiletechnologies:theframingandcontentofvisceralimages

Whilehighlyvibrant,videoimagesonhand-heldmobilephonesareeasier

forviewerstocontrol,andIfoundthat“visceral”videosweremostoftenviewedon

thesedevices.ThetypesofvideosthatIviewedwithyoungmalemembersofthe

126

Shiacommunitycouldbeglossedprimarilyas“injury”videos,andsecondarily

classifiedas“visceral”and“religious”aswell.Aswiththemātamvideosplayedon

thebarbershopTVscreens,Iconsidertheseimageshapticinthattheydrawthe

viewerintoaclosephysicalsensuouscontactwiththevisualcontent(Marks2002).

ManyofthevideosIobservedcommunitymemberstoplayonmobile

phonesfeaturedzanjīrmātamandtalwārmātamimagery,mostoftenrecordings

fromlivegatheringsfromSouthAsian—orsometimesEuropean—localities.ThusI

wassurprisedonedaywhenafriendandI,walkingonthesidewalknearthe

mosque,cameuponasmallgroupofyoungShiamenwatchingadifferenttypeof

video,withraptattention.Thevideofeaturedacompilationofstillimagesfrom

whatappearedtobeskateboardingandotherroadaccidents.Later,sittingwith

AsadandanotherfriendinAsad’sroomonalaptop,scrollingthroughthefriend’s

Facebookfeed,weencounteredafewimagesofgrotesqueaccidents.Inthefeed,

theseimagesweremixedinwithavarietyofothers:linkstonōḥavideoswith

thumbnailimagesofnōḥaḵẖawān(describedfurtherinChapter5),imageswith

abstractshapeandcolorsframinginspirationaltext,inEnglish,Urdu,andArabic(as

Idescribefurtherinthischapterbelow).

Inbothcases,myinformantsseemedtomarvelattheimages.Theyinduced

cringingreactions:Inotedarangeofcontortionsonmyinformants’faces.By

aligningzanjīrmātammourningvideoswiththegenreof“random-accident”videos,

viewersimporttheexperienceofself-injuriousmātam—andthusthememories,

experience,andfeelingsofKarbala—intotheenvironmentofDubai.Road,bicycle,

andskateboardingaccidents,asadepictionofvisceralpainparticulartourban

127

environmentsdissociatedwiththetraumasofwar,echointheeveryday

environmentofDubai.Accidentimagesclingtospeedingcars,busyintersections,

andcrowdedshared-usespaces.

InwritingabouttheconnectionbetweenShiamātamritualsandSufiecstatic

rituals,DavidPinaultdescribeshowSufidervisheswillsometimesengageinatype

ofgroupcompetitiontoseewhocanachieveagreater“degreeofdivinerapture”

(Pinault2001,37).Viewersengagedwithinjuryvideosinawaythatsimilarly

soughtever-moreextraordinarydepictionsofpain,Iobserved.Ionceencountereda

groupofmenassembledaroundamobilephonealongtheroadinfrontofthe

imāmbārgāhincentralDubai.Laterinfieldwork,againencounteringthisYouTube

videoonaninformant’scomputer,Ilearnedfromthetitlethattheplaceisattested

tobeMumbai.Thisvideobeginswithaheavy-setmiddle-agedmanwavingalong

swordinfrontofhimself(seeImage2.2).Heslowlyrockstheswordandhisbodyin

aslowrhythm,asatightlypackedgroupofmenwatch,someholdinguptheirown

camerasandphones.Hethenforcefullywhipshisbackwithswordtwice,incurring

deepopenwounds.Thelivevideopausesforamomentandstillimagesdepictthe

graphicextentofhiswounds,whichoozeblood.Asthevideoresumes,menaround

themātamdārtrytograbhimandswordtostophim.Heisabletoachieveonemore

blowtohisbackbeforeheisfinallystopped,andthementakehisswordandwalk

himofftoawaitingambulance,whileapplyingpressuretohisopenbackwound.

Similartotheaccidentcompilationvideos,themengatheredinDubaitowatchthis

unfoldonacellphonereactwithamixofamazement,amusement,andsome

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129

UnitedStates,andEastAfrica,aswellasIndia,Pakistan,andDubaiitself.Inthis

globalconfigurationofShiapractice,manypeoplerepeatedtheassertiontomethat

Shiapracticeisfreer(i.e.freefrom“pābandī,”or“restraint”)anywhereintheworld

outsideoftheArabianGulf.ThisispartlyduetoGulfleaders’historicalfearofthe

politicalorganizationofShias,withtiestothereligiousleadershipinIraqandIran,

giventheregion’sproximitytothosestates.Infact,aftertheIranianrevolution,Gulf

stateswereamongthose“targeted”byShiagroupsoperatingunderwelāyat-e-faqīh,

theframeworkofreligious-politicalgovernancethatKhomeinipromotedand

installed.InDubai,historicdistrustoftheShiacommunityiscompoundedbythe

state’scultivationofanenvironmentfriendlytoWesternbusinessenterprisesand

tourism.Assuch,publicareasarepolicedandgatheringsforcedindoorsand

subdued(whichIexploreingreaterdetailinChapter5).

WhileIarguethathand-heldmobilevideosintegratewellintothe

environmentofsecurityandrestraintinDubai,giventheirportabilityand

concealability,theyalsopreserveakeyaspectofthelive-viewingexperience.Inthe

backgroundsofmanyextrememātamvideosinSouthAsianlocalities,includingthe

videocapturedinImage2.3,mensurroundthemātamdār,holdingtheirowncell

phonesaloft,capturingtheexperience.In“realtime,”then,theexperienceof

viewingtheseritualsisalreadyoftenmediatedthroughamobilephonescreen,as

themendirecttheirgazetotheirphones,framingtheshot.Thewidescaleuseof

phonesasmediaforviewingclimacticmomentsofself-injuriousactionsuggeststhe

valueplacedonrecordingtheseevents,andretainingthemforlaterviewingand

sharing.Sincetheoriginaleventismediatedintheformofamobilecamera-view,

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131

Morespecifically,theU.A.E.hasthehighestsmartphonepenetrationrateinthe

worldat73.8%in2013,accordingtoGoogle’sOurMobilePlanetstudy.41

TheUnitedArabEmirates’strongperformanceinthesemetricsowesinpart

toDubai’slongcommitmenttoeconomicdiversification.HistorianChristopher

DavishasevennotedhowthecentraltensionandrivalrybetweenDubaiandAbu

Dhabiaidedtheoverallfederation’sgrowth.Dubai’shistoricalcommitmenttofree

tradebeganasabidtocapturemarketshareinshippingcommercefromIraninthe

early1900s—atimewhentariffsontradeatIranianportswerehigh—by

developingitsownportasanappealingalternative.ThoughDubainurtureditsown

domesticoilproductionasamaindriverofitseconomicdevelopmentfrom1970to

1990,leaderswereperpetuallyawareofitslagbehindproductionlevelsofAbu

Dhabi.GiventhehistoricalopennessofDubai’seconomy,manyforeignoil

companiesoperatinginAbuDhabiatthebeginningofitsoilboomin1960

outsourceditssupplychaintoDubai(Davidson2007,34-36).Andinthespiritof

freetrade,in1999Dubai’sCrownPrinceSheikhMuhammadestablishedfreetrade

zonesformediaandinternetcompanies,inaattempttobe“attheforefront”of

some“niche”developingindustriesintheArabworld.By2000,companiesin

InternetCity(a“free-zone”ofDubai)haddevelopedITinfrastructure,includinga

submarineinternetcable,andprovidedinternetservicesforavarietyofDubai

companies(Davidson2008b,116-117).Whilearangeofpro-businesseconomic

policiescreateanenvironmentthatlimitstheorganizationofShiareligious

41Fox,Zoe,2013,“The15CountrieswiththeHighestSmartphonePenetration,”Mashable,Aug27.Online[accessedNovember10,2015]:http://mashable.com/2013/08/27/global-smartphone-penetration/

132

practices,especiallyinpublic,thesepracticessurviveviamobilephoneand

computer-basedstreamingvideos:itselfalegacyoftechnologysaturationinDubai’s

free-tradeenvironment.

Workstrugglesandvisceral-expressivereligiousritual

AsImentioned,myinteractionswiththegroupthatcomprisedAsad

(describedabove)andhisthreefriendsincludedoccasionswhenIlentthemmy

iPhoneoroccasionallymylaptop,duringtheirnon-worktimes,sothattheycould

accessvisceralmātamvideocontentonline.Onotheroccasions,Idrovethemon

ThursdayeveningstomajlisgatheringsatanimāmbārgāhincentralDubaithat

featuredmoreforcefulmātamperformances.Whilezanjīrmātamwasdisallowedin

Dubai,andwhichIneversawoverfifteenmonthsofresearch,mātamatthissite

wasloudlyamplifiedandorganizedinanoutdoorcourtyard(seeImage2.4).AsI

argueinChapter5,Isupposethatthislevelofsoundwastoleratedbypolicegiven

thevisually-confinedlocation,nestledalongatightlypackedcommercial/urbanside

streetarea,andonethathadahigherlevelofambientnoise.

Asad’sroommateBashirwasapoetryreciter,thoughhewasalsothemost

gainfullyemployedamongthegroupandhemetmeandtheothersinfrequently.I

hadmore-sustainedinteractionswiththetwoothermembers,particularlyasI

observedthempursuemātamexperiencesandencounterreligiousimagery,

especiallyincontextsofworklife,orofthestruggletosecureworkandbe

productive.Toillustratetheconvergenceofimageryandvisceralitywithworklife

andjobseeking,letmerelatetwostoriesofmyrespectiveinteractionswiththem.

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134

fleet.Hewasinuniform:hehadcometothemosqueabitlatetocompletehis

prayers.

WajdandmyPathanfriendstruckupaconversationabouttaxidriving,

thoughmyfrienddiscouragedit.Hesaiditwasgruelingwork,twelvehourshifts

andmonthlyearningsquotas,whichoftennecessitateseven-dayworkweeks.Wajd

howeverdescribedhowhewasdesperate,andmyfriendsaidthathewouldinquire

withhisbosseswhetherthecompanyiscurrentlyhiring.AsWajdandIleftandwalk

towardacommercialareanearthemosque,heseemedabitmorediscouraged.I

offeredtobuyhimateaandsnacksaswepassanareaofcafeterias,andwestopat

one,ashecontinuedtodescribehissearch.Fortunately,hesaid,hehasscheduleda

jobinterviewhehadscheduledinSharjahforthefollowingday.Attheendofthe

meal,Ipaidforthefood;hethankedme,andaskedfor100durham($27USD)loan

sothathecouldpayforacabtohisinterview.Igavehim40durhams,andsuggested

thathetakeitasagiftratherthanaloan.Ialsonotedtohimthatitwillbeenough

forasharedtaxiorbustoSharjah.Heagreedandtookthegift.

Laterthatweek,onThursday,ImetAsadandtheothersaftermajlis.Iasked

aboutWajd,theysaidheisattheotherimāmbārgāh,knownforforcefulmātamin

centralDubai.WeekslaterIagainsawAsadandhisfriendswithoutWajd,andthey

saidthathewasstillsearchingforajob,andbecomingincreasinglydesperatenow,

asthegraceperiodonhisvisawasabouttoexpire.Hethusdidnotmeetwiththem

asfrequently.HewasinvolvedinaninterviewprocesswithamajorDubaitaxi

company,theytoldme.Also,hehasbeenregularlyattendingtheothermajlisin

centralDubai,withadifferentsetoffriends.

135

Alittleoveramonthlater,Isawhimagainbrieflyatateastallnearapopular

mosque.Hewasmuchmorerelaxedthen,andexplainedtomethathehadfounda

jobasadriverforalocalEmiratifamily.Hewasreturningtohisduty,heexplained,

andrushedoff.Iaskedoneofhisfriendsabouthisothertaxijob,andhesaidhehad

failedtheEnglishtest,andwasabouttoreturntoPakistan.Butatthelastmoment,

anothermemberoftheShiacommunityrecommendedhimfortheprivatedriver

job—oneforwhichhewaswellsuitedforgivenhisdriver’slicense.Ineversawhim

againthereafter.Inotehowhisincreasinglydesperatesearchforajobforcedhimto

disconnectfromhisusualfriendnetworkinDubai.Healsoincreasedhis

participationinmātamactivities,accordingtopeoplehisfriendswerestillintouch

with,whilehesharplycurtailedhisotherleisureordowntimeactivities.

IsupposethatmātamparticipationisanoutletforWajdtoexpresssomeof

hiswork-relatedfrustrations,giventheheightenedemotionalitycommontoboth

theconditionofjoblessnessandthesegenresofcommemorativeperformance.A

widebodyofethnographicworkexploresthemutually-enhancingrelationship

betweenformsofexpressionandformsoflabor.InherstudyofWolofgriotpoets,

JudithIrvineshowshowhighlyemotionalsungpoeticperformances“arouse”

laborerstowork“moreenergeticallyandenthusiastically”(Irvine1989,260).Erik

Mueggler’sstudyonpoeticmourninggenresinYunnan,Chinashowshow

“mournersexplicitlyassociatetheworkofgrievingwiththelaborofmaking

hempencloth”(Mueggler1998,981).Avarietyofstudiesexplorehowworksong

traditionsemotionallyexpressthe“aspirations”ofmigrantlaborers(Coplan1987,

418;Erlmann1996,109)andhowpopularreligiouspoeticgenresexpressaffectsof

136

aspirationandregretinrurallaborexperiences(Miller2007,274;Pandian2010,

70).Asagenrecharacterizedbytheperformanceofvisceralexcess,Iarguethat

mātamisparticularlywell-suitedtoexpresstheaffectsofworklifedesperationin

Dubai,asthisstoryofWajd’semploymentstrugglesuggests.

Realestateexcesses,workplacedowntime,andreligiousimagery

InthefriendgroupthroughwhichIpursuedrelationshipswithAsadand

Wajd,Ihadmoresustainedinteractionswithanothermember.Zakirwasunmarried

andinhislatetwenties,andworkedatasmallrealestateandpropertymanagement

officelocatedinanewdevelopmentontheedgeofDubai’ssouthwesternsprawl,on

theroadthatleadstoAbuDhabi.MyrelationshipwithZakirdeepenedasheallowed

metojoinhimandobservehiminhisofficeduringtheworkday.Givenmyinterest

inworklife,Iwaseagerforthechance.

Hewouldgenerallyinvitemetomeethimneartheendoftheday,aftermost

ofhiscolleaguesandsuperiorsinthesmallfirmhadgonehome.Theofficewas

nestledonalowfloorofamodernglass-and-marbleofficeandresidentialbuilding.

Hisworkarea—whichhesharedwithtwootherjunioragentsatthefirm—looked

outontoalargeoutdoorswimmingpool,thatwasalwayseithervacantorsparsely

usedbyresidentsofthebuilding.Beyondweremanyotherbuildingsinthelarge

growingdevelopmentarea,whichwerethemselvesnestledaroundtwomanmade

“lakes.”

Inmytimespentwithhiminhislate-daywork,hewouldoccasionallytake

workrelatedcallsonhiscellphone:arrangingdetailsforashowingwitha

137

prospectivetenant,ortakinginformationfromacurrenttenantabouta

maintenanceissue.Afterhegotonesuchcall,heexplainedtomehisproblemofthe

marketslumping.Tenantswereincreasinglyexpectinglowerprices,andfinding

betterdealsinotherareasofthecity,butmeanwhileownerswereloathetodrop

prices.Theresidentialdevelopmentareawasonly50%occupied,Zakirexplained.

Inoneofourlasteveningmeetingsatwork,IaccompaniedZakirandhelped

himfacilitateafewapartmentshowingsforsomeyoungprospectiveArabbuyers:a

groupofyoungfriendswhoaimedtoshareaspacetogether.Thetwoapartments

wereonoppositeendsofthenewdevelopmentareaaroundthelakes,andIdrove

Zakirwhiletheprospectivebuyersfollowedus,fromonesitetoanother.Afterthe

firsttwoshowings,Zakirseemedincreasinglygloomy.Thebuyerswerecriticalof

thespacesanddemandingofinformation,andInoticedthatZakircouldnotanswer

alltheirquestions.Whenaskedaboutroomdimensions,Zakircouldnotprovide

specificmeasurements.Atthefinalstop,Zakircouldnotgetthekeyfromthe

doormantoshowtheapartment.ToZakir’ssurprise,thedoormanexplainedthatit

wasstilloccupied.

ThepotentialbuyersthankedZakirbutleftseemingunderwhelmedbywhat

theyhadseen.Zakirturnedtomeaswewalkedbacktowardmycar,andadmitted

thathewouldprobablyneverseethemagain.Heeludedtohisownfinancial

strugglesandsaidhewasdesperatetocloseasaleorrentaldeal.Whilehewaspaid

asmallsalary,thebulkofhisearningscamefromcommissionspaidonsuccessful

closures,heexplainedtome.

138

Whennotshowingproperties,IoftenjoinedZakirinthelate-workdayinhis

office,observingasheusedhisworkcomputertobrowsehispersonalemailand

Facebookaccounts.Ononevisit,heaskedformyhelptoimprovethelookofhis

Facebook“wall:”themixofimagesandtextthatappearedasaseriesofposts,

connectedtohispublicprofile.Thisincludedbothitemshepostedandthosewhich

his“friends”hadpostedonhisbehalf.Ihadengagedwithanothergroupinasimilar

wayinthemonthsprior:thosewhowantedtheirwalltoreflecta“bettermix”of

images.AftermyfirstmeetingwithZakirinhisoffice,Irecordedthefollowinginmy

notes:

Hewantedtomakesurethathiswalllookedgood.ForhimthatmeantaseriesofratherseriouspostswithtextaboutIslam.Ihelpedhimunsubscribefrom,andthenhideafewpostsfrom,afriendofhis,whohedidnotknowanddidnotwanttobefriendswithanymore.Hewasconcernedabouthisprofilebeingsulliedwithimagesofwomenscantilyclad,forinstance.

OntheoccasionofthefailedshowingtothegroupofyoungArabs,wespentsome

moretimewithhisFacebookfeed.Iaskedhimaboutafewspecificposts,totryto

understandwhatcontenthelikedandwhathepreferredtoavoid.Aswediscusseda

fewselectedposts,Itriedtotakedetailednotes,andfoundafewimageslater

online,thathadbeenpostedinhisfeed.

InotedthatroughlyhalfofthepostsZakirandIexaminedcloselywereofa

“genre”ofpoststhatIhadbrieflyencounteredearlier,inasessionwithAsadandhis

friend(describedabove).Imagesinthisgenrehadthesentimentalqualityof

Hallmarkcards,andfeaturedabstractimages,oftenofpeopleorthingslikeflowers,

framedwithtextualmessagesthatwereofteninspirational,religious,orromantic.

Suchimagesareoftendesignatedas“Facebookwallpapers”online,Idiscovered

139

later.Belowisalistingofafewofthesewallpaperimagesweexaminedtogether,in

theorderastheappearedinhisfeed,asadescendingscrollingstreamofimagesof

text:

Table2.1

Typeof“friend”posting

Descriptionofpost:

female Animageofacoupleembracingwhilereadingabook,withthewordsinEnglishpastedoverthetop:“TogetherForever”(seeImage2.5)

female AnimagefeaturingwhiteArabictextagainstablackbackground,reading“ThereisnopowerbutfromGod.”

female AnimageofImamHussain’stombinKarbala,withtheareasurroundingthetombblurred,suggestingmovement.

male Abstractshadowyimagesofminaretsandachild’sface,withtextinUrdu,includingintransliteration:LabbaikyaaHussain(“IamatyourserviceHussain”).

female Acompositeimage:ononesideayoungwomansmellingaflower,ontheothersideshadowyhumanfiguresstandinginthebleaklandscape,withafieryredskyinthebackground.ThetextisanUrducouplet(inUrduscript):Tujhsēmansūbhūyētōyeḥaẓrathīrahī/humbhīkabhīapnēhawālēsēpakaṛējātē[Ifyoumakeaconnectionandthenimmediatelyfeelregret/Youwillneversummonit].

organization BannerwithUrdulanguagecallfamiliaratmajlisgatherings—Na‘reḤaiderī—writteninUrduscript,meaning“theroaroftheHaideris.”

female Animageofarosealongashoreline,asawavegentlywashesaroundit,andpartlyerodesaheartshapetracedoutinthesand.Captionedwiththewords“imissyou”inEnglish(seeImage2.6).

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141

Wecontinuedtoconsiderthepostsashetookacallonhiscellphone,andlater

chattedwithamalefriendinFacebook’schatfeature.WhileDubai’ssecurity

environmentforeclosestheopportunitytoengagemātam,anditsconservative

socialenvironmentdiscouragescontactbetweenthesexes,Zakir’saffinityfor

mātammadethevarietyofseriousreligiousimagesonhisFacebookfeedfamiliarto

him:anaffinitythatbringsthemintotheambitofhisordinarylife.

StillIarguemorespecificallythattheurgencyofhisworkdemandsalign

withthestruggleofKarbala(signifiedbytheimageofHussain’stomb,andthe“nare

haidari”image)andguidehimtoviewandcultivatetheseimagesinhisexperience

ofhisFacebookfeed.Thescaleoftheconstructedenvironmentinthissectionof

“new”Dubaiislarge,andtheopportunityisequallygrandscale.Onadailybasis,

Zakirentersthisenvironmentofsoaringtowers—mostofwhichexceed50stories

andhavelessthan50%occupancy—asasalesman.AsIcontinuetodevelopinthe

nextchapter,thescalelendstheworkadistinctlyaspirationalspirit.Ashesitsathis

workdesk,extendinghisworkdayashiscoworkershaveallleftworkandreturned

home,hecarefullyscrollsthroughFacebookpostingsandsingsnōḥētohimself,the

wordsechoinginthehallsofthesmallmarbleandglassofficesuite.

Excesstimeallowshimtomorefullyengagethevisceralandcommemorative

religiouscontentthatheotherwisemissesinDubai,asheuseshisworkcomputer

after-hours.Aswecontinuetotalkidlyabouttheeventsoftheday,healsosingsa

nōḥatohimself,chatswithhismalefriendsonline,andtakesaphonecallfromhis

friendonhiscellphone.Inthisway,theanxietyoverthefailedsale,andurgencyof

completingadeal,areenfoldedintotheactivityofengagingreligiouscontentonline.

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CensoringExcess

Ibeganthischapterwithadiscussionoftwochildren’sdrawings,asthey

werepresentedtomebyafriend.Centrally,Isoughttobetterunderstandthe

conditionsbywhichimages,spatialarrayedtogether,cometoappearcontrastingor

repellant,oralternatively,coherent.ThepopularinjunctiononShiastolivelife“asif

everydayisʻĀshūrā,andeveryplaceisKarbala,”andtheroleofHussain’sown

childrenintheKarbalabattle,guideFiroztoacceptandcelebratehisdaughter’s

renderingsofCinderellaandKarbalaasequallyuncontroversial,Iargue.Thelogicof

parentalandstatecensorshipofviolence,inordertoprotecttheinnocenceof

childhood,doesnotappeartoapplytotheseparticularimages.

MuchrecentwritingonFacebookusehasemphasizedtheimportanceofthe

requirementthatuserssupplyauthenticnames,incontrasttovariousonlineforain

whichusersshieldtheiridentity.AsaconsequenceofFacebook’sauthenticity

policy,studieshavefocusedonFacebook’sroletofoster“social”connections,a

senseofcommunityandbelonging(Hillewaert2015),andevensympathy(Miller

2013;Stout2016).Thesestudieshavebeenlessinterestedinformsof“non-social”

participationinFacebook.Iarguethatthealgorithmthatproducesaendlessstream

ofvariableimagesallowsZakirtoregularlyengagenewreligiousimagery,butposes

newproblemswithrespecttotheundesirablearrangementandintermixing

togetherofreligiousandnon-religiousimagery.Icontendstraightforwardlythat

Facebook’salgorithmisdesignedtoarrayimagestogethercoherently,asanaspect

oftheuser’sactivityonFacebook,hisexpressedpreferences,theactivitiesofhis

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friendsonFacebook,andsoon.Zakir’sat-timesassiduousefforttoadjudicate

imagesinhisFacebookfeed,andscreenoutundesirableones,atonelevelsuggests

afailureinthedesign(e.g.afailuretobesufficientlyflexible)ofFacebook’s“post”-

curationalgorithm,Iargue.Thatis,whileitappearslittleis“censored”outinthe

children’sdrawingsFirozshowedme,censorshipiseffectivelyinsufficientinthe

caseoftheFacebookimagesthatZakirengages.

Specifically,IarguethatZakir’sefforttofilteroutcertainunwantedimagesin

relationtodesirableonesisrootedinthesenseandlogicofḥalāl,bothasageneral

Islamicprinciple,andasIcametoobserveitoperateinDubai.Zakir’staskis

particularlyurgentgivenhispersonalimplicationintothearrayofimages,asthey

descendinanendlesschainfromhisuserprofile,bywhichheisauthentically

identifiedinFacebook’suniverse.Initsbasicsense,thelogicofḥalālisoneofpurity:

aguidetoconventionsbywhichoneoughttointeractwith,touch,orconsume

thingsintheworld.IexploretheḥalālframeworkfurtherinChapter5below,in

relationtothehybridsoundscapesofDubai.Inoneexample,whiledrivinginDubai

withagroupoffriendsandinformantsonenight,thedriverreactstotheintrusion

ofaprayerrecitationbroadcastoveraloudspeakeraswedrovebyamosque.The

clashofthereligiouslanguageoverourbanalandidleconversationposeda

problemforhim,asheremarks:“howarewetoknowwhattodo?Shouldwestop

andlisten?”Onotheroccasions,informantsdiscouragedmefromplayingQur’an

recitationsoverthecarradio,lesttherecitedwordsminglewithandbecome

ambientnoiseintheenvironment:integratedwithidleconversationsandidle

thoughts.

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Similarly,therangeofimagespresentedintheFacebookfeedistoogreat:

romanticimagesandreligiousimagesdonotsitcomfortablytogether,asZakir’s

reactionimplies.IftheendlesswhirlofdiverseimagesintheFacebookfeedaimsto

grabtheattentionofusersattunedto(ornumbedby)ahypermediatedlandscapeof

burgeoningnewmedia—aconditionsometimesassociatedwithmodernlife(Bolter

andGrusin2000)—Zakirrejectsthisformofexperience.Hispositionhighlightsa

paradoxcentraltotheincreasinglysalienceof“mediated”religiousexperiences

notedinreligiouspublicsingeneral(Meyer2011;Larkin2008;DeVriesandWeber

2001),andIslamicpublicinparticular(Hirschkind2006;Miller2007).

Particulartothestakesofthecurrentchapter,thechallengeZakirfacesin

engagingimagesisareminderthatthecultivationofexcess,viaimagesthat

commemorateabattlekeytothehistorical-mythicalmemoryofacommunity,for

instance,inthiscasealsocruciallyreliesonone’sexerciseofrestraintand

restriction.Similarlyparadoxical:Zakir’sproblemisa“side-effect”ofthesame

technologythatallowshimtoexperiencevisceralimageryinDubai’senvironment

inthefirstplace.Itisa“cost”associatedwithengagingthetechnology:an

undesirableexcess.Ifurthergeneralizethisethic—i.e.thecultivationofexcessasan

exerciseinexclusion—vianotionsof“intensity”and“purity”inChapter5below.

Conclusion

Ibeginandendinthischapterbyconsideringhowapparentlycontrasting

images—religious,non-religious,violent,romantic—becomeconstruedorarrayed

together.Putdifferently,Iconsiderhowstarklyandsuggestivelyviolentimagesare

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"normalized"throughaprocessofminglingwithothers,integratingintoa

patchworkorflowofeverydayimages.Ithelpsmeconsiderhowextraordinary

eventsandaffectsareenfoldedintotheeveryday,askeyethnographicstudiesof

violenceandmemoryhavesuggested(Das2007;Trawick2007).

InZakir’sstory,Iconsiderhowtheinflatedhousingmarketcreatedanexcess

ofresidentialspace.Anticipatinganongoingboom,developersfannedoutwardto

thecity'sfrontier,andprojectsliketheonearoundthemanmadelakesbegan.But

therealestatemarketcrashin2009createdaglutofunoccupiedresidentialreal

estatethatZakirstruggledtofill.Meanwhilehisofficeitselfwasbuilttoanticipatea

continuinghousingmarketboom.Intheafter-businesshoursofearlyevening,inthe

emptyspaceofhisofficesuite,ZakirspentidletimeengaginghisFacebookfeed

whereheencounteredvariousShiareligiousimagery,suchasthe“wallpaper”

encouragingloyaltytoHussain,captionedwith“LabbaikyaaHussain.”

Iarguethattheexperienceofengagingcommemorativereligiousimageryon

Facebooksubstitutesforthefirst-handexperienceofforcefulmātam.Iconsiderthis

anexampleofhowextraordinaryaffectsbecomeintegratedintoordinarylife.The

processwherereligiousimagesarereadilyintermixedwithothersforcesZakir,

Firoz,andotherstocriticallyevaluatetheplaceandcontentofnon-religious

imagery.ThisincludestheburdenforZakir,asaShiaandaMuslim,tocensorhis

feedandprotectreligiousmaterialfromthecorruptingeffectofprofanematerial.

Ultimately,Itracehowenvironmentalandmarketforcescreateempty

spacesandidlemachinery—theworkcomputerforinstance—throughwhichZakir

recuperatessomeformofparticipationinadisallowedShiaritual.Hisfrustration

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overnotlandingthecondominiumsaleiscounterbalancedbytheopportunityto

“unwind”—intheworkspace,andafterhours—andengagesomeofthisimagery,

andto“curate”hisfeed.

Theenvironment,inotherwords,conformsanethicof“crisismanagement”

or“managedexcess”particulartotheactivityofviewingreligiousimageryboth

insideandoutsideworkplaceenvironments.Thisethicallowscommunitymembers

likeZakirtoaligntheenduringandepicstrugglesa)ofmigrantworkinDubaiand

b)ofHussaininKarbala.ForShiasmigrantworkersinDubai,therequirementto

rememberKarbalaandtomaintaingainfulemploymentareparamountobligations.

Throughanethicof“managedexcess”particulartoviewingreligiousimagery,Zakir

andothersintegratetheireffortstomeettheseobligationsintothemundanework

ofeverydaylife.

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3.AspirationCreditanddebt,materiality,imagination,precarity,majbūrī

Ibeginwithanepisodethatinsomewaysresemblestheonethatbeganthe

previouschapter,butwithcuesleadingindifferentdirections.Isatoneeveningina

smallsingle-roomlivingspacesharedbyfiveworkers,whotogetherformedasmall

constructionservicescompanyinDubai.Oneofthem,Hamid,wouldbecomeakey

months-longrelationshipinmyresearch.Ashesatwithmeonthecarpetedfloorof

theirnearly-windowlessroom,hedescribedindetailsomeoftheirrecentprojects.

Ashetalked,andasIobservedinthecomingmonths,theypursuedcontractsto

sourceandinstallgypsum-workandwoodworkforhomeinteriorsandprovide

woodwork-finishingandinteriorpaintinginhomes.HamidhopedIcouldhelpthem

promotetheirbusinessinDubai,andhegavemeabusinesscardadvertisingthe

servicesheandanothermemberofthegroupprovided.TheEnglishprintonthe

carddescribedtheirbusinessas“paintsanddecor”services,thoughtheArabicprint

moremodestlyreadla‘amālalaṣbāgh(“paint-work”).Takingthecard,Icautioned

HamidthatmynetworkinDubaiwassmall,andImightnotbeofmuchhelpin

promotingthem.

Tofurtherhighlighttheirwork,Hamidretrievedabinder,whichheopened

onthefloor,revealingaseriesofphotossealedinplasticlaminate.Itookittobe

theirworkbook.Hedescribedthephotosasrepresentativeoftheirwork:oneshe

oftenpresentedtopotentialclients.Attemptingtoconceivewaysthattheycould

attractmorecustomers,Iaskedifhehadconsideredmakingawebsiteforthe

business—orevenaFacebookpage—wherehecouldpostthephotos.Hamid

wincedabitandshookhishead:“nahīṅkarsaktā,agarhēdūsrīkisīkōādmīchōrī

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karsaktā.”(“can’tdoit,ifwedid,otherguyscouldstealthem”)—whichIinterpreted

asadesiretoprotectthedesignsastheirintellectualproperty.

Weflippedthroughthebook.Avarietyofimagesdepictedinteriorscenes

fromwhatappearedtobehomes,featuringmarbleandwhitewashedwallstypical

ofvillasIencounteredintheGulfregion.Mixedinwereafewotherphotosthat

stoodout:oneoftheArcdeTriompheinParis,andanotherwhichIlaterrecognized

astheceilingdetailandfrescooftheUnitedStatesCapitalrotundadomein

Washington.Iglancedupathimaswepassedthoseimages,awaitinganyreaction

orasuggestionthathiscasualattempttoclaimthemashisownmightstrain

credulity.Heappearedtoscarcelyreact,however,andwecontinuedonthrough

variousotherphotos,mostlyofdecorativeinteriorhomedesigns.

Tobeanentrepreneuristoaspire.Yetwhatstruckmeaboutthisgroup—

andothersthatIobservedworkingtoenternearthebottomofDubai’sdynamic

developmenteconomy—wastheirsoaringself-promotionandambitiondespitean

apparentlymodestprojecttrack-recordandcycleofmountingdebt.Overthree

months,IworkedtoapprenticemyselfwithHamid’sbossKadir—theleaderofthe

business—andintheprocessalsobecameclosewiththejuniormembersofhis

team.Ijoinedthemattheirwork-sitesandinwork-timeactivities,oncontract

negotiations,andonsupplytrips.Iparticipatedinextensive“downtime”

interactionswiththemandobservedthemdiscusstheirwork,theircontracts,and

theirdebts,amongthemselvesandwithotherpartnersinthelocalShiacommunity.

Finally,Ialsojoinedastheyorganizedsmallmajlisgatheringsintheirroom,

especiallyonlateThursdayafternoons,whenHamidandothersrecitedversesof

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mars̤iyapoetryandsectionsfromtheQur’an.Forperhapstwomonthsinearly2012

thesmallroominwhichtheyalllivedtogether—inavilladirectlybehindamain

Shiamosque—servedasanexusformeasIchronicledtheirwork/lifeactivities.

Overtime,certainpatternsoftheirworklifeprocessemergedtome.For

instance,Iobservedthemcompeteformassivecontracts—onesthattheysaid

wouldyieldprofitsintherangeofa“hundred-thousand”Dirhams(1USDollar=

3.67UAEDirhams)andrequirerecruitingmanycontractlaborersfromIndia—but

laterwatchedthemreturntotheirroomwhennegotiationsstalledorfallenthrough

andsoberlydiscusstheburdenofoldunresolveddebts.Kadirandothersfashioned

themselvesas“master”designers,or“design-masters,”yetInotedhowtheysourced

theirdecorativegypsum-workpiecesfromwholesalesuppliers.Asaneldermember

oftheShiacommunity,Kadircommandedrespectfrommanyyoungermembers,

andyetIsawhimharshlytreatedandverballyridiculedinvariousbusiness

negotiations.

Myrelationshipwiththemunfoldedaroundaspiritofgiving.Kadir,Hamid,

andtheothersweregeneroustome:Ioftenjoinedthematmealsandinreturn

offeredhelppromotingtheirbusinessandnegotiatingdeals,someofwhichthey

acceptedandappreciated.Yetourrelationshipendedamidtheirexpressionsof

disappointmentwhen,inthefaceofacuterepaymentpressurefromothermembers

intheShiacommunity,Ideclinedtoextendthemasimilarlylargecashloan.My

relationshipwiththem,inotherwords,followedanarcseeminglysimilartomanyof

theirotherrelationships:onesbuiltonhighstakesandgrand-scaleambition,but

whichdevolvedintoformsofbitterdisappointment.Overavarietyofclose

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interactions,Inotedapersistentgapbetweena)theirhighexpectationsandinflated

self-promotion,andb)theirbusiness’spoorperformanceandthemundanereality

oftheirworkactivities.

Thischapterseeksinparttodrawoutthespaceinwhichtheyoperated:

oscillatingbetweenimaginedprosperity,virtualprofits,andgrimreality.Indoing

so,Iaimtoshowhowtheiraspirationalapproachtoself-promotiondrawson

grandioseandlarge-scalematerialsinthebuiltenvironment:bothactual

constructionsinDubaiandiconsofelsewherethatservedtoinspirethem.Inmy

analysisofvariouseffortstowinworkcontracts,forinstance,Ifocusonthequality

ofcertainmaterialsattheirworksites.Forinstance,intwokeycasesbelow,Inote

howKadir,asthegroup’sleaderandvisionary,wasdrawntoqualitywoodworks

andthechallengetoexpertlyfinishthemand,inparticular,tocorrectmistakesthat

areoutcomesandside-effectsofthe“blunt”processesthatdrivelarge-scale

constructionprojects.

Kadiraspired,inotherwords,toperformhigh-qualitywood-workthatbefits

thehigh-qualityofthematerialsthemselves.Forhimandhisgroupthelureofthe

opportunityto“finish”vacantandunfinishedconstructions,andtoworkwithhigh-

qualitymaterials,conformedtoanethicofstrivingthataffectsworkactivities,social

interactions,andreligiouspractices.Theirethicofstrivingperpetuatedamodeof

beingthatwasconstantlydisrupted.Theethicdestabilizedtheirsocialrelationships

inthecommunityandledthemtolimittheirparticipationingroupreligiousrituals.

ItledKadirtoprojecttime-framesthatexceededtheexpectationsofthecontracting

sitemanagers,forinstance.Ultimately,Ishowbelowhowthisstrivingethicled

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Kadirtooverlookpotential“quickfix”solutionsandtomissdeadlines,andthuslose

contracts.

Astheopeningscenetothischaptersuggests,membersofthisgroupoffset

andintermixedtheiradmirationofarchitecturaldesignsparticulartoDubaiwith

globalarchitecturaliconselsewhere.InanotherearlymeetingwithHamidinhis

sharedroomIsatwithhimatthedesktopcomputerthatthegroupshared,ashe

workedonhisFacebookfeed,andheshowedmeanimageoftheSydneyOpera

House.InwhatItookasanearnestandaspirationalappeal,heaskedmetohelp

himfindsimilarimagesoffamousAmericanarchitecture.Isearchedbrieflyand

foundafewsuggestions:photosoftheEmpireStatebuildingandtheGuggenheim

Museum.Withevidentsatisfaction,hepostedthemtohispage.

ResearchershavenotedthatWesternarchitecturalicons,particularly

skyscrapers,inspireurbandesignsinDubai(Turan2013,98-101;Elsheshtawy

2010,152-154;seealsoChewandSchmitt2000).AhmedKanna,forinstance,

quotesanofficialinRasalKhaimah,anearbyEmirate,whorefersto

NeuschwansteinCastle,Versailles,andtheEiffelTower,anddeclares,“Ithinkyou

cancreatemorethanthis…thisisacostlystructure,withthesamecost,youcan

makesomethingmuchmoregrandiose”(Kanna2011,89).IbelievethatHamid,in

assistinghissmallcompanyinbiddingforcontractsatmajorconstructionsites

aroundtheEmiratesofDubaiandAbuDhabi,isconverselyoriented.Thatis,his

interestinWesternarchitectureflowedfromhisorientationtoEmiratiarchitecture

inhisownworkacrossthecountry.

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Iaimtoshowinthischapterthatthroughtheirwork—andinparticular,

throughtheirattractiontobotha)high-qualitymaterialsintheworksite

environmentsinDubai,andb)thegrand-scaleofglobalarchitecturalicons—Kadir

andmembersofhisgroupbecamealienatedfromtheirsenseoftheirown

craftsmanship.Unrealizedaspiration,inotherwords,devolvedtodesperation,

whichalsocausedsocialisolation.Itdroveacycleofmountingdebt,astheysought

newmonetary“gifts”orinformalloansfromfriendsandrelativesinDubai,usually

withapromiseofasetrepaymenttimeframe,withastatedmonetaryneedrelated

toaworkcontract.Inotedhowtheyalsosoughtnewloansfromnewfriendssimply

inordertorepayoldandoverduedebtstoothers.

Theiraspirationalapproachtotheirworklifediminishedtheirsocial

relationshipsandtheirreputationinthiscommunity.Inavarietyofconversations,

othersincommunitywhoknewthemderidedthemfortheirdishonesty—attributed

totheirdisregardfortheirpromisesofrepayment—andtheirexcessivedesireto

accumulatewealth.Theirsituationparallelsakeynarrativeaboutpovertyand

sociallife,andthestereotypeofthe“grasping,dishonestpoor,”inJamesScott’s

celebratedstudyofclassconflictinruralMalaysia.Scottchroniclesamannamed

Razakwhofleecesotherswithunfulfilledpromisestoprovidegoodsinexchangefor

money.InScott’sanalysis,thetendencytowardunscrupulousbehaviorisnaturalto

“immediatematerialinterest”andthusiscommontolivedconditionsofbothwealth

andpoverty.Ultimately,suchtendenciesarecheckedvia“socialsanctions”against

deviantbehavior.Whatdishonestschemesrisk,inotherwords,whether

perpetratedbytherichorpoor,issocialisolationandscorn(Scott2008,23-24).

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Fatefully,despiteconcertedeffortstoaccumulatemoney,Razakremainsmiredin

extremepoverty.Kadir’seffortsatwealthaccumulationsimilarlyappearto

perpetuateacycleofdebt.

“Imagination,”stimulatedbygrand-scaleiconsandhigh-qualitymaterialsin

thebuiltenvironments,iskeytomyinquiryinthischapter,andcontinuesto

underscoremyanalysisinthenextchapter.Thequalityandscaleofmaterialsin

Dubai’sworklifeinspirepowerfulimaginingsthatsustainlifeforKadirandhis

group.But,whileJamesScotthighlightsmutualbitternessbetweenRazakand

membersofhiscommunity,KadirandHamidoftenseemedblithelyunawareofor

unconcernedwiththeirrupturingsocialrelationshipsandmountingdebts.The

prominentplaceofimaginationineverydaylifeforKadir’sgroupechoesAmira

Mittermaier’sargumentabouttheprominentroleofdreamingin“modern”lifein

Egypt.SheobserveshowpeopleconceivedreaminterpretationasaformofIslamic

practice,butalsonoteshow,moreprosaically,“dreaming”isregisteredincertain

extravagantlybuiltspacesinEgypt,suchasamusementparksandseasidetourist

destinations(Mittermaier2010,8-9).Variousanalysesofconstructionsand

engineeredlandscapesinDubaialsoemphasizefantasyanddreaminessasan

centralelementofarchitecturalstyles(Davis2008;Barrett2010;Elsheshtawy

2010).

InMittermaier’sanalysis,imaginationsfueledbygrandiosearchitecture

servesinpartto“counterbalance”the“bleakrealityof‘reallife’”(8).Thischapter

tracestheparticularchallengesofKadir’sgrouptotraverseandreconcilethegap

betweenaspirationalidealsandgrimreality.Attemptingtoredeemtheirstruggling

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company,Itracehowformsofimaginationtiedtoworklifesometimesmorphedinto

creativeattemptsatattribution(aswiththephotosintheworkbook)andother

formsofdeception.Ahallmarkofprecariouslife—andalso,Isuggest,ofthedriveof

urbanplannersandarchitectstobuildskyscrapers42—thepotentialforthe

realizationofgreatwealthisconjoinedtothepotentialforgreatcalamity:boomand

bust.

Imagination,extravagantaccounting,entrepreneurialdrive.

Inotedatendencytowardextravagantquantificationinmanyofmyresearch

interactions.OnenightinSeptemberIsatwithNadimandAsgar(featuredin

Chapter1)inaparkneartheneighborhood’smainShiamosque.Wehad,inthe

monthsprior,conversedaboutwealthaccumulationandworkinDubai,and

tensionsbetweencapitalismandIslam.AsgarandIsatidlyonabench,aswe

lookedoutoverthesmallpark,watchingcarsspeedbyonthebusyroadonthe

otherside.Nadimpacednearby,tryingtorecoversomelostdataonhisphone.We

discussedbusinessideas.Topokefunattheseeminglyendlessdriveforprofits

projectedbysomeworkinginDubai,Asgarwrylyannounced,“Ineed1crore43

dirhamstobehappy.”Nadimextendedthehyperbole:“Ineed1croredollarstobe

happy,”hedeclared.

42EconomistAndrewLawrence’s“skyscraperindex”theorynoteshowtheinceptionofrecord-breakingskyscraperprojectsoftenprecedeor“coincide”withmajoreconomicmarketcrashes,notingthelinkbetweentheconstructionoftheChryslerBuildinginNewYorkandthe1929StockMarketCrash,forinstance(Thornton2005,52).U.A.E.-basedurbantheoristYasserElshestawy(2010,155)extendsthemodeltoincludethelinkbetweentheconstructionoftheBurjKhalifaandthe2009marketcrashinDubai.43I.e.tenmillion.

155

InarelatedepisodelaterthatmonthImetoneeveningwithalong-term

acquaintance,Nafeez,aPakistanibarberfromashopneartheShiamosqueand

imāmbārgāh.Whileothersinthiscommunityhadaskedmeforrelativelylargeloans

inthepast,hisrequestseemedtoexceedthem.Ididnotfullyunderstandhisplea,

butheseemedtosolicitmyparticipationinafriend’sbusinessventure,wheremy

investment,andreturn,wouldbe“millions.”Nafeez’srequestflaggedformehis

perceptionofDubai’sextremescaleofwealthinthecontextofpost-boomeconomic

uncertainty.

Myinteractionswiththegroupofthedesignersalsofeaturedsome“grand-

scale”estimationsofwealthandprofitfromtheirbusinessactivities.Isatlateone

nightwithKadirintheroomhesharedtogetherwithhisfourworkers:partofa

multi-occupancysingle-story“villa”typicaltothelow-riselandscapeof“middle”

Dubai.44WewerejoinedthatnightbyJunaid,Kadir’sPakistanibusinesspartner,

financialbackerandagent-assistantindeal-making.Iobservedthemastheywent

overbudgetdetailsonpaper,beforeanegotiationtheyanticipatedthenextday.

Havingfinished,Junaidclosedhisaccountingbook,andwesatandengagedinmore

idleconversation.

Musingopenly,Kadirbegantotalkabouthisplantomovehisgroupoutofits

currentrentedroomintoamorespaciousnearbyflat.HisvisionincludedJunaidand

I.Hesuggestedwecouldalllivetheretogether,eachwithourownbedroom,while

44Anareadominatedbymostlyone-andtwo-storywhite-washed(andsand-swept)residentialvillas,geographicallybetweenthenarrowwindingalleysandtightmulti-storymixedresidential/street-levelcommercialbuildingsoftheCreekarea—thehistoriclocationoftheearliestDubaisettlement—andthenewerconstructionsbeginningatBurjKhalifainthe“downtown”area,andextendingsouthalongtheseacoastlinefromthere.

156

theotherworkerscontinuedtosharetheirownroomseparately.Continuingto

muse,helaughedabitasheconsideredotherbusinessprojectswecouldplanand

launchtogether.Hisvoicefilledwithclimacticenthusiasm,ashedeclaredthatwe

couldallbecome“veryrich.”Inanefforttotampdownhisexpectations,I

emphasizedmyongoingeducationandmymotivationtolearninDubai,nottostart

businessesperse.Junaidalsodemurred,sayinghewasonlymotivatedbytheneed

tohave“enoughtogetby.”45

DiscoursesandpopularunderstandingsofwealthaccumulationinDubai

reflecttheEmirate’shistoryofmarketderegulation.Inthemid19thcentury

MakhtumfamilyrulerseliminatedtaxesontradetoshoreupDubai’sstatusasa

regionalcommercialhub,inparttocounterbalanceAbuDhabi’sgrowingpolitical

andmilitaryprominence.AsChristopherDavidsonhasablynarrated,trafficthrough

Dubai’sportincreaseddramaticallyintheyearsfollowingderegulation,an

advantageDubaihasretainedanddefendedthroughlaterphasesofdevelopmentin

thetwentiethcentury(Davidson2007,34-35).

ScholarsstudyingsociallifeandurbandesigninDubai’sdevelopment

(Kanna2013;Elsheshtawy2013)havefoundusefulaliteratureonspectaclein

worldcities(Short2004)andonspectacleinMarxistcritiquesofcapitalistic

production(Debord1983;Davis2008).Debordrouteshiscritiqueofspectacle

throughMarx’stheoryoflaboralienation,wheresocietyproducesspectaclesthat

thenservetorepresentthesociety,forinstanceasobjectsof“gazing”and

45Byexpressingrestrainthere,IinterpretJunaidtoalignhimselfwithbasicIslamicinjunctions(especiallyShia)againsthording,rootedforinstanceinthespiritofkhums,ayearlytaxonsurpluswealthfromworkandbusinessearningsthatShiaspay.

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“contemplation.”Butbyvirtueoftheirmateriality,separation,andinaccessibility,

spectaclescometorepresenta“falseconsciousness,”heighteningthedisplacement

oftheobserverfromthemateriallandscapeofthecity(Debord1983,2).David

Harveyechoesthisconcernindescribingtheeffectofalienationanddissociationon

life(especiallyinAmerica)incontextsofurbandevelopment,asking“havewe

becomemeremonadstossedaroundinanurbansea”(Harvey2015,272).

TowersbecomespectaclesofDubai’smaterialdevelopmentandcultureof

wealthaccumulation:objectsofaspirationforexpatriateworkersandespeciallyfor

designers.IarguethattheShia’scommunity’saspirationalparticipationinfree

marketeconomiesoflarge-scalewealthaccumulation—exhibitedbyHamidandhis

groupofdesigners—ontheonehand“dispossesses”themoftheiroriginaltoolsof

ethicalvaluation(Elyachar2005,7-10),asIdevelopfurtherbelow.Ialsoseesuch

aspirationasaformofvirtualparticipation—aperpetualstrivingforunattainable

andoutlandishendsrootedinunrealandprecariousmodesofaggrandizement.I

supposethereisakinshipbetweentheplanofmybarberfriendNafeezandtheget-

rich-quickpyramidschemesthatproliferatedinpost-apartheidsouthernAfrica

“thatflowfromapromiscuousmixofscarcityandderegulation”(Comaroffand

Comaroff1999,281).Whatsuchstrivingssharearetheirvirtualvaluations,which,

duetotheirperpetualunrealizationareprecariousandunstable.Thespacebetween

thelossoftraditionalethicalvaluationsandexclusionfromcapitalist

aggrandizementistheproductivespaceofavirtualstriving,itselfaproductofa

precariousvitality.

158

Texturesofaspirationallife.

MyinitialinteractionswithHamid,Tamir,andtheotherjuniordesignersin

Kadir’screw—aswithnearlyallmyrelationshipswithmembersofthisShia

community—werebasedonasenseofgenerosityandsharing.Theywerealso

gearedtowardfunleisure-timeexperiencesinDubai.Allfourjuniormembersofthe

groupwereunmarried,andinagewewereallroughlypeers:Hamidwasinhisearly

thirties,Tamirinhislatethirties,andtheothertwointheirlatetwenties.They

invitedmetojointhemonoccasionalshoppingtripsinnearbycentralDubai

shoppingdistricts,forinstance.Ononedaytimetrip,wesnappedcellphone-photos

framedagainstthebackdropofDubaiCreekhigh-risebuildings,andonanother

late-nightmarkettrip,againstthebackgroundofasleekglass-and-metalsurface-

levelentrywaytoaDubaiMetrostation.TheywerekeentoenjoyDubai’spublic

spaces.

Inmixed-socialinteractionsatreligiousgatheringsites,Inoticedtheir

tendencytomakeexaggeratedstatementsandconductthemselvesmoreformally.

Whiletheseinteractionscontrastedwithformsoffree-wheelingenjoymentinpublic

commercialspacesinDubai,Iconsiderbothtobeaspectsoftheiraspirational

modesineverydaylife.Theyoccasionallyjoinedmeaftermag̠ẖrib(evening)prayers

inthecourtyardofthemainShiamosque,anenvironmentthatencouraged

socialization,chancemeetings,andnetworking.Myconversationstherecovereda

wide-rangeofsubjects,butInotedthesitewastargetedbyjobseekers.Onafew

159

occasions,individualmenwouldstartconversationswithme,beforeofferingme

theirresumeandhumblyrequestingmyhelpintheirjob-search.

Once,HamidandIstruckupaconversationwithtwomennearus,who

explainedtheywererecentlyoutofwork.Oneofferedmehisresume.Lookingatit,I

notedtoHamidthathehadworkedasapainterinhispreviousjob.Hamidquickly

ranthroughtherangeofprojectsthatKadir’sgroupwasworkingon,andthen

startedtodescribehisworkataluxuryapartmentsite,ononeofDubai’sinfamous

“palm-shaped”islands.Inthisinstance,andinotherinteractionsIhadwithHamid

andTamirinKadir’sabsence,InoticedhowHamidprojectedhimselfasifhewere

thegroup’sleader.ThoughHamidandTamirreceivedasalaryfromKadirandwere

reliantonhimfortheircontracts,includingtheoneatthepalmisland,they

maintainedaseparateidentityasapartnershipofindependentcontractors.Their

businesscard,forinstance,listedtheirnamesandcontactinformationprominently,

butnowheregaveKadir’sinformation.

WhileHamid’songoingworkatthepalmislandwaspartofabidthatlooked

increasinglyunlikelytosucceed—asIdescribeinfurtherdetailbelow—hetalkedto

themeninthecourtyardthatnightasifithadbeenwon.Hefalselydescribedhow

hemanagedacrewoftwenty,andsuggestedvaguelythathemightneedmoresoon.

ThatsuggestionseemedtocorrelatewithanassessmentKadirexpressedtomedays

earlier,abouttheworkershewouldneedtorecruitforthepalmislandprojectif

theywonthecontract.Hamidendedbyreferringtovariouspartnersheknewinthe

project,whichseemedpartofanefforttopromotehimselfaswell-connected.While

160

Hamidstressedthathisgroupcurrentlydidnotneedassistance,thetwomenasked

himtorememberthemandcontactthemifheneededtohireworkersinthefuture.

IinterpretHamid’smostly-dismissiveattitudetowardthementhatnightasa

desiretoprojecthispersonalcontroloverthebusiness.ButIarguethathisattitude

alsoreflectedaselectivepreference,andafeelingofsuperiorityamongKadir’s

groupingeneral,basedonthegroup’sparticularcommunalidentity.Allfive

memberswerepartofthesameSayyidlineage,46havingtracedtheirdescent

throughthesameShiaImam,andwerenativetothesamenorthIndiavillage.On

thisoccasioninthemosquecourtyard,andinothermeetingswithmembersofthe

broaderdiverseShiacommunityinDubai,Hamidseemedtoattempttodefendthe

group’sparticularSayyididentity.Moregenerally,theirself-assuredand

exaggeratedassessmentsoftheirworkperformanceaimedtoprojectasenseoffelt

“superiority”befittingtheirSayyidstatus.47

Inanotherexamplefrommonthsearlier,IbroughtanotherfriendLatif,a

non-SayyidPathanfromPakistan’sFATAtribalregiontomeetKadir’sgroup.Latif

operatedasmall“technicalservices”groupinDubai—providingservicestorepair

in-homemachineryandappliances—andIsuggestedthathemighttryto

collaboratewithKadirandhisgroup.Latifandtheothersinhisgroupwerepolite

butdistrustful.Atonepoint,LatifaskedifHamidandhisfriendswereBihari:

46InIslam,aSayyidlineageisonetracedbackthroughmalerelativestotheProphet’smalegrandchildren(andtotheProphethimselfthroughhisdaughterFatimah).TwelverShiaSayyidsoftendistinguishamonglineagesbasedontheImamfromwhomtheirdescentbegins;manythenadoptthenameofthatImamastheirsurname.SayyidswhoacknowledgedescentfromaparticularImamoftenclustertogetherincommunitiesinparticularvillagesandlocalitiesinIndiaandPakistan.Toprotectmyinformants’identities,Idonotnametheirparticularlineagehere.47ForainvestigationintotheplaceofSayyididentitiesacrossvariousMuslimcommunity,historicallyandinthepresent-day,seethevolumeeditedbyKazuoMorimoto(2012).

161

referencinganIndianstateoftenreputedforitsunderdevelopment,alabelthat

impliedunrefinementintheexpatriatecommunity.Theyindignantlyrepliedthat

theywereSayyid,andtofurtherconveythequalityandhigh-standardsoftheirwork

theyopenedthebookofdesignsandshowedhimafewrepresentativeimages—

thoughasIdescribedinthebeginningsectionofthechapter,thosedesignsbore

littleresemblancetotheworkIobservedthemtoactuallyperform.

Aspirationandtheimaginativetelosofdevelopment.

Recentanthropologicalworkon“cosmopolitanism”andaspirationdonot

projecta“worldwithoutborders”somuchasa“worldfullofborders”that

individualsstriveto“overcome”(Schielke2012,30;seealsoLeal2011;Majumder

2012).Theroleofimaginationasanimportantdimensionofmodernlife(Appadurai

1996,2-11),itinerantlife(Pandolfo1997,182-185;Crapanzano2004,13-18),and

intheconstructedspaceofmodernnations(Anderson2006;VanDerVeer1995)

hasalsobeenarguedfor.Twosignificantethnographically-basedaccountsinpost-

colonialspacesofSouthAsiaprovidevisionsofimaginationandaspirationas

processesofbecoming(intheBergsoniansense).Drawingontheagrarianlivesofa

criminalcasteinTamilNadu,AnandPandiancontraststhemoralperfectionism

internaltocolonialmodelsofdevelopment—modelsbasedonateleologicalviewof

historyandprogress—withpeasantmodesofreimaginingmodernityandprogress

asvestedinthemateriality(forinstance,agingmachinery)ofpeasantlife(Pandian

2009,8,17-23).Pandianfindsresonancebetweenthetypeofdevelopmental

imaginingheobservesinsouthernIndiaandBenjamin’ssenseofexperienceasa

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“processofunfolding,”aswellasBergson’ssenseofmaturationasaprocessof

“creatingoneselfendlessly”(Pandian2011,169).SimilarlyNaveedaKhandrawson

aBergsoniansenseof“timeasbecoming”tounderstandtheformationofPakistan

asaperpetualcomingintobeing—apartofoverlappingself,social,andstate

projectsof“becomingMuslim”(Khan2012,5-10).InbothPandian’snotionof

developmentandKhan’sofaspiration,“process”andmovementareforegrounded.

Theideaofreimaginingdevelopmentprocessesintermsgermanetopeasant

experienceresonateswithmyunderstandingofhowcertainUrdu-speaking

expatriatesinDubaiappropriateandvestdevelopmentprocessesinaspectsofwhat

Icallminorityexperience.Astheaboveexamplesfrommyfieldworksuggest,

businessmeninthiscommunityinavarietyofwaysareexcludedfromparticipation

inDubai’slarge-scaleeconomiesofremunerativeaggrandizement,andthusforgea

virtualsenseofparticipationthatrunsastridetheformal/dominanteconomyand

gainsgroundintheworkofimagination.Thisvirtualeconomyforgesrealfinancial

relationshipsamongmembersofthecommunity,mostmateriallybytheinformal

exchangeofcredit.Butitalsolimitsparticipants’abilityto“deal”withothersinthe

formal/mainstreameconomy.Ihopetoshowhowbusinessdealsareaffectedby

participationintheseaspirational/virtualeconomies,bydrawingonmyexperience

withthisgroupofinteriordesigners.

Generally,Iseesuchregimesofaspirationasinhibitedanddrivenbyinternal

instabilities.Khanidentifiesskepticismasbothabyproductandcounterforceto

aspirationinlayMuslimeverydaylife.Khandescribesananxietyamongsome

MuslimleadersthatwhenlayMuslimsindulgeexcessivelyindeliberative

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disputationanddebatetheywillshirktheirsocialandreligiousdutiesandritual

obligations(Khan2012,12-14).SkepticismintheworkofVeenaDas(2007)(on

whichKhandraws),isinonewaythedoubtthatonecanknowthepainofanother,a

problemwhichtheritualsandlanguagesofmourninghelpovercome,returning

remoteexperiencesofpainandviolencetotheeverydayworld,bridgingbetween

“thedistantshoreandtheeverydayshoreinwhichviolenceandgriefaremet”(Das

2007,57-58).

Thenotionofadestabilizingforceconjoinedtostriving/development,which

KhandevelopstotheorizelifeinPakistan,addsdepthtohowIunderstandeconomic

aspirationinDubai.Ratherthanalossofritualactioncausedbyexcessiveimagining

and“abstractthinking,”participantsandobserversItalkedtointhisShia

communitymournedthelossofanoriginalformofsociality—asenseofhowto

correctlyengagemateriallywithothers—whichisforfeitedbyparticipatinginthis

virtual/aspirationaleconomy.Thisisakintothelossoflocalformsofvaluationthat

JuliaElyacharidentifiesinCairowhenworkingclasscommunitiesenterthefree

marketplace(Elyachar2005,8).InthefearsofPakistan’s‘ulamā’48andthe

observersandparticipantsofDubai’svirtualeconomy,aspirationimperilsone’s

socialandsensorialrelationstotheworld.Adeclineineverydaysocialrelations,if

notinthesensorialityofritualpracticeitself,isatstake.

Toexaminethedisconnectionsachievedcausedbyparticipationinthe

virtualeconomyIoutlineinthesectionbelowaseriesofpursuedbusinessdealsI

48(sg.alim),traditionallythosetrainedasIslamiclegalscholars.InPakistanandIndia,theyareconventionallyknownasrespectedpreachersfromelitefamilieswhohavefinishedtheirseminaryeducation,contrasted(andsometimesinconflictwith)lesseducatedpreachers,oftenfromlowersocioeconomicbackgrounds,popularlyknownasmullahs.

164

observed.Inthesectionfollowing,Idetailhowarobustcycleofcreditanddebt

withinthecommunity(inwhichIbecameimplicated)isanaspectofaspirational

modesofbeing,inwhich,asvariouspeopleattested,promisesofrepayment

frequentlygounmet.ItisinthiscontextofparticipatinginunmetpromisesthatI

latercametoseeHamid’screativeattributioninhisphotoportfolioasanexpression

ofbothaspirationanddesperation.

Highexpectations,faileddeals:partone.

KadirwaslatemiddleagedandhadbeenworkinginDubaiforover20years.

InfiveyearshehadrecruitedHamidandtheotherworkersallfromhisnative

villageinIndia,throughfriendandkinconnections.KadirhasafamilyinIndia,

includingawifeandson,whomheoftentalkedtofromhisroom’scomputerby

Skype,andonafewoccasionsalsointroducedtome.Whenmytwootherclose

contactsfromIndiafirstintroducedmetohiminJanuary2012,theyaskedmeto

prayforhim,asthegrouphadenduredasustainedperiodoffinancialwoe,that

stemmedfromadearthofnewwork,andalso,asIfoundoutlater,fromlargedebts

owedtoothersintheUrdu(andlikelyUrduShia)communityinDubai.

Whileourrelationshipwasbasedonsomemutualadmiration,bylate

February2012Iwastryingtofindwaystomakemyselfusefultothegrouptogain

accesstoobservethemontheircontractjobs.Whentheopportunityforanewdeal

forthemaroseatalargeconstructionsiteinAbuDhabi,Iofferedmyassistanceto

helptranslateinthenegotiation(Kadir’sEnglishwaspoor)andtogenerally

advocateforhim,inexchangeforaccompanyinghimonthesitevisit.Heaccepted,

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butmadeotherstatementsinthecomingdaysthatseemedtoenvisionagreater

roleforme.Hesaidononeoccasionthathewantedmetomanagetheworkers,in

exchangeforwhichhewouldpaymeapercentageofprofits.Iagainexpressedmy

commitmenttomyongoingeducationintheUnitedStates,andmyresearchin

Dubai.

InMarch,IaccompaniedKadirandJunaidontheirvisittoAbuDhabiforthe

negotiation.Alittleoveranhourintothecarjourneytothesite,Kadirstoppedusat

aroadsideḍhābā,orIndo-Pakistanirestaurant,whereheorderedandpaidforan

expensivelunch.Theworksiteforwhichtheyhadbeenrecruitedwasanearly-

finishednewconstructionontheoutskirtsofAbuDhabicity,alonganartificially

constructedcanal.Thedustyroadgavewaytothewidewaterwayandthentothe

imposingconstruction,mostlysealedwithglassandgleaminginthemiddaylight,

butwithsomeupperfloorsstillexposedastheworkcontinued.Thebuildingwasto

beaninternationalluxuryhotel,Kadirhadexplainedtomeonourdrivethatday.

ConstructionatthesitewascoordinatedbyaChinesefirm,andinitiallya

middle-agedChinesewomenandheryoungassistantmetusoutsideatrailernear

thesitewhenwearrived.APakistaniforemansoonarrived.Hewasayoungman

whospokefluentEnglishandseemedtobeafriendofJunaid.Ilaterunderstoodthat

hehadarrangedthebidmeetingbetweentheChinesesupervisorandKadirat

Junaid’surging.ThesupervisordirectedtheforemanandherChineseassistantto

giveusatourofthesiteanddescribetheworkthatKadirwouldneedtofulfill.

Weboardedaserviceelevatorandascendedseveralfloors,gettingoffata

highfloorthatwasbusywithmeninbluejumpsuits,mostlyfromBangladesh,asthe

166

foremanexplained.TheassistantaddressedoneapparentlyBangladeshiworkerin

Mandarin,whogaveahaltingbutspiritedreply.Ourgroupandtheworkerlaughed,

andtheassistantcongratulatedhimforhisefforttolearnandspeakhislanguage.

Aroundafewmorecorners,wheremenworkedtofixdrywallaroundsome

exposedmetalbeams,wearrivedatarowofroomsalongahallway,whichhad

exposedconcretefloorsbutwasotherwisemostly-finished.Theroomshadmost

furnishingsandinstallationsalreadycompleted:toiletsandshowerheadswere

installed,thefloorswereoftileandmarble,wallswerepaintedwhite,andwooden

panelingnearthewindowsandabuilt-inwoodendesktopsinthecornershadbeen

installed.Stilltheroomsseemedpoorlykept:athicklayerofgreydusthadformed

onthemarblefloorthroughwhichvarioustrailsofboot-printsran.Thetoiletofthe

firstroomweviewedappearedtohavebeendamagedafterbeinginstalled:the

porcelainwascrackedalongthetopandhandleapparentlybroken.Theyhadlikely

notbeenused,Ithought(sincewaterservicehadnotyetbeenconnectedthrough

thebuilding)butratherhadbeenmistreated.Thedustonthefloorandonthe

fixturesindicatedthatsometimehadpassedsincetheirinstallation.

Weapproachedthewoodwork,andittoohadapparentdamage.Thepanel

waswarped,withthefinishononesidechippingoff.Astheylookedovertheroom,

theassistanthandedKadirandJunaidaworksheetlistingtherangeofrepairsfor

whichKadirwouldbecontracted,describingexistingdamagesinover100guest

roomsliketheonebeforeus.Heexplainedthatthepreviouscontractorwhohad

installedthewoodworkhadmademistakesinmanyoftherooms.Hepointedout

167

someoftheobviousflawsandexplainedthat,thoughtheroomwasworsethan

most,theproblemsintheothersweresimilar.

Kadircarefullyexaminedthewoodworkpanelinganddesktop.He

approvinglynotedtoJunaidthe“quality”ofthewood(“qualitybahuthe”).Hethen

explained,andJunaidtranslatedinEnglish,thatinordertofixithewouldhaveto

removethepieceandreinstalltheanchoringto“reset”thewoodworkproperly.It

wouldtakesometime,hecautioned.Butheassuredtheassistanthehadexperience

withthiskindofwork.TheassistantseemedpleasedandassuredbyKadir’s

commitment.Heledusbackintothehallwayandshowedusafewmorerooms

withsimilarproblems.

HavinggonethroughthedetailstothemutualsatisfactionofKadirandthe

assistant,wereboardedtheelevatortoreturntothesupervisor’strailerfor

negotiations.Onthewaybackdown,KadirandtheChineseassistantjokedwiththe

Indianelevatoroperator,insomebasicEnglish.Kadirseemedhopefulandconfident

goingintothenegotiationswiththesupervisor.Arrivingbackatthetrailerfrom

whichwestartedourtour,thesupervisorinvitedusintoheroffice,whichwas

clutteredwithvariousequipmentandnumerousfilingcabinets.KadirandJunaidsat

downinfrontofherdesk,whileIsatslightlyofftooneside,andthesupervisor’s

assistantstoodattentivelybehindher.

Theconversationbeganinfriendlytones:itseemedtomethatthesupervisor

wasaseagerforadealasKadirwas.Sheexplainedhowtheprojectfacedpressure

toreachcompletionsoon,asworkhadfallenbehindschedule.Uponbeginningto

discussprice,however,thetoneofthenegotiationquicklychanged.Lookingover

168

thesheet,talkingthroughtheworkagainwiththesupervisor,andthenafter

consultingwithJunaidaside,Kadirofferedhispriceof100,000dirhams(AED)for

thefullwork.Thesupervisorappearedaghast.Kadirquicklytriedtoexplain,while

Junaidhelpedtotranslate,thathisintentionwastoremove,correct,andcarefully

reinstallallthemisfitandwarpedwoodwork.Thesupervisorcounteredwithher

contentionthatthedamagesweremostlysuperficial,andquicklyoffered25,000

AEDaspaymentinstead.“It’sjusttouch-ups,”sheimploredrepeatedly,withsome

exasperation,asshemadeapaint-brushinggestureintheairwithherhand,

suggestingthatthedamagecalledonlyforconcealment.

Kadirreactedwithbothdisappointmentandfrustration.Heshookhishead

insomedisbelief,reactingtohercounterofferandagitation.Junaidintervenedand

politelytriedtoarguetheneedformoresubstantiverepairs,buttheagainthe

supervisorscoffed.Shecalledthemboth“crazy”forexpectingtheirpriceinlightof

(inherview)themodestworkrequired.Afterabitmorebackandforth

“negotiation”overthedetails,thegapintheirexpectationswasonlyslightly

bridged:thesupervisoroffered30,000andKadirreducedhisbidto85,000.

Inafinalbidtosavethenegotiation,thesupervisorpartiallyacceptedKadir’s

desiretoprovidedetailedrepair,withamoremodestoffertofixonly10-15rooms

withtheworstdamage.Itwouldlikelyrequireonlyoneweekofworkandtwo

workersfromhiscrew,shesuggested.Shepresenteditasquicktransactionwith

Kadirgroup,forwhichshewouldpay7,000AED.Clearly,theofferundercutKadir’s

hopeandexpectationtosecurealargeworkcontract,andheseemeddejected.In

theend,however,heofferedtothinkaboutitandreplylater.Astheyshookhands

169

thesupervisorseemedhopefulthataquickandsimpletransactioncouldbemade,

whileKadirappeareddeflatedbytheday’soutcome.

InmynotesthatnightIreflectedonmysurprisethatKadirwouldbeso

willingtogiveupevenamodestdeal,givenwhatappearedtobethegroup’s

desperatefinancialstate.Ialsowonderedwhethertheconstructionprojectitself

wasover-budgetandfacingfinancialpressureorindisarray,giventhattheworkto

bedoneinvolvedcorrectinganothercontractor’smistake,whichstillsuggesteda

failureofsupervision.Perhapssuchlate-phaseconstructionwork—suchasthe

“finishing”workthatKadir’steamspecializesin—isoftenburdenedbylimitations

ofover-extendedbudgets.

Twohotelshavesinceopenedonthelargesiteonwhichhebidforwork(see

Image3.1).TwoweeksafterthenegotiationIlearnedthatKadirhadturneddown

thesupervisor’smoremodestworkoffer.OnthedrivebacktoDubaithatday,Itried

toaskwhyhewasuninterestedinthesmallerdeal,oralternatively,whyhewas

unwillingtocompromisemoreonthepriceforthelargerdeal.Thegapbetweenthe

offersforthelargerdealwastoogreat,KadirandJunaidbothexplained,andthe

moremodestcontractwouldnotbeworththeback-and-forthtraveltime,thoughhe

saidhehadhopedtohousetwoofhisworkersatthesitelong-termforthelarger

project,toreducesomeofthesetravelcosts—perhapsanotherindicationofhis

inflatedandgrandiosevisionfortheprojectgenerally.Later,whenthescaleof

Kadir’sbusiness-relateddebtsbecameclearertome,Ialsoappreciatedthatonlya

moresubstantialremunerationwouldhaveallowedhimtopayoffsomeofhislarge

andoverdueloans.Finally,Ifurtherspeculatedatthetimethathispride,asbothan

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171

discussionofImamAli.TheprospectwhichmostexcitedKadir—carefullyrepairing

andrestoringqualitywoodworkasa“finishing”phaseofanalreadyimposingand

gleaminghigh-endluxuryconstruction—eludedhiminthenegotiation.Thelureof

workingonandwithqualitymaterials,toproperlyfixandpreservethem,inspired

himtovaluehisownlaborbeyondwhatthesupervisorwaswillingtopay.The

materialsthemselveshelpedinspireaninflatedconceptionoftheprojectforKadir,

ultimatelytothedetrimentofthedeal.

Highexpectations,faileddeals:parttwo.

IntheweeksafterthefailedAbuDhabideal,Ifollowedupotherresearch

threads.WhenIreturnedtothedesigners’roominApril,excitementforanewbid

appearedtohavedisplacedanylingeringdisappointmentfromthelossoftheAbu

Dhabiproject.Kadirexplaineditwasanevenbiggerproject,atamajornew

apartmentconstructionintherapidlydevelopingsectionofsouthDubai,called

DubaiMarina.Heexplainedthatthegrouphasbeenpreparinga“modelapartment”

todisplaytheir“finishing”work(paintingandpolishing)tothemanagementofthe

complex.Ifapproved,theywouldwinthecontracttofinishovertwohundredother

apartmentsinthedevelopment.

Dayslater,IaccompaniedKadir,Hamid,andSamirfromthecoregroupanda

youngBangladeshimanthatKadirhadhiredasacleanerandequipmentmanagerto

theDubaiMarinasite.Theapartmentcomplexappearedtobemostlycompleted,

andafewunitswerealreadyoccupied.Thecomplexlayatthebaseoftheofafully

constructedislandjustofftheArabianSeacoastline,famouslymadeintheshapeof

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173

andtheBangladeshihelperworkedasateam,thehelperlayingdownadhesivetape

toprotectthewallwhileSamirappliedwoodpolishtothewoodenbaseboard.The

helperwouldthenremovethetapeagain,leavinglargewadspiledonthefloor(see

Images3.3-3.5).

Afterafewhoursoflightwork,thegrouppackedupandleft.Earlythenext

week,Kadircalledmeintheearlymorning,explainedthatthenegotiationhadbeen

moveduptothatday,andinvitedmetojoinhim.Whenwemetwewerequickly

joinedbyanolderPakistanimanwhomKadirdescribedasatechnicalservices

expertandapotentialpartnerandcollaboratoronthedeal.Aswedrovetothesite,

Kadirexpressedconcernthattheworkhadnotbeencompletedtohissatisfaction,

asthedatehadbeensuddenlymovedforwardandhehadnothadtimeforanother

returnvisitwithhisteam.Still,heexpressedconfidenceinthedeal,andspoke

expectantlyaboutitsscale,worthafew“million”dirhams.Thegroupwouldneedto

mobilizevastresources.HedescribedaprocesswhereIcouldhelphimrecruitmore

contractworkersfromIndiatohandlethecontract’slarge-scaledemand.

Wearrivedandwaitedforthesitemanagerinthelobbyofthebuilding.The

doormanwouldnotgiveusthekeyforthemodelapartment,whenKadirrequested

it.Suddenly,ayoungcouplerushedinfromthestreet.Thewoman,whowaswhite

andBritish,requestedthekeysfromthedoorman,whoappearedtobeFilipino,and

hehesitated.Sheyelledathimandherecoiledabit,thenmeeklyproducedthekeys.

Sheloudlyremarkedtoherpartnerthatthestaff“needtobetrained.”Kadirandhis

partnerhumblyinterjectedandintroducedthemselves,asthecouplemadetheir

waytotheelevator.Weallrodeuptotheapartmenttogether.Tooursurprise,other

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177

peoplewerealreadywaitingoutsidetheroom,includinganotherteamoffinishing

contractorsledbyyoungIndianman.

Themanagerandherpartner,whowasBritish-Indian,examinedthework

thatKadirandtheotherteamhadmodeledintheapartment.Shequicklylaunched

intocomplaints.Theproblems,inherview,weretwofold:ithadtakenfartoolong

(overtwomonths,sinceshelastsawtheapartment)togetasmallamountofwork

done,anddespitethattheworkwasshoddy.Atonepoint,shesaid"wearenot

fittingashackhere”—aremarkIinterpretedasracisttowardKadirandtheother

Asianworkersinvolvedinthenegotiation.49

Shefocusedmuchattentionontheheavywoodenfrontdoor.Thetouch-ups

tothedoorweremadeinadifferentcolororqualityoffinishingpolish,she

complained.FrustratedthatKadirandothersmightnotunderstandtheproblem,

shetriedtoexplainittome.Meanwhile,herpartnertalkedtoKadirandtheothers,

andcommunicatedbackthatthepolishdidmatchthequalityofthedoor,butthat

anytouchupwouldfailtofullyblend.Tosolveit,thedoorhadtoberemovedand

fullytreatedwithspraypaintandsealant.“Wellcantheydothat?”,sheblurtedto

herpartner.Yes,theycandoanything,hesaid,butitwouldtakemoretime,asthey

wouldhavetotakeitbacktotheirworkarea.Frustratedbytheprospectofextra

time,sheaskedwhytheycouldnotapplythefinishingtreatmentonbalcony,and

theyansweredthatwouldbeimpossiblebecausetheair-bornsandwouldinterfere

andadheretothewetdoor.

49IndocumentingtheexperienceofAsianmigrantworkersintheGulf,manyanthropologistshaveemphasizedpervasiveformsofracism,overtandtacit,thatthiscommunitycontendwith,asanaspectof“asymmetrical”powerrelations(Longva2009,129,155;seealsoVora2013;Mahdavi2011;Kanna2011;Gardner2010;Sarmadi2013).

178

Intheend,sheagreedtoallowKadirandhisteammoretimetospraypaint

andresealalldoors.Themeetingconcludedonthatnote,andKadirappearedagain

tohavefailedtosealadealthathehadeagerlyanticipated.Aweeklater,KadirandI

drovetopickupHamidandTamiratthesamesite,wheretheyhadbeenspray-

paintingandsealingthedoorsonthemodelunit,inanincreasinglyquixoticpursuit

ofacontract.AsofMay,whenthegroupandIceasedcontact,theyhadnotyet

securedadealontheremainingworkatthecomplex.Monthslater,asIleftDubaiat

theendofmyfieldwork,thegroupstilllivedinthesamesmallroom,having

apparentlyfailedtoachieveanygrandscaleimprovementintheirqualityoflife,or

signsofvisibleenrichment.

Asacoda:bylateApril,withthedealontheDubaiMarinaapartmentproject

stillunresolved,Kadirseemedincreasinglydesperate.Othersinthecommunity

weretryingtocollectonloanstheyhadgivenhim,heexplainedtomeatonepoint.

Inrecentweeks,hisworkershadaskedmeforloansontwooccasions,initiallyas

muchas20,000AED(orjustover$5,000USD).Onthedaybeforemyincidentof

“falling-out”withKadir(describedbelow)heinvitedmetocomealongwithhimto

purchasegypsumsuppliesforasmallervillarenovationjobthathisemployeeswere

workingoninthemiddle-upperincome,JumeirasectionofDubai.Hissupplierwas

basedinAjman,overanhour'sdrivefrom“middle”Dubai,andabitlongerinthe

mid-afternoontrafficweencountered.Again,heseemedtoanticipateasimple

transaction:theseguysknewhimandwouldgivehimagooddeal,heexplainedto

meonthedrivetotheshop.

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182

dramaticeffect—andhandedittothemanager.Inexchangehegotconsiderablyless

gypsumskirtingthanheexpectedandneeded,perhisdetailedexplanationtomeon

thecar-drivethere.

Whilethesettingandstakesofthisinteractionweresmallerscalethanthe

previousdealnegotiationsIchronicledabove,thisonefitthepatternofasharp

reliefbetweenKadir’simagined-in-advancescenariosandtheactually-enacted

outcomes.Inthisdeal,liketheothers,hefacedvocalderisionfromtheopposing

negotiatingparties,ratherthanrespect.Beforeweleft,asKadirwanderedthrough

theworkshop,appearingtoinspectthegypsum-work,themanagerleanedintome

andsaid“youknowhe’safool(be-vaquf),right?”Ishrugged.

Giving:loans,gifts,moralcontracts,socialrelations.

DevelopmentprojectsinDubaicontinuetodemandsignificantcontracted

laborforunskilledandsemi-skilledservices,whichareprovidedbylarge

populationsofimmigrantworkersfromSouthandEastAsia,especiallythe

Philippines,India,Pakistan,andBangladesh.Despitethelargedemand—andthe

abundanceofworkforsmallcompaniesthatprovideinteriordesignwork,technical

services,andcleaningservices—largecontractssuchastheonesKadir’sgroup

pursuedcanbehardtosecure,giventheupfrontcostsnecessarytomakeabid

competitive.Kadirdescribedtomehow,earlierin2011,thegrouphadwonalarge

contractforfinishingwork,butwereunabletotakeitbecausetheycouldnotamass

therequisiteup-frontmoneythatthecontractdemanded;tocover,forinstance,

supplycosts,payworkers’wages,andinsurethegroupwhileonthejob.

183

U.A.E.-basedbanksoffersmallbusinessloanstoexpatriatesasamatterof

policy,butinpracticecompanieslikeKadir’sstandlittlechancetowinthem.As

journalisticanalysisreveals,banksseekprestigious“bigname”borrowers.50Also

absentintheEmiratesarethecommunity-levelenginesofmicrocreditlending

pervasiveinthesubcontinent,whichaimtosupportsmall-scalebusinessneeds

throughpersonalloans.51Theunavailabilityofformalcreditoptionsproducesa

demandforserviceworkandcontractedsemi-skilledconstructionworkthat

exceedslaborsupply.Italsoresultsinarobusteconomyoflendingthrough

informalkinandfriendnetworksthatbuoysbusinesseslikeKadir’s,butwhichalso

imperilssocialrelationsandparticipants’standingsinthecommunity,implicating

bothborrowersandlenders.Awesomeexamplesofwealth(andiconicarchitecture),

coupledwiththeallure,inborrowing,ofgainingsomethingwithoutapparent

expenditure,createsthevirtualworldofaspirationthatKadirandotherexpatriates

enterintoinDubai.

BeginningwithmyinteractionswithKadir’sgroup,andinfurther

interactionsmostlyinlaterphasesoffieldwork,Iwasapproachedbyvariouspeople

intheShiaexpatriatecommunity,my“target”researchcommunity,whorequested

loansfromme.Throughconversationswithothersaboutloans,directlyand

indirectly,Icaughtglimpsesofthewidernetworksofinformallendingamong

friendsandkinextendingthroughthiscommunity.Nadim,forinstance,onceasked

meforaloanonbehalfofAsgar,whosefamilyinPakistanfacedmountingdebt

50SeeMartinaFuchsandMartinDokoupil,“UAEsmallbusinessesfacetightlendingconditions.”Reuters(online).Availableathttp://in.reuters.com/article/2011/02/14/emirates-lending-sme-idINLDE71D1FZ2011021451Foranalysisoftheseenterprises,seeforinstanceRahman(1999)andHuq(2004).

184

followingtherecentdeathofhisfather.Ioffered,asarationaleagainstgivingloans

tomyparticipants,thatareasonabletimeframeforrepaymentwouldlikelyexceed

myresearchtenureinDubai.

Withthisinmind,IaskedSharif,whoworkedatahigher-payingjobthan

NadimorAsgar,whetherhecouldgiveAsgaraloan.Hesaidhewasalreadyover-

extended,withtwooutstandingloanstomembersofthecommunity,oneofwhich

extendedbackyears.Hesmiledasheexplainedthislastdetailtome,perhaps

realizingthatitconfirmedtheoutcomeIhopedtoavoid.Hissmilealsoperhaps

acknowledgedthatalong-deferredloanmayhaveinfactbecomea“gift:”toexpect

repaymentnowwouldbeadelusion.

Still,tosupposethata“loan”operatesinthiscommunitymerelyasa

euphemismfora“gift”—thatwhenaloanisrequestedandtransactedamongpeers

thereislittleexpectationtoreturnit—isanoversimplification.Thatconclusion

wouldignorethepainfulandemotionalburdenInotedboththe“receivers”andthe

“lenders/gifters”feltatdifferenttimesintheloan’slifecycle,aswellasthemoral

andIslamiccodesthattheydiscuss.Onthelatterpoint,shortlyaftermycontact

withKadirandhisgroupceased,Junaidintroducedmetoanaspiringentrepreneur

fromPakistan,whocouldgivemehisperspectiveonthebusinessclimateinDubai.

Meetinghimatarestaurant,hebeganbytalkingaboutthestatusofDubai'sre-

exporteconomy.GivenpoliciesthatlimitthedirectexportofIndianandPakistani

goodstotheU.S.,heenthusiasticallydescribedthepotentialforbusinessestoroute

goodsthroughU.A.E.,ontheirwayfromPakistantoUnitedStates,asago-around

solution.

185

SpeakingtomeinEnglish,heaskedifIhadanyideasforsuchaU.S.-import

business.IfIdid,hecouldprovidecrucial“supportfromPakistan”forme,to

mobilizethenecessaryresourcesfortheventure,heexplainedhopefully.I

explainedthatIhadn’tthoughtaboutitanddidn’thaveanyparticularideas,buthe

persisted.Atonepoint,todemonstratetheeasewithwhichhepreferredtoconduct

business,hetoldmethatheneversecureddealswithsignedcontracts.Instead,

gesturingwithhishand,hesaid“IputmyhandtoQur’an.Ifyouknowwhatthat

means,youcantrustme.”

AsIcontinuedtoexpressmydisinclinationtostartabusiness,his

enthusiasmwanedtowardtheendofourconversation.Outsidetherestaurant,we

walkedthroughthestreetsofBurDubai,andhestartedtodescribehowdifficulthis

financialsituationwas.HefearedhemighthavetoleaveDubai.Joblessformonths,

andwithawifeandtwochildrenbackhomeinPakistan,hehadbeenevictedfrom

hisformer“bachelor’s”roombecausehecouldnolongerpayrent,andnowstayed

withafriendinaneighboringarea.Intheend,heaskedmefora“donation,”andI

gavehimasmallsumofDirhamsfromwhatIhadinmypocket.Hethankedme,and

weagreedtostayincontact;thenheturnedsomberlyandwalkedoff.

Ifthesecurityofawrittencontractliesinthewayit“tethers”aperson(the

borrower)andanevent(theassenttoand“signing”ofanagreement)toamaterial

documentthatisperpetuatedintothefuture,thesecurityofanoralagreementlies

inthe“presence”ofthepersonintheutterance.Thus,anoralagreementinvokes,

relieson,andoftenoverburdenssocialrelations.Gesturessuchasahandshakemay

forgeorstrengthenasocialrelationshipbyfurtherdrawinginthebodyofthe

186

borrowerintheagreement.Alternatively,gesturessuchasputtingone’shandonor

towardtheQur’anbothinvokeone’sgeneralimperativetoethicalactioninIslam,

andstrengthenstherelationshipbetweenlenderandborrowerbyinvokingtheir

sharedmembershipinthesocialcommunityofMuslims.

Still,BillMaurerhasdocumentedtheriseofindustriesaroundMuslim

lending,inplacessuchastheUnitedStates,thepopularityofwhichrevealan

increasingsophisticationamongMuslimconsumersandinvestors,andapreference

forphysicallysignedandsealedcontractsoveroralones:

Scholarlyendorsementisnottheequivalentofpersonalcharisma.Peoplepreferthegreateranonymityaffordedbystandardizedforms,creditchecks,andstandardized“shari’asealsofapproval”overthehandshakeandthesocialconnectionsthatcomefromdealingwithotherMuslims.Theywanttobetreatedlike“realclients,”notjustlikeMuslims.(Maurer2006,13)

Togeneralizeonthisidea:aloantransactionimmediatelycreatesadisbalanced

relationship.Thepreferenceforwritten-contractloansreflects,ontheonehand,a

borrower’sdesiretopreserveandseparatesocialrelationsfromthepotential

adverseeffectsofadeferredorfailedloanrepayment.Conversely,apreferencefor

aninformalloan,suchasJunaid’sfriendsuggestedabove,couldimplythe

borrower’sdisregardforhisrelationshipwiththewould-belender,orput

differently:hiscalculationthattheloan’svalueisworththerelationship’spotential

loss.InthelogicofJamesScott’sanalysisofclassandsocialtensionsinMalaysia,

thisrelatestoanassessmentofthereputational“costofabadname,”intermsof

one’ssocialstandingandfinancialrelianceonothers(Scott2008,24).

Reciprocityandethnographicrelationships.

187

Inasectionabove,IstresshowmyrelationshipwithKadirandhisteam

developed,asdidmanyofmyresearchrelationships,aroundasenseofsharing,

generosity,andgoodwill.However,inapatternalsosimilartosomeofmyother

researchrelationships,Kadirseemedtoevaluateourrelationshipasacalculation

aboutwhatcouldbegained,inanall-or-nothinggamblewherethelossofour

relationshipwasarealisticpotentialoutcome.Theturnourrelationshiptook,as

Kadirandhisemployeesseemedincreasinglyintenttoextractmonetaryloansand

giftsfromme,impactedmeasaquandaryandcrisis,giventhatIadmiredthegroup,

sympathizedwiththeirstruggle,andappreciatedtheirkindnessandgenerosity

towardme.Theyhad,forinstance,fedmemealsandgivenmeaccesstotheirwork

anddowntimeinteractionsformyresearch.Havingworkedcloselywiththem,Ihad

cometofeelinvestedintheirfinancialandworkstruggles,andwantedtohelpthem.

Kadirhadacknowledgedthebroadernetworkofsocialrelationsatstakein

borrowingmoney,andinrequestingalargeloanfromme.Inaconversationwith

meinthecarreturningfromthegypsum-supplystore,hedescribedhowasking

friendsorrelativesformoneycarriedembarrassmentandshame—projectingto

themasenseofbeinganunsuccessfulmanager,andof“failure”(“nākāmī”).The

prospectofruiningarelationshipwithafriendorrelative,whichcouldhavearipple

effectthroughthecommunity,damaginghisreputation,makessucheffortsto

borroworlendperilous.Borrowingfromaclosebutoutside(non-kin,non-

188

community,non-Indian)acquaintancelikeme,however,wouldavoidthepotential

rippleeffectofreputationdamage,shouldsomethinggowrong.52

Specifically,borrowingfrommewouldallowKadirtorepayotherstowhom

hewasindebt.Inanearliercandidmeetingonenightinhisroom,hehadadmitted

thathisgrouphadnothadamajordealsincehehadmovedtheirbaseofoperations

fromaninteriorcityinAbuDhabitoDubaithreeyearsago.Someofhisbiggest

debtswerewitholdfriendsandbusinessassociatesfromthatcommunity.Justdays

beforeourtriptothegypsumretailers,Ioverheardhiminacellphoneconversation

withsomeonewhomhelaterdescribedasanoldassociatefromthatcity.Inthecall,

hedescribeddealsandcapitalthatwereabouttocomehisway(“pēsaānewālahe,”

hesaidrepeatedly),inaneffort,asIunderstoodlater,toreassurethelender.

HamidwasthefirstofKadir’semployeestoaskmeformoney,onan

occasionweeksbeforeIappreciatedthefullpictureofKadir’sdebts.Hamid'sbold

questioninitiallycaughtmeoffguard:askinghowmuchmoneyIhad.Ivaguelysaid

Ihadlittle,andstressedthatIwasastudentandunemployedinDubai.Still,he

likelyassumedIhadaccesstoagreatdealofmoney,ashefirstaskedmefor20,000

dirhams(about$5,500).Inthemoment,andinthedaysafter,Ireflectedonand

reconsideredmyapproachto“reciprocity”infieldwork.Theneedforsomeformof

compensationtoparticipantsisanissueforanyhuman-subjectsresearcher.

52ThisisperhapsareversephenomenonfromthatwhichClaraHan(2012)observesinaneconomicallyvulnerablecommunityinSantiago,Chile.Inheranalysis,timesofeconomicprecarityforcecommunitymemberstorequestsmallloansormaterialassistancefromextendedfamilymembers,requestswhicheffecttheborrower’sshame,butwhicharegenerallyrepaidanddonotstrainrelationships.Bycontrast,totargetfriendsandacquaintancesforcreditismorefraught,asitriskstheappearanceof“begging”formoney.Thus,inthiscommunity(notwithstandingitsstructuralandsocioeconomicdifferenceswiththeUrduShiacommunityinDubai),theclosertherelationtothelender,themoretenablethetransaction.

189

Ethnographers,Ibelievedthenandnow,arebetterpositionedtogivegiftsrather

thanloansinexchangeforresearchparticipation,oftenunabletogivethetimethat

lendingcyclesrequire.Dayslaterwehadreducedtheloanamountto2,000dirhams

($550),anamountIcautiouslyresolvedtogive.Howeverjustaswewereaboutto

executethetransaction,Kadirseemedtosubtlychangethetermsoftherepayment

period,andIbackedoutofthedealasgracefullyasIcould.

ThereafterIresolvedtonotgiveloans,thoughIdidsubsequentlygivesmall

monetary“gifts”(intherangeof50-100dirhams,$14-$28)onoccasionto

informantswhentheyexpressedneed.Inprinciple,Ifiguredthatlendingonafalse

premiseofrepaymentwouldmarkmeassomeoneeasilymanipulated,thereby

complicating(andpotentiallyfurthermonetizing)myresearchrelationshipswith

others.Iadoptedthispolicypartlyontheadviceofafewothertrustedcontactsin

theexpatriatecommunity,whothemselveshadlentmoneytoothersthatwasnever

repaid.Suchventuresresultedinthefractureofseveraloftheirrelationships.

Iwasunawarethen,inApril,howintegratedintotheinformalcredit

economymyresearchrelationshipswouldbecome,andhowcentralitwouldbeto

myunderstandingofexpatriateparticipationinDubai'sdevelopment.Onthelast

daywespoke,Kadiragainaskedmefor1,800dirhams,whichIagaindeclinedto

give.Laterthatnighthecalledmeand,inabelligerentandyellingtone,essentially

“toldmeoff,”andcalledmea“fraud:”“tumachhāadminahīṅho.Bilkulfraudadmi

he.”IwasstillreelingfromtheconversationminuteslaterwhenTamirfollowed-up

withacalltome.Histonewasmorerestrainedatfirst,seemingtoapologizefor

Kadir’scall,whileprovidingsomecontext.HeexplainedthatwhenIhaddeclinedto

190

loanthemoneytoKadirthatday,Kadirwasapparentlyforcedtotellthisfriendthat

hehadfailedtoraisethecashtorepayhim.HisfriendhadyelledatKadir,Tamir

explained.Butthen,Tamir’stoneshiftedaswell,andheseemedtoaccusemeof

stealingitemsfromtheirroom.WhenIstressedthatIhadnottakenthem,hevowed

tocallthepolicetoresolvethematter.Idiscoveredlaterthroughamutualfriend

thatTamirandHamidhadapparentlyalsosuspectedhisneighborsofthealleged

theft,andtheyhadjusthadaloudconfrontationoutsidetheirroom.

Shakenafterthetwocalls,IreachedouttoLatif,whowasthenaclose

contactofmineandsomeoneIhadpreviouslyintroducedtoKadir.Latifseemedto

sympathize.“Intheworld,therearemanywhowilltakeadvantageofyou,”he

cautionedinourphoneconversationthatnight.Headvisedmetoavoidthem,andto

notgiveloanstoanyone.Lessthanthreemonthslater,Iwasthussurprisedwhen

Latifcametomeaskingforan8,000AED($2,178USD)loanforhistechnical

servicesbusiness.“Ifyouwanttohelpme,youcanhelpme,”heexclaimed,

provocatively,afterIhesitated.Iagaindeclinedtheloan,buttriedhardtohelp

facilitatenewjobsforhim,andassistedhimonafewaswell.Myfailuretogivethe

loan,nonetheless,strainedourrelationship,andourcontactdiminished.

AsAsianexpatriates,withlittledemonstrablewealthorassetsinDubai,

peoplelikeKadirstandlittlechanceofsecuringloansfromagenciessuchasbanks.

Furthermore,variousinformantsbemoanedthephysicaldisplacementofmigrant

lifewhichsometimescausedaruptureinthemoralconventionsparticulartosocial

lifeinIndiaandPakistan:aphenomenonhighlightedinsomesituationsofinformal

lending.Onenightshortlyaftermyfall-outwithKadir’sgroup,ImetJunaidoutside

191

themosque,whoofferedmesomeconsolingperspective.HedescribedinEnglishto

mehowpeopleinDubaiadopta“badnature:”thattheyactdifferentlyandforget

howtobegregariousand“helpfultoothers”astheywouldotherwisebeinPakistan.

Islamicgift-givingtraditions.

Ofcourse,conventionsoflendinginDubaiarenotonlystructuredby

increasingly-influentialframeworksadvancedby“Islamicfinance”enterprises,

broadlydefined.Muslimsobserveavarietyofalmsgivingpractices,structured

aroundtheobligationtoservetheneedy,bothlocallyandglobally,andbothinside

andoutsidetheIslamiccommunity.Inthiscontext,aloanthatgoesunrepaid,and

thatovertimebecomesagift,canberationalizedbythelender/giverasaformof

charity.Compensationcanthenbefoundinthes̤awāborspiritualrewardGodmay

grantforsuchanact,buildingonmyanalysisofeffortstocultivatebeneficialactions

amongmembersofthiscommunity,inChapter1.

ThespiritofgivingtotheneedyisrepresentedinvariousIslamicinstitutions

includingzakātandtheShiataxonbusinessprofits,ḵẖums.Outsideoftheseformal

obligations,Ifollowedavarietyofeverydayrequestsforgenerosityinthis

community,andalsonotedtheburden“needy”membersboretonotonly

adequatelydemonstratetheirneed,butalsotoappropriatelyrequestaid.Hamdan’s

emaildigest,forinstance(describedinChapter1),createdamarketplacefor“freeof

cost”itemsdirectedtoward“anymomin53inneed,”andoftenexplicitlyasked

potentialrecipientsto“advise”whytheitemshouldbe“giventoyou.”Toencourage

53Atermtranslatingas“believers,”inthiscontextusuallymeanttoimplyShiafollowersspecifically.

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giving,onesuchemailincludedtwoquotations.ThefirstwasattributedtoFirstShia

Imam,AliibnTalib:“Takeinitiativeincharitableactsanddon'tconsiderthem

insignificant,foritslittleisgreatanditsfewismany.”Thesecondwastakenfrom

Qur’an,ChapterTwo,Verse274:"Thosewho(incharity)spendoftheirgoodsby

nightandbyday,insecretandinpublic,havetheirrewardwiththeirLord.”

Still,invariousinstances,informantsexpresslydisapprovedof“begging”(or

“tasūl”inArabic).Isometimesencounteredbeggars“lurking”—asiftryingtobe

unobtrusive—aroundparkinglotsoutsidetheimāmbārgāhongatheringnights.One

nightafriendandinformant,Latif,andImetamanintheparkinglot,whoaskedus

formoney.LatifrespondedbyaskingifhewasMuslim,towhichherepliedthathe

was.Wincingabit,Latifsaidtotheman:“yeḥarāmihe-begging”(itisforbidden),

butsuggestedthatinsteadhecouldgoinsidetheimāmbārgāhandhaveasnack

(niyāz)withtheothersgatheredthere.Themannoddedandturned,walkingfurther

upthedustyparkinglot,awayfromtheimāmbārgāh.ReflectingJamesScott’s

(2008)analysis,socialsanctionsparticulartothecommunitydictaterightand

wrongwaysbywhichtheneedymaysolicitmaterialormonetaryaidfromothers.

Shiapracticeinthemidstofaspirationalstrivinganddebt.

EvenasKadirandhisgroupfacedrepeatedrejectionsatsuccessivedeal

negotiations,theymaintainedasustainedandsincerecommitmenttoShiaand

generalIslamicpractices,anddebatesoverthelifeoftheImamsandcorrectritual

practiceswereafrequentthemeofconversation.Theyregularlyorganizedsmall

majlisgatheringseveryThursdayafternoon,duringthemonthsIspentwiththem.I

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firstmetthem,infact,whenSaad(apoetwhoseworkIdescribeinthefinalchapter

below)broughtmetoonesuchgatheringtointroduceme.WhenIdescribedmy

interestinUrdunōḥēandmars̤iya(popularShiapoeticgenres),Hamidimmediately

andpassionatelyrecitedanōḥatome.TheirgatheringstypicallyincludedaQur’an

andnōḥērecitation,andgroupdu‘ā(orsupplication)recitations.Towardtheendof

mytimeworkingwiththem,Inoticedthatoutsideguestsjoinedintheweekly

gatheringslessfrequently,andSaadandhisfriendsalsostoppedcomingatacertain

pointaswell:amomentatwhichtheyrealizedthetruescopeofKadir’s

manipulativebusinesspractices,theylaterexplainedtome.

Allmembersofthegroupregularlyattendedgroupnamāz(prayer)atthe

mosqueneartheirhome.AsImentionedabove,Kadirwasdissatisfiedwiththe

roomtheyrentedintheall-male,andmostlySouthAsian-occupied,“bachelor’s”

villa,54andspecificallybemoaneditspoorconstruction.Athinlayerofdrywall,for

instance,separatedtheir“living”roomfromanarrow,dimly-lit,andpoorly-

insulatedhallwaythatranoutsidetherooms,andthatservedasadefactokitchen

area,eachroomhavingitsownstove,perchedonatableinalineagainstonewall.

Theroomssharedacommondish-cleaningareainanexposedcourtyardarea.

Despitetheirdispleasurewiththevilla,theyvaluedtheircloseproximitytothe

mosque,sittingjustoutsidetheirroom’swindow,asthegreatbenefitofthe

arrangement.Theyaffirmedthistomeononeearlymorningduringmystaywith

them,whenweallawoketotheveryloudaẕānbroadcastoverloudspeakersjust

outsidetheiropenwindow.54Onthesocialsignificanceof“bachelor”statusinDubai,asaracializedcategory,seeSarmadi(2013).

194

Whiletheyregularlyattendedgroupnamāzinthemosqueandorganized

smallmajlisgatheringsintheirroom,Inotedthattheyrarelyattendedweeklymajlis

gatheringsattheimāmbārgāh.Inparticular,InoticedthatKadirespeciallywould

oftenonlyattendonoccasionswhenasubstantialniyāzwastobeserved:andeven

then,wouldarrivetowardtheendoftheprogram.ImetsomeothersintheShia

communitywhotendedtoavoidpublicimāmbārgāhgatherings,specificallyciting

theirdisinterestinactivitiessuchasritualweepingandlisteningtopoetry.Nadim,

forinstance,criticizedsuchactivitiesasexcessiveandwasteful,asIdescribedin

Chapter1.Kadirandhisgroupwerelikelydifferentlymotivated:Ibelievetheir

avoidancereflectedsomeuneaseatsocializinginthecommunity,nervousabout

theirbusinessdebts.Theritualofperformingnamāz,eveninalargegroupsetting

suchastheeveningmag̠ẖribisahighlypersonalizedandinternalizedexperience,

comparedtomore“passive”ritualsofsermonandpoetrylistening.Fromthese

interactionsIfoundKadirandhisgrouptobesincereMuslimsandShias,and

observedthemsustaintheircommitmenttokeyritualpracticesevenwhile

becomingincreasinglydisengagedfromthebroadercommunity,asthecrisis

aroundtheirbusinessdebtsdeepened.

Conclusion:NestedUrbanPrecarity

Theunfoldingtimeofdebts—whatGustavPeebles(2010)describesasthe

forgingofpast-presentandpresent-futurelinkages—makesinformaland

interpersonalsystemsoflendingalternatelyproductiveanddestructiveastosocial

relations,comparedwiththeimmediacyofotherimpersonaltransactions.Lifefor

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manymarginalizedexpatriatesinDubaiunfoldsintheprecariousspacedelimitedin

timebyiterativeandinterlinkingtransactionsinborrowingandrepayment—a

precaritycompoundedbythetransienceofexpatriateworkinDubai,andbythe

uncertainfuturesofvisas.TheDubaigovernmentstrugglestointerceptabsconding

expatriateborrowers:thosewhoabandonpropertyandleaveabruptlyinorderto

escapeundesirableemploymentcontractsoroutstandingdebts.

Inthecontextofsuchprecariouslives,borrowingsetsintomotion

aspirationalthinkingonwealthaccumulation,drawingontheimageryandscaleof

developmentprojectsinDubai.ThetrajectoryoftheEmirate’sdevelopmentitself

hasbeenplungedintouncertaintysincetheglobalrecession’sonsetin2008,and

morespecificallythehousingmarketdownturnin2009—eventsthathaveheralded

introspectionbyDubai’sdevelopersandmanagers,criticismbyjournalists,and

reflectionbyscholars(seeKanna2013).Dubai’svulnerabilitytomarketforces,for

instance,hasledtoimagesofDubaiasamirage55orfantasy(Davis2008).The

ascentintofantasyandimagination—andtheverticalspaceoftowers—isconjoined

tothedescentintoground-levelcyclesofvirtualwealthaccumulationviacredit

exchange,sustainingexpatriatelifeinDubaiwhilesimultaneouslystrainingsocial

relationships,evenwhilethecenter,theideal,thegoal,theendpoint,remainsitself

vagueanduncertain.Iconsiderthistheprecarityofaspiration.

Inthischapter,qualitiesofbuiltspacearekeytomyanalysisofanethicsof

strivingparticulartoworkactivitiesofKadir’sgroup:anethicsofactivitythathas

rippleeffectsontheconstitutionoftheirsocialrelationshipsandtheirreligious55Parker,Ian.2005.“TheMirage:TheArchitecturalInsanityofDubai.”NewYorker,October17:pp128–143.

196

practices.ThebuiltenvironmentofDubaiinwhichtheylive,andlabordirectlyon,

createsfortheman“aspirational”relationshipwithwealthaccumulationandthe

pursuitofsuccess.Theiraspirationalethicinworkandeverydaylifedestabilizes

theirsocialrelationships,disruptstheirparticipationincommunalreligious

activities,andimperilstheirabilitytoworkandearn.

Nonetheless,thisaspirationalethic,withitsunstableenergy,perpetuateslife

inDubaiforthemasmundanelife.Disappointmentatthefailureofadealorthe

inabilitytomeetapromisedrepaymentdeadlineisoffsetbytheperpetuationof

othermundaneworkprojectsforinstance,andoftherecitationofpoetryand

Qur’anintheirlivingspace,whichtheycontinuetooccupy.Thefailuretorealize

grandscaleachievements,inotherwords,hasnotproduceditsopposite:abject

failureordestitution.Rather,mundanelifeforthemendures,astheoutcomeofan

ethicofaspirationalstriving.Asstrivingstructuresawayofmundanelife,Inotein

thischapterhowmundanelifenurturesandperpetuatestheworkofstriving.

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4.AnxietyCrimestories,emptyspace,projection,pābandī,z̤ulm

Thischapterexploresavarietyofanxietiesaboutcrime,asexpressedby

membersofthiscommunity,andinlightofasenseofsecurityandpublicorderin

Dubaithatmanyconsidered“false.”Inthefinalsectionofthischapter,Iclosely

analyzeaconversationaboutcrimes—bothrelatedtoDubaiandPakistan—thatI

hadwithtwoPakistaniinformants,AsgarandSharif,in2012.Butthatconversation

wasprefiguredbyotheroccasionsinwhichAsgarexpressedanxietiestiedto

specificlocationsandformsandfiguresinthelate-nightenvironment.Ibeginwith

onesuchdescription.

Asgar’ssharedroomwasaroughlyten-minutewalkfromtheimāmbārgāh

site.Aftermonthsoflate-nightmeetingsaroundtheimāmbārgāhwithmeandour

othersharedcontactsinthecommunity,hebegantoexpresshispreferencenotto

walkhomealone.AfterIrentedacarinmyfinalmonthsoffieldwork,heoftenasked

metodrivehim.Theenvironmentwasfamiliar.Crossingoveramajorroundabout,

ononesucheveninginSeptember2012,weenteredthebusymarketsquarenear

hisroom,knownforavarietyofmechanicsshops,andstoressellingbudgetclothing

andhouseholdgoods.Mostlyclosedafter10pm,aPakistaniḍhābāwasopenlate

withbrightneonlightsilluminatingthestreetandsidewalk.

Aleftturnawayfromthesquareplungedusintoamoredimlylit,potholed,

andnarrownetworkofstreetsandlow-risemostly-residentialbuildings.Ipulledup

ontheroadsidenearhisbuildingandstopped.Sittingforamoment,hegestured

towardafewmenwiththeirbackstous,wearingsalwārqamīẓ—atypicaldressof

IndianandPakistanimeninpublic,thoughespeciallyassociatedwithPakistani

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PathanmeninDubai.Hethenbegantoexplaintomethatthisresidentialareaused

tobepredominatedbyAfricanArabs—bywhichhemeantblackAfricansfrom

placeslikeSudanandEthiopia,andaddedthattheareahadbeenrifewith“crimes.”

Iwasinitiallyconfusedbythereference,buthecontinued.“Ustimese,aōrziāda

beheterhogaya.Phirbhī,yePakistanibradarimai,jog̠unḍelogyaharehtehe,aōrrāt

meghūmtehe.”(“Fromthattime,thingshavegottenmuchbetter.Still,inthis

Pakistanicommunity,thegangsterslivehere,andtheygoaroundatnight.”)Ashe

describedthis,wewatchedastheshadowyfiguresrecededfurtherawaydownthe

road:figurespopulatingacalmandmostlyvacantstreet-scene.Thenheadded,in

English,“youhavetobecareful,”andclarifiedthatthelingeringcriminalthreatin

hisneighborhooddiscouragedhimfromwalkingaroundlateatnight.

IregisteredAsgar’sanxietyinitiallyasavagueunease.Later,inamore

expansiveconversationbetweenAsgar,Sharifandmyself,herootedasimilarsetof

anxietiesmorefirmlyinavarietyofspecificstories,orrumors,ofpurportedcrimes

inDubai.HeandShariffurthertiedthosetoavarietyofotherexperiencesand

anxietiesaboutcrimes,violence,andfirst-handexperiencesofvictimhoodin

Pakistan.Alsoinitially,andinmyinitialanalysis,Inotedthecounterpointbetween

Asgar’sexpressedanxietyaboutcriminalityandthebroadersenseofpublicsafety

inDubai.Manyinthecommunitycommunicatedthelattersensetome,overthe

courseofvariousconversations,andseemedtotakethatsenseforgranted.Still,

centraltomyargumentinthischapterishowthesecurityenvironment,andsense

ofcalmandpublicorderinDubai,createvacatedspacesthatfosterfearful

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imaginationsofcriminality—suchaslate-nightenvironmentthatAsgarandI

observedaswesatinmycar—andintowhichmigrantsprojectarangeoffears.

CriticaltheoristSianneNgaibuildsonaFreudianconceptionof“projection”

asnotasymptomoroutcomeofanxiety,butthatwhich“constitutes”and

“determines”anxiety.Inherformulation,projectionisthe“meansbywhichaffect

[ofanxiety]assumesitparticularform.”Anxiety-as-projectionisthusessentially

spatial,relyingonaconfigurationofbotha“here”anda“‘yonder’onwhichthe

experienceofthreatdepends”(Ngai2009,211-212).Buildingonthis,Iexamine

belowtheroleplayedbytheambienceofimmediatespacestopromptprojections

andconformanxieties.Iespeciallyreturntothisquestioninmyanalysisofcrime-

storytellingamongAsianmigrantsinDubai,attheendofthischapter.

Ithusfocusontheroleofcontrolledenvironmentsofinactivitytoallowthe

foreignworkersinDubaiIdescribebelow—Rafiq,Asgar,andSharif—criticalspace

toformulateandprojectparticularanxietiesaboutcriminality.Theenvironments

whereRafiq,Asgar,andShariftoldcrimestoriestomewerenotablythose

evacuatedofworkactivityandcriminalactivity.Ontheonehand,Iaimtoshowin

thischapterhowtheevacuatedqualityofthesespacesallowforamodeof

“meandering”throughanaccount,andofruminatingonaparticularcriminalevent,

thatItakeasaparticularethicofstorytelling.Thisethicof“reflection”allowsthe

storytellertoconjureunseeneventsandprojectthemintotheimmediatespaceof

thetelling.

Furthermore,theenvironmentofconcealmentandevacuationofactivity

inspireothermodesofstorytellingthataimatgroundingnebulousdetails,vague

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sensations,fearfulaffects,andconcealedactionsinconcretedetails.Theeffortto

groundnebulousideasanddistanteventsinconcretedetailisanotherethicof

storytelling,Iargue.Theeffortispartofabroadereffortamongforeignmigrantsto

regaincontroloverenvironmentsthattheyperceivetobestructuredbyconcealed

forces.Theseforcesincludetheactsofcriminalitythemselvesandtheanti-crime

surveillanceapparatusesofthestate.Moregenerally,theethicof“groundingdetail”

instorytellingispartofamigrantefforttooccupyand“reclaim”evacuatedpublic

spaces.

Finally,Ishowbelowhowtheethicofmeanderingandreflectionin

storytellingallowsformigrantslikeRafiqandAsgartoaligntheanxietiesabout

criminalactivitywithanxietiesrelatedtoemploymentandearninginDubai.Their

modesofstorytellingoccupyspacesandtimescreatedbytheconditionsof

underemploymentandunemployment.Reflection,asanethicofstorytelling,isa

formofethicalactivitythatallowsmigrantstoalignvariousformsofanxietyin

Dubai.Ibeginthischapterbyexploringhowsecrecyandthecultivationoffearare

centralinthedevelopmentofDubai’ssecurityculture.

Dubai’ssecurityculture,publicsafety,andtheconstructiononfear

MarxistcommentatorandhistorianMikeDavishasdescribedhowArabian

Gulfemiratesprofitfromaninternationalfeareconomy.Resourcesandpersonnel

mobilizedfortheAmericanmilitaryeffortsintheMiddleEastandAfghanistan,

transitingthroughGulf-basedhubs,feedAmerica’s(andEurope’s)fear-basedwars.

TheGulfisaspringboardforU.S.armyoperations:allsixGCCmemberstateshost

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U.S.bases,withroughly40,000troupesstationedbetweenthem.Daviscitesnot

onlythemoneytransitpassengersspend,butalsothefree-tradezonesthatacta

neoliberalutopias,allowingforhighvolumegoods-tradingencumberedbyneither

taxesnorunionorganization,andtypicallyutilizingWesterncapitalandcurrencies

(Davis2006,58,63).

Additionally,fearsofimpendingglobaloilscarcity,andofdisruptionsdueto

MiddleEastpoliticalinstability,alsogenerateeconomicgainfortherelatively

secureEmirate,asfuturesmarkettradersreactandoilpricesrise.Thoughoiland

gasproductiononlyaccountsfor2%ofDubai’sGDP,oil-richneighborsAbuDhabi

andSaudiArabiainvestheavilyinDubaiconstructionandotherdevelopment

projects.Specificpoliticaleventsincreasethespeculatedfuturepriceofoil,

promptingproducerstowithholdsupplyinanticipationofhigherfutureprices.The

actualpricethenrisesduetodecreasedsupply.

Dubaiprofitsinathirdwayfromaneconomyofglobalfear.Buildingonan

argumentbegunbypoliticalscientistNooraLori,IexplorehowDubaiharnessesthe

deliberate“vagueness”intheconstructionof“threat”globally,inthecontextofthe

WaronTerror,inordertodefendandperpetuatekafāla:theGulfregionalsystem

wherethenativepopulationischargedwithregulatingtheforeignlaborpopulation.

Politicaltheoristsnotehowvaguethreatscreateconditionsofrelentlessand

pervasivefearinapopulation,anddriveapoliticsfocusedonsecurity(McManus

2011).InthecontextoftheUnitedStates,forinstance,BrianMassumihasdescribed

theterroralertsystemenactedafter9/11asanexampleofabluntapparatustooled

torespondtoandreflectvague,formlesssecuritythreats.Thealertsystem,in

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Massumi’sanalysis,wasdesignedtoharnessthevaguenessofindeterminate

threats,andusethatuncertaintyasatooltocultivateand“modulate”thecollective

fearofthepopulace(Massumi2005,32).Furthermore,inacontextwherestate

securityagenciespresumepervasiveandrelentlessthreats,distinctionsbetween

internalandexternalthreatsbecomelessimportant.AsJohnandJeanComaroff

remark,reflectingonpolicinginpostcolonialSouthAfrica“Receiveddistinctions

betweencrimeandterror,alwaysinchoate,arebeingrevised,”inthepost-Waron

Terrorera(ComaroffandComaroff2008,275).

ToexaminehowpolicinginDubaireliesonandproducesnecessarilyvague

visionsof(foreign)threats,NooraLoriexaminesavarietyofofficialstudies

conductedbytheDubaipolice.Shearguesthatthestudiesworktoassociatethe

existenceofcrimewiththelargepresenceofforeigners,whomadeup88%ofthe

U.A.E.populationin2011.Loriarguesthatthestudiesa)conflatethethreatposed

bythelargemajorityforeignpopulationasbothculturalandcriminal,andb)

correlatepredictedincreasesincrimewithgeneraldemographictrends,ratherthan

withspecificcrimedatatrendsorinstancesofcrimesbyforeigners.Suchcrimedata

is,asapolicy,withheldfromthepublic.Onlythehighestprofilecasesarereported

ontheDubaiPolicewebsite.56

Spectralfiguresof“cultural”-othersinDubai,whomightalsobecriminal,

emergefromthesegeneralizeddescriptionsofthreatstothenation’s“social

security:”tothesecurityoftheEmiratifamily,inparticular.TheAsianfemale

housekeeperisonesucharchetypalfigure,whothreatenstolurejuvenileEmirati56OSAC,UnitedStatesDepartmentofState,“UnitedArabEmirates2014CrimeandSafetyReport,”2014:https://www.osac.gov/Pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15084.

203

malesinto“earlysexualexperiences,”accordingtoonePolicestudy.Crimes

associatedwiththeAsianmigrantmale,anothergeneralizedarchetype,are

themselvesmale-gendered:“robbery,drugtrafficandaddiction…raping,child

abuse,”accordingtoanotherPolicestudy(Lori2011,322-323).Thiscorrelation

betweentheAsianmigrantcommunityandtheincidenceofspecifictypesofcrimes,

despitethelackofactualcrimedata,isechoedintheU.S.StateDepartment’sannual

reportoncrimeandsafetyintheU.A.E.TheDOSclarifiesthat,inabsenceofpublicly

availablecrimedata,theirclaimsarebasedon“opensourcereporting,U.S.Embassy

AbuDhabi’sRegionalSecurityOffice(RSO)reports,informationprovidedbyother

embassyofficials,andprivatecitizens.”Thereportclaimsthat

Reportedcrimes,toincludehomicides,tendtobewithintheexpatriatepopulation,whichispredominatelyAsianandSouthAsian.Theexpatriateworkforceconsistspredominantlyofsinglemen.Themajorityofcrimesattributedtothisgroupconsistofpettytheft,publicoffensessuchasfightingorpublicintoxication,sexualharassment,andrareincidentsofviolentassault.57Constructingthecultural-criminalthreattothenation’s“socialsecurity”in

generalizedtermsandtropes,inthemannerofthepolicereportsforinstance,is

efficaciousforthestate.IthelpslendpopularEmiratisupporttothekafāla

temporarysponsorshipmodelformanagingforeignlabor,forinstance,despite

growinginternationalcriticisms.Bymanagingaculturalandcriminalthreat,thatis,

thegovernmentalsomanagesaneconomicone.Maintainingthetransienceand

impermanenceofthemigrantlaborclassispartlyatooltopreservetheprosperity

57OSAC,UnitedStatesDepartmentofState,“UnitedArabEmirates2014CrimeandSafetyReport,”and“UnitedArabEmirates2013CrimeandSafetyReport.”https://www.osac.gov/Pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15084andhttps://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=13886.

204

ofthenativepopulation,acomponentofadomesticpolicyaimedatreserving

privatesectoremploymentforcitizens.Capacitiessuchasswiftforceddeportations

alsoforestallthepoliticalorganizationofworkersformorerightsandbetter

conditions.Thus,Dubaiparticipatesinaglobaltrendamongnationstoward

managingnebulousthreatstosecurity—whatIconsideraglobalfeareconomy—as

partofitseconomicdevelopmentagenda.

ThesuppressionofcrimedatahelpstheDubaigovernmenttoeffectively

associatethecriminalthreatwithabroadgroup.Ofcourse,thelinkbetweenpolice

secrecyandthecriminalizationofgroupsisfamiliarinanthropologicalstudiesof

policing.DidierFassin,forinstance,linkshisowndifficultygainingresearchaccess

toobserveananticrimesquadintheParissuburbswiththetechniquesofdeliberate

obfuscationinpoliceinterrogations.Inthisexample,thesecrecystrategynotonly

allowsthepolicetocontrolaninterrogationencounterbuttoascribeguiltontoa

personwhoonlyvaguelymatchesadescription.Itisastrategyconsistent,inother

words,withtheproxycriminalizationofgroupsviatheactionsofindividuals

(Fassin2013,2-5,14).

Theconstructionofvaguecultural-criminalthreatstothenationdrives

speculationandfearamongthenativeandWesternexpatpopulationsaboutwhat

theAsianexpatlaborforcemightbedoing,ormightdo.Conversely,Isuppose,the

suppressionofinformationbythestatedrivesformsofspeculationandfearamong

theSouthAsianpopulationaboutwhatthestatemightbedoing,andaboutcriminal

activityingeneral.TheanxietiesthatAsgarandSharifexpressedalsoinflectthe

modelofracialtensionandfearoftheforeignconstructedbythestate’ssecurity

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ideology.Consider,forinstance,theentirelyabsentfigureoftheAfricanArab

deviantmalefromthepresent-dayneighborhoodinwhichAsgarlives,butwhich

nonetheless“haunts”theenvironmentthroughthesenseoflingeringcriminal

activity.ThesetofcrimestoriesandrumorsthatIexploreinthelastsectionsofthis

chapteralsoinvokehighlyspecificculturalothersbelongingtotheforeign

communityinDubai.

ThetensionofDubaiassafebyoutwardappearanceyetunsafebyaninward

andconcealedrealityisregisteredinboththeU.S.StateDepartment’swarningsto

WesterntravelerstoDubaiandinthetestimoniesofmembersofthePakistani

expatriatecommunitylivingthere.Inourinformalconversation,whichIchronicle

attheendofthischapter,Sharifseemedtocapturethecentralenigma,declaring

that“Dubaiissafe,andyetwecan’tsayitissafe.”WhileIexplorethisbroader

fieldworkconversationindepthbelow,Iflaghisstatementhereincomparisonto

thelanguageoftheStateDepartmenttravelwarning:

Whilethereportedcrimerateislow,actualcrimeratesmaybehigherduetounder-reporting.Thehostnationissensitivetomaintainingaverysafeandsecurepublicimagewhichmaydiscourageindividualsfromreportingcrime.U.S.nationalsshouldnotbelulledintoafalsesenseofsecuritythoughduetoalowercrimerate.58

Ontheonehand,Icitethistoshowhowthelogicofformlessthreatssalienttothe

UnitedStatesbecomesimposedontoassessmentsofinternalsecurityelsewhere,

andthenadoptedandimplementedbystatesliketheU.A.E.

58OSAC,UnitedStatesDepartmentofState,“UnitedArabEmirates2014CrimeandSafetyReport,”2014:https://www.osac.gov/Pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15084andhttps://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15071.

206

Butmorespecifically,Ilinkthesenseherethatcrimeratesmightbehigh—

despitereportedratesandtheEmirates’cultivatedsenseofpublicorder—withmy

informant’sconcernaboutanebulousconcealedlifeofcriminality.Inan

environmentwherethe“potential”forafalsesenseofsecurityishigh,Iarguethat

speculationsofconcealedcrimesbecomefantasticthroughtellingsthatcirculateas

crime-story“rumors.”Thecirculationofrumorsreliesontwoformsofabsence:a)

absenceofinformation,andb)publicspacesrelativelyevacuatedofactivity,

includingcriminalactivity—includingthelate-nightstreet-scapearoundAsgar’s

home.Bothtypesofabsenceareoutcomesofstrongstateregulatorycontrol

mechanisms.

Inacontextwherethegovernmentattemptstoa)suppressactualcrimedata

anddetailsofspecificcrimes,andb)attributecriminalorcultural-corruption

potentialtothewideproportionofmostly-AsianforeignworkersintheEmirate,I

considerinthischapterhowmembersoftheforeignlaborcommunitymanagetheir

owninsecurities.HowdoesanenvironmentofsuspicioninDubaiaffectforeigners’

(counter)strategiestomanagetheirownwide-rangingfearsandanxieties?Ianalyze

avarietyofsuchnarrativetellings,andaimtounderstandhowsomemembersof

thebroadAsiancommunityworkinginDubaireacttothetensionbetweenthe

appearanceofoutwardsafetyandtheconcealedlifeofcriminality,itselfa

consequenceofthestate’spolicyofnotreportingcrimestatisticsyetestablishinga

vaguecorrelationbetweendemographictrendsandresultantculturalthreatsand

crimerates.IattempttotracehowmemberssensesafetyinDubai:aseither“true”

or“false,”andasaconsequenceinpartofpoliceattitudesofsuspiciontowardthem.

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Inothercontextsandinstanceswherestateshaverestrictedpublicaccessto

criticalinformationaboutpoliticaleventsandmarkets,anthropologistshavenoted

thepublic’sturntofantasticalassessmentsofconcealedrealities,assessmentsthat

circulateandmagnifyviarumors.VeenaDasnoteshow,inthetwenty-fourhours

followingIndiraGandhi’sdeath,speculationamongthegeneralpopulacewasrife

thatshehadbeenkilledbyherSikhbodyguards.Inthefollowingdaysrumors

circulatedofviolentcrimesbeingcommittedbycelebratorySikhsagainstthe

sympatheticandunsuspectingHinduswhohadharboredthem(Das2007,126).

JohnandJeanComaroffalsonotehowjoblessmeninruralSouthAfricablamed

theirunemploymentontheworkofwitchcraft:thatis,ontheactionsofcertain

elderlywomen(ComaroffandComaroff1999,287).InbothcontextsinSouthAfrica

andDelhi,thecirculationofrumorsandthefantasticalassumptionsofconcealed

events(SikhrapingHindugirlsandelderlywomencursingyoungmen)are

particularreactionstonotmerelythestate’ssuppressionofinformation,butthe

absenceofthestateregulation.

Das’argumentatthisjunctureisparticular.Wordsinpanicrumors,inher

analysis,gainperlocutionaryforce:theycauseorinstigateaction(Das2007,121).

FortheComaroffs,narrativesabouttheactionsofwitchesworkto“translate

translocaldiscourses”—suchastheworkofglobalcapitalismtowidedemographic

wealthgaps—“intolocalcauseandeffects”(ComaroffandComaroff1999,286).

Mightwetakethisasalsoanexampleoftheperlocutionaryforceoflanguage?

Hearingtheserumors,HindusauthorizethemselvestokillSikhs,whilejoblessSouth

Africanmenauthorizethemselvestokillwitches.

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Inthesecontexts,thecirculationofrumorsandenactmentofviolencefillsa

voidcreatedbyarelativeabsenceandweaknessofstateregulatoryforces.By

comparison,inDubai,Iarguethatrumorsflourishintheabsenceofpublic

informationandinthepubliccalmcreatedbyahighly-controlledpublicsphere.

Inthisspacedevoidofconcreteinformationoncriminalactivity,yetfilledwitha

senseofnebulousthreatandtheuncertaintiesassociatedwithtransient

employmentstatuses,therangeofthe“possible”becomeswide.“Anythingcan

happenhere,”oneofmyKarachi-emigrantinformantscommented,inthecontextof

discussingpurportedcrimes.Ultimately,Iwillshowbelowhowthesetellingsare

oftengroundedinprecisedetails.Itakethisasastrategyofrootingeventsina

verifiablereality:onthatreworksformsoftransience,uncertainty,andviolencethat

characterizelifeinbothPakistanandDubai.

Latifandthetempoofdowntimespeculation

DowntimesinDubaifortheShiacommunityarecyclicalovertime:notonly

periodictothedayorweek,butalsototheyear.InMay,Ioncecaughtaparticularly

busyandhard-to-reachinformant—Sajdali—atthecentralDubaimosqueI

frequented,aroundthemiddayprayer.Thiswas,inotherwords,atypicallylightly

attendedandrelaxedprayertimeatthemosqueinthefive-a-daycycle.Hewasbusy

asusual(thoughhehadtakentimetocometomosquefortheprayer)andwe

conversedbriefly.WhenIaskedifIcouldcomebytotalktohimabouthisfamily

historyandcommunityhistoryrecordsfromtheirformerlifeinTanzania,he

demurred,suggestingthehewasgettingbusiernow,andimpliedhehadfamily

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comingtovisitsoon.“MaybeafterRamadan”hesaid.Themaybe-after-Ramadan

timeframestruckmeasverylong:Ramadanitselfwasstillover2monthsaway.

GiventhattheextendedMuharrammourningandgatheringphaseitselflasted

severalmonths—extendingintothefollowingmonthsofSafarandRabi—meant

thatapproximatelyhalftheyearwassetasideasrelatively“busy,”i.e.filledwith

religiouseventsandsocialobligations.

These“busy”periodsarealsocharacterizedbyrestrictions.Onaweekly

basis,myworkacceleratedaroundThursday(especiallyatnight)andFriday,the

timeofmyinformants’workweekdowntimeandalsoofincreasedreligiousactivity.

IspentaportionofthesetimesduringMuharramandSafar,earlyinmyfieldwork,

drivingwithonePashto-speakinginformantLatif—amanslightlyolderthanme

whohadestablishedhisownsmall“technicalservices”business.Hethus

maintainedasmallcartoconveyhimselfandhissupplies.Inidletimesonthese

days/nights,ourconversationsometimesturnedtowardmusic,suchasPashtofolk

songs,andthequestionoflisteningtoLatif’scarradioforinstance.Onthose

occasions,aswellasthosewhenItriedtoshowhimsomePashtosongsIwas

familiarwith,hesuggestedwe’dbetterwaitafewmonthstolistentosuchthings,

untilafterthemourningperiodended.

LatifwasamemberofaPashtuntribewithbothShiaandSunnifactions,part

ofthebroaderKarlanrigroupoftribesnativeespeciallytoeasternAfghanistanand

WaziristaninPakistan.59Pathansself-identifythroughtheirdescentfromacommon

ancestor,Qais.InPathangenealogies,QaisisadescendantofAfghana,whowasa59ForageneraldescriptionofvariousPashtuntribesinthePakistan’sborderstates—especiallyFATAandKhyberPakhtunkhwa—seeJohnsonandMason(2008).

210

grandsonofKingSaul,thefirstKingofIsraelwhoismentionedintheOldTestament

oftheBible(Caroe1958,5;Ahmed2013,129).Pathangenealogiesfurtherconvey

thatQais,acompanionoftheProphetMuhammad,hadthreesonsandadopteda

fourth,Karlanri.ThefoursonsdesignatefourTribal“families”bywhichPathansare

stillorganizedtoday(Caroe1958,8-22).

Historiographiesandcontemporaryaccountsoftendesignatetribesinthe

Karlanrigroupasthe“hilltribes,”anddescribethemas“wildmountaineers”famed

for“deedsofdaring”(Caroe1958,20,22),andarecalled“themostwarlike”and

“themostconservativeandirascible”amongPathantribes(JohnsonandMason

2008,50).ThehistoricalassociationofPathanswiththemountainregionsof

Peshawarandledtothedevelopmentofanalternatename“Rohilla”todescribe

thembeginningintheeighteenthcenturycolonialIndia—derivedfromthePunjabi

wordrōhmeaningmountain(Caroe1958,439).InhishistoryofPashtunmigration,

especiallyintheIndianOceanregion,RobertNicholsbeginswiththemigrationof

“Rohillas”inthelateeighteenthcenturyfrom“westoftheIndustosettlenortheast

ofNewDelhiintheRohilkhandregion:”partofa“centuries-oldpatternof

migration”insidetheIndiansubcontinentforemploymentas“soldier

entrepreneurs”intheNorthIndianmarket.Nicholsseescontinuitybetweenthese

patternsofout-migrationandthecontemporarytrendsofPashtunworkers

migratingtotheArabianGulfcity-statessuchasDubai,patternsdrivenbyaridity

andunderdevelopmentofregionsofwesternPakistanandeasternAfghanistan

(Nichols2008,3-4).

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LikemanyShiaPathansImetovernearlytwoyearsofresearchinU.A.E.,

Latif’shomewasinParachinar,Pakistan.ThecityishometoamajorityPashtunShia

populationandhasbeenafrequentflashpointinsectarianShia-Sunniconflictsince

the1980s.Itistoday“apotentsymbolofShiasuffering”amongPakistaniShiasand

inIran(Vatanka2012,5;seealsoLodhi1988,813).Hiswifelivedwithhisextended

familyinParachinar.Theirfailure(asofthetimeofmyresearch)tohavechildren

wasasourceofmuchanxietyofLatif,asheconfidedtomefrequently.

MyrelationshipwithLatifbeganjustbeforeRamadan.Iexpressedmy(most

straightforward)interestoffindingPashto-languagemajlisesinDubai,andto

discussdifferencesbetweentheDubaiandPakistanimajlises.Heneededsomehelp

promotinghistechnicalservicesbusiness,andIagreedtocirculateafewofhis

cardstomy(rathernascent)professionalnetworkinDubai,andespeciallytomy

interiordesigncontractorcontacts,withwhomIintroducedhimandsuggesteda

collaboration.IspentʻĀshūrānightwithhiminhissharedroom(theheightofthe

religiously-intensiveseason),androdewithhimthenextdayfortheʻĀshūrā-day

majlis.

Yetintheweeksafterthat,asthemourningperiodwanedabitinintensity,

ourrelationshiprelaxedabit.MostFridayafternoonsinJanuaryandFebruary

2012,IwouldtaketheMetrotraintoitslaststop,atwherehewouldpickmeandup

anddrivemetherestofthewaytohisapartmentinInternationalCity.Ashisother

roommateswerealltaxidrivers60manyofmyvisitsinvolvedlongafternoonhours

60Taxiworkrequires12hourshifts7daysaweek.Thedriversoperateinrelationtomonthlyearningtargets,accordingtotheWesterncalendarmonths.Theymayexceedtheirtargets,though

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siting,watchingUrdu-languagenewsandsoapoperas,andHindifilms,onhis

television,andmeetinghisotherroommates,aroundtheir4-5PMshiftchange.In

thesemomentsof“downtime,”andofwaningreligiousrestrictions,our

conversationsshiftedabit.

Latifwasbothaleaderandanintrovert.WhenImethimheconductedhis

“technicalservices”businessalone.Fourmonthslaterhehadsuccessfullyrecruited

twoyoungPathanmentocomeandjoinhiscompanyasassistants.Onedescribed

himasa“genius”forhisbusinessacumen.Afewmonthslater,whenheraninto

financialdifficulty,anothermemberoftheroom(onwhichLatifwasthe

leaseholder)describedhisbusinessmanagementasfoolish.Aftertwomonthsof

closeinteraction—mostlyweeklymeetingsonThursdayeveningsandFriday

afternoons(duringhisday-off)—itbecamecleartomethathisbiggestconcernwas,

ashedescribedit,hiswife’sinabilitytoconceivechildren.Hehadtakenhiswifeto

seeadoctor,thoughthishadnotyieldedresults.Heconsideredtakingasecondwife

tosolvetheproblem,thoughhealsosaidhedarednot,lestheinfuriatehisfirstwife.

“Butwhattodo?”hewouldask.

Hisdistressoverhisownadvancingageandlackofchildrenseemedto

manifestinamelancholyandgentleaffect.Hishigh-pitchedvoice,forwhichsomein

hisapartmentteasedhim,addedtothisaffect.Thesepersonalcharacteristics,as

wellasourmutualperceptionofDubaiassafe,madeourdiscussionabout

weaponryonedayseemout-of-place.AsweweredrivingintoInternationalCity

fromDubaiafewmonthsafterMuharram,wediscussedsecurityinDubairelativetotheyarepenalizedforunderachievingthem.Onceachieved(ofteninthefinaldaysofthemonth)manytakeafewdaysoff.

213

thatinU.S.citiesandinPakistan.WeagreedthatDubaiwassaferthantheU.S.or

Pakistan.Latifqualifiedthelatterbydescribinghisownarsenalofweaponsthathe

keptathishouseinParachinar.“Allhouseskeepweapons,”hesaid.Ashespoke,his

bodyseemedtoshiftandfaceanimate.Withsomeamusementandexcitement,he

describedseveralRussianmade“Kalashnikov”riffles,andevengrenadesthathe

kept.Iaskedhimifhehadusedhisweaponsbefore.Hesaidhehad,andgaveahigh-

pitchedlaugh:amusementthatagainwasaimedpartlyatmysurprise,orwhathe

suspectedperhapsthatIwouldfindsurprising,especiallygivenoureasyfriendship

andtheoutwardsenseofsecurityinDubai.

DisempoweredinDubaiasanimmigrantlaborer,displacedfromsocial

conventionsofPashtunsociety,andwornbyregularworryabouthismaritaland

familyproblems,hisbodilyaffecttransformedinhiscarashedescribedhis

weapons—aswedrovethroughthemassiveresidentialdevelopmentprojectin

whichhelivedinDubai,passingbywhereapoorly-containedsewagepool

sometimeswaftedbadodorsintotheresidencesfacingit.Despitepervasive

infrastructuralproblems,thisresidentialareawasazoneofrestraintandorderly

conduct,subjecttothesamefeltsurveillancepresenceDubaipoliceuseassecurity

andenforcementtools.

Iinterpretthisepisodebetweenusinthecar—ameremomentamongmany

otherhoursofdrivingaroundDubai,sometimesaimlessly—asnotmerelyawindow

ontoanotherlife,butanout-of-placeentryofamemoryorconditionofan

elsewherelife.Iseehimperforminganaffecttiedtoanexperienceofviolence.Iam

lessinterestedtohighlightthetensionbetweenthisexpressionofviolence

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elsewhereanda)therelaxedcadenceof“downtime”lifeinDubaiandb)thehighly

regulatedenvironment.Rather,Isuggest,followingNgai’sformulationonthe

spatializationofanxiety,thattheimmediatecontrolledenvironmentservestoallow

thesekindsofexpressions.

Theideaalsobuildsonrecentethnographicworkonmundanelifeinthe

aftermathofviolence.InColombia,forinstance,JuanOrrantiahastrackedavariety

of“talesandshortvignettes”toldbymeninatownwhereparamilitaryforceshad

massacredcitizensin2000.Hefindsthestories“brewedintheheatandstillness”of

theenvironmentinwhichtheyaretold,and“foldedinthecrevicesofboredomthat

arepartofthesimplicityoftheeveryday”(Orrantia2009,242;seealsoOrrantia

2012).

Orrantia’sperspectivebuildsonconceptionsofcrisisembeddedinordinary

life(Berlant2011,11).Morespecifically,itreflectshowtheordinaryunfoldsinand

around“banal,”“solid,”or“dead,”builtenvironments,butisalsofilledwithaffective

forcesthatspreadoutwardinto“toomanypossiblescenes”(Stewart2007,127-

128).KathleenStewartpowerfullyconveystheconnectionbetweenordinarylife

andthe“stilllife”ofapaintingorarrestedscene,thetypeoflifeexperiencethatcan

easily“turntheselfintoadreamingscene.”Itcanalsobean“alibiforallofthe

violence,inequalityandsocialinsanityfoldedintotheopendisguiseofordinary

things”(19).Shenotes,forinstance,howeasily“alook,”afacialexpression,can

createaffectiveripplesandsprout“littleseedsofanxiety”(29).

Atthisjuncture,then,ratherthaninterrogatetherelationshipbetween

rumorandaction,Iseektoconsidertherelationshipbetweenanxietyandinaction.

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Specifically,Iarguethattheenvironmentofpublicorderandthetempoofoff-

seasondowntime,foraworkingforeignerlikeLatifinDubai,fosteranxietiesand

allowsonetoprojectaspectsofviolenceandtraumaofotherplacesintothepresent,

andimmediateenvironment.Inthecentralexamplesintheremainderofthispaper,

theseprojectionsarechanneledthroughstories,narratives,andrumorsrelatedto

criminalviolence.

Rafiq,sectariantrauma,vividdetailsofmemory

InFebruary,asthemourningperiodwanedintogreaterdowntimeandless

socialactivity,Latifsecuredandpaidforhisuncle’svisitvisa.Thiswouldbe,hetold

me,botha“vacation”ofsortsforhisuncleandanopportunityforhimtosearchfor

work.61Idiscoveredlaterthathisuncle—whoI’llcallRafiq—hadworkedinDubai

for5yearsinthelate2000s,asalighttruckdriverandfork-liftoperator,before

returningagaintoPakistan.Hehadhopedtorejoinhisformercompany;upon

arrivinghereconnectedwitholdfriendsandintegratedhimselfbackintothe

company’saccommodation—alternatelystayingthereandatLatif’sapartment.He

toldmeheappliedforajobthere,buttowardtheendofhisvisithadstillnot

connectedwithhisoldmanager,headmitted.

Rafiqwasalsoinneedofsomediversionandrecovery,Latifexplainedtome.

HedescribedhowthatayearearlierRafiqhadbeenkidnappedbytheTalibanon

theroadfromParachinartoPeshawar.Givenmyambitiontounderstandhow

61Iencounteredmanypeoplehadtaken30-dayvisastodothesame,orhadsecuredthemforothers.WhilenationalsofWesterncountriesreceivedvisitvisasforfreeuponarrival,Pakistanihadtopayabout$110USD,asof2012.

216

PakistanilaborersmanagedifficultsituationsinDubairelativetoPakistan,Latif

offeredthatIcouldtalktohim.Ultimately,thisresultedinaone-on-oneinterview

withRafiq,thatLatifalsoattendedandwhichIaudio-recordedonmyphone.For

offeringhisstorytohelpmyresearch,IthentriedtohelpRafiqwithhisjobsearch,

pursuingopenpositionsfortruckdriversononlinejobboards.Unfortunately,by

theendof40days(30dayvisaplusa10-daygraceperiod)hehadnotfoundajob,

andreturnedhome.However,aswereachedthefinal2weeksofhisstay,itseemed

tomethatneitherhenorLatifwereasintentonfindinghimajobasIwas.Perhaps

hisreturnwasaforegoneconclusion,orperhapshistripwasprimarilypersonal,

whereneithersponsor(Latif)norvisitorwasintentonfindingajob.Thesense,in

thiscase,thatLatifwasemotionalordidnotusehismoneywellcontributedtothe

perceptionthathedidnothavegoodbusinesssense.

AswithLatif,ImetRafiqatniyāzattheKhojaimāmbārgāhinDubai;Latif

broughthimandintroducedhimtome.Hewashappytomeetme;thethreeofus

chattedandatetogether,thenagreedtomeetthefollowingday,aFriday.Latifhada

smallgatheringtogreethisuncle.Imethimintheapartmentthenextday.While

Latifpreparedsomefoodwithhisemployees,andtheothermembersofthe

apartmentpreparedfortheirtaxishifts,RafiqandIsatandtalkedquietly:mostly

smalltalkaboutParachinar.Hewasmoresubduedthanthepreviousnight,and

muchquieterthantheothers.At59,hewasonthecuspofbeingunemployable.

Above60,andalmostnoonewillgiveyouajob.62

62Thelawdisallowsnewemploymentvisasorrenewaltoanyoneover65.Inpractice,renewalscontinuethrough65,whereasnewvisasarenotextendedtothoseover60,myinformantsexplained.

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Rafiqagreedtoaninterview,whichwearrangedforthefollowingweekend.

Latifdescribedhimaskindandgentle,partlywhyheandhisfamilyweresoworried

abouthimduringtheabductionandafterhereturnedhome.Hespokeinour

interviewinaformalanddeliberateUrdu,partlyformybenefitandpartlybecause

itwashissecondlanguage.Herepeatedthingsoften,sometimessayingthingstwo

differentwayssothatIcouldunderstand,andforemphasis.Attheendofhisinitial

narrativedescription,forinstance,hesaid:“giāraādmīkōmārā…mārḍālā,death

kiā,ḵẖatmkiā:”fourdifferentwaysofsayingthatthekidnapperskilled11people.

Healsodescribedintwowayshow,ifoneoftheprisonersbroketherules(ḵẖilāf

varzīkiā)63,hewouldbehit:uskōremanddēgā,mārēgā.Neartheendofour

interview,Rafiqfurtherdescribedintwowayshowthroughouttheordealhefeared

thathetoowouldbekilled:maiṅsōchrahāthākihumlōgōnkōmārēgā,zabarkarēgā.

Authenticityandprecisedetails

TheinterviewoccurredonaTuesdaynightinLatif’sapartment,whenall

othermemberswereoutonshiftsorsleepinginthebedroom.Rafiqwascalmand

mechanicalashespoke,atfirstnarratingthestorytome(andformyrecording)asa

chronologicalsynopsis,intheformofa5-minutemonologue.Hedescribed:Ihad

beenonabustravellingbetweenParachinartoPeshawar.Thebuswasstoppedand

boardedbyarmedgunmenatBaganvillage.64Thepassengerswereremovedfromthe

bus,andthensearchedandrobbed.Threewerekilledonsite.Therestofuswerethen

loadedintothebackofpick-uptruck“oneontopoftheother”(ekdūsrēkēūper)and63Qureshi,BashirAhmad.2005.“Ḵẖilaf.”In64AvillageontheParachinar-Peshawarroad,roughlytenmilesfromtheborderwithAfghanistan.

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drivenintothenearbyhills.Wewerepackedintoaroomandgivensomefoodand

someuncleandrinkingwater,andthenchainedup.Wesleptlikethatforthefirst

night.Thenthenextdayweweredividedintounevenlysizedgroups,andthegroups

werethensentscatteredtodifferentlocations.Iwasoneamongagroupofthree.We

wereforcedtoworkduringtheday,doingmenialchoressuchascleaning,andwere

chainedup(hathkaṛī)atnight.Thisroutinecontinuedfor3months.Thenthe

Pakistanigovernmentpaidout3crorerupeestothekidnappers.Afterthis,they

released22prisoners,andkilledtheremaining11.

HearingthislastdetailIwassurprised,andaskedwhytheyhadkilled11

moreattheveryend,afterhavingreceivedtheirransommoney.Atthispoint,Latif

spokeup,startingtosay“zabarkarnā”(i.e.forcefulorviolentoppression),bywayof

explanation,andRafiqinterjected“z̤ulm”(meaningtyrannyorcruelty).He

concludedwith:thenthe22whosurvived,includingmyself,returnedhome,butwith

difficulty:wehadbeenboundeachnightforlongperiods,andthusourhandswere

injured.

Hisaccount,ashegaveitinthisfirsttelling,waschronologicalandconcise.

Hespokecalmlyandquietly;theendsofhissentencesoccasionallytaperedintoa

near-whisper:timesinwhichheoftenrepeatedthingstome,tomakehispoint

clear.Heseemedtoincludelittlereferencetohisfeelings(exceptforhisexpression

oftheattackersbeing“tyrannical.”)Ontheonehand,Ibelievethatheconcerned

himself,intellingthestory,withbeingauthentic—perhapsformybenefit.

Specifically,Ibelievehestrovetogroundthenarrativewithnumericaldetailsasa

waytolenditauthenticdetail.Hereisasynopsisofthesamestoryasconstructed

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throughthenumericaldetailshedeploys(withthetimeelapsedateachmention,

fromthebeginningofthetelling):

Table4.1

Timeelapsed Detaildescribed0:00 March25(thedateoftheabduction)0:05 Therewere3cars0:16 Theykilled3guysimmediately0:52 “itwasn’tapick-up…itwasa4x4pick-up”0:56 theyput11ofusin1pick-up1:58 all11ofusatejustalittlebiryani,thenweleftitalone3:02 wespent1nightatthefirstcenter3:07 thenthenextdayweweresplitintogroups.3inthefirst

group,6inthesecond,8inthethird,etc.4:31 Oneguyamonguswasbeatenveryseverely.On3occasionshe

wasbeatenbecausehehadtriedtoescape.4:50 Wewereheldfor3months4:53 Afterthat,they[Pakistangovernment]gave3crorerupees[for

ourrelease]4:59 Afterthat,theylet22guysgo,butalsokilled11guys65

Inotethathedidnotapproximateanynumericalvaluationhegave(asis

typicalineverydayUrduspeech),butrathergaveprecisenumbers.Iarguethat

coalescingaroundprecisedetails,inthetellingofatraumaticeventlikethis,hasthe

65Laterintheinterview,heclarifiedthateightmenwerekilledintheend.Sincethreewerekilledinitiallyontheroadatthetimeoftheabduction,thetotalliveslostthroughtheordealwaseleven,accordingtohistelling.

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effectofsuppressinganemotionalresponse,bothfortheactorintheeventandfor

therecollector.Doesitreflectanattentiontonumericaldetailasastrategyfor

organizingoneselfinatraumaticcontext?DidRafiqactivelytrytocountand

accountforhisco-prisonersasawaytomanageadifficultsituation?Ordo

numericaldetailssurvivemorevividlyinmemory?Ordoesanumericaltellingallow

forthesuppressionofmore-expressivepainfulmemoriesfromfeltexperience?Or

donumberslendcredibilitytoanaccountthatmayotherwiseseemfantastic,

extraordinary,ordefybelief?

I’mnotpreparedtodiscountthepossibilityofanyofthesemechanismsor

strategies.ButIbelievethat“fixed”orpreciseorvividdetails(suchasnumerical

accountings,ordetailsofplace)wellupinatellingasawayofgroundingspeech.

Againhere,wemightturntoVeenaDas’sworkonrumor,wherethecritical

challengeisoneoftrustingwordsinrumor,evacuatedofsignature.Sheidentifies

localdetailsthatenterintorumors,throughwhichwordsgainperlocutionaryforce

toeffectlocalviolence.Forexample,thoserumorsbyHindus,aboutSikhskillingthe

Hinduswhoharboredthem,weretiedtoparticularnamedlocalesanddistricts.Das

alsodescribeshowrumors“anchortotheimagesofselfandotherthat[circulated]

inthediscoursesofmilitancy”(Das2007,117).ValentineDanielalsodescribeshow

narrativesofviolencebuildfrom—butalsodepartfromtovaryingdegrees—the

“masternarratives”ofeventsintheSriLankancivilwar(Daniel1996,132-133).

ItakethesepatternsdescribedbybothDasandDanielasstrategiesof

groundinganarrativeinverifiabledetail.Moregenerally,Isuggestthatgrounding

memoriesandtellingsareimperativestrategiesofrecollectioninplaceslikeDubai:

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thatis,strategiestoovercometheforceofstrongstatecontrolandwidespread

uneaseamongthevastAsianmigrantcommunity.Inacontextwhereverifiable

crimeinformationissuppressedbythestate,andmanycrimeeventsarehidden

fromthemedia,detail,veracity,andbelievabilitybecomekeybenchmarksincrime

stories.

Generalizedtropesasrelationalcredibility

Beyondrecountingpreciseandnumericaldetails,Rafiqstrivestolendhis

experienceandnarrativewhatIconsider“relationalcredibility.”Whilepreciseplace

andnumericaldetailsaimtorootatellinginaconcreteandverifiablereality,

contextualplausibilityaimstoestablishthefantasticmilieuintowhichspecific

eventsarerelated(notgrounded).AfterRafiq’s5-minutemonologuesummaryof

theordeal,wecontinuedforanadditional10minutesofalooserback-and-forth

conversation.Helistenedtomyoccasionalquestions,butansweredtangentiallyat

times,andagaingavescantdetailsofhispersonalexperience.Ratherheseemedto

offeracombinationofnumericaldetailsandcontextualreferences,throughhis

explanationsofgeneralizedevents.

Oneexchangesevenminutesintotheinterviewisinstructive.Afterhisstory

oftheordeal,Iwonderedhowwellhe’drecovered.Lookingathimaswetalked,I

triedtodiscernsignsofanylastingbodilyinjury.Heappearedtobehealthy,I

thought.Iwasabitoverwhelmedafterlisteningtohisdetailedaccountofhis

terrifyingordeal,andbumbledaquestion,towhichhequicklyanswered,then

changedthesubjectabit.

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Brian:“Thesedayslifegoesonforyou,andgoeswellIsuppose?”[Ājkālāpkizindagīphirbhīcheltīhē,aōrṭhīkcheltīhē,na?].Rafiq:“9ofthe11haslostweight…hadbecomeweak.”[giārakīnōwazankamhōgayā…kamzōrhōgayā].Rafiq:“Intheirgroup,therewerePathans,Punjabis,Arabs,Chechens,allpeople.TheywereTaliban.Theywereterrorists.”[UsmēṅPathanthā,Punjabithā,Arabicthā,aōrChechni-wālāthā,pōrālōgthā.YeTalibanthā.Daheshatgardthā.]

Afterexplainingthis,herelatedastoryofasuicidebombingoftheAmerican

ConsulateinPeshawar,perpetratedbya“Turk.”Aboutayearlater,after

reanalyzingtherecording,myInternetsearchfoundreferencestoahighprofile

2010suicidebombingeventattheConsulate—likelyhisreferencepoint,Idecided.I

foundnoevidencesuggestingtheTurkishoriginoftheperpetrators,however.

Detailsabouttheforeignoriginsofterroristsaddtothesensethattheviolent

tyrannicalforcesatworkinruggedcountrysideofFATAinPakistanarealsostrange

andfantastic.

Throughthisexampleandothers,Rafiqwantedmetounderstandthe

audacityofthisgroup’sactions.Hetoldanotherstoryattheend:

Talibanlōgbōltāthā:ēkādmīthā,ēkiskēsātʻauratthā,yekhētmēṅkāmkartāthā.Vobōltāthā“āpʻauratkēūperkyūṅkāmkarteheṅ?”Uskōpukarne,phiruskōkōṛādiā.Mārā.Ādmīkōbhīmārā,ʻauratkōbhīmārā.Dōnōṅkōmārā.Kōṛādiā.Bōltā,“kyūṅkāmkartēhēṅ,iskēūper,khētmēṅ?”“Bāharkyūṅnikālāiskō?”Itnāz̤ulmkartēhēṅ.

[TheTalibanpeoplesaid:therewasaman,andwithhimonewoman,theyworkedfarmland.They[theTaliban]said,“Whyareyoumakingthiswomanwork?”Theycapturedthem,thentheyfloggedthem.Dead.Theykilledtheman,theyalsokilledthewoman.Killedthemboth.Floggedthem.Theysaid,“whydoyoumakeherworkinthefield?Whydidyoutakeheroutside?”Theyarethistyrannical/cruel.]

Fromhistelling,it’sunclearwhetherhiscaptorshadtoldhimthisstoryduringhis

ordeal,orwhetherhehadheardthestorysecondhandfromothersoutsidethe

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Taliban.Nevertheless,tellingparallelstoriesinthiswayhelpstoestablishthe

veracityofhisownexperience.Againthechallengeisoneoflendingcredibilitytoan

oralaccountinabsenceofverifiable(visualorrecorded)data,especiallygiventhe

skepticismandspeculationthatsurroundsthelifeofcrimeinDubai.ButIalsonote

thisasastrategyofminority“voicing,”giventherelativeinvisibilityofShiasuffering

inPakistan,intheopinionsofmanyofmyinformants,andconsideredinother

scholarship(seeforinstanceNasr2007).

Familiarfears

Whiledescribingfirst-handvictimhoodexperiencesandcriminalactivityin

Pakistan,Iexploreinthenextsectionhowmigrantsrelateandintermixaccountsof

criminalactivityinDubai.ThecontrastsandsimilaritiesthatAsgarandSharifdraw

betweenformsofcriminalactivityinbothplaces,bothexplicitandimplicitintheir

narratives,fitintoabroadersetofconcernsraisedoverthegeo-political

connectionsbetweenPakistanandtheGulfregion.Theseconcernsarose,in

particular,overaseriesofdiscussionIhadwithanothergroupofworking

PakistanisinDubai.Exploringthisothersetofresearchinteractionshelpsme

considerhowlifeinPakistanandDubaimightbestructuredbysimilaranxieties

motivatedbycommonoppressiveforces.

Toframethequestiondifferently,InotehowRafiqrelatedaspectsofhis

kidnappingordealwithtermssuchhathkaṛīandz̤ulm.Otherrelatedterms,suchas

pābandīandmajbūrī,wereusedmoreexplicitlytodescribeexperiencesofeithera)

economicprecarityorb)beingpartofareligiousminority,inDubai.Irepresent

224

howIfoundthesewordscontextuallyembeddedinmyfieldwork,andnotetheir

etymologies,inthechartbelow(seeTable4.2).Still,Iaskhowtheexperiencesthese

termsdescribemightbealignedforPakistaniworkersinDubai,forwhomlifein

bothplacesisstructuredbyformsofstruggleandoppression.

Neartheendofmyfieldworktenure,IjoinedwithasmallgroupofPakistani

ShiaoverseveraleveningsattheircompanyaccommodationinDubai.Their

employerwasamajorportsoperatoranddeveloper.Theirsprawlingcampwas

crowded,segregatedbynationality,andsparse—thesmallroominwhichwemet

wassharedbysixPakistaniworkers.Yetunlikemanyothercompanycampsinthe

Emirates,thisplacewascentrallylocated,allowingresidentworkersfargreater

autonomytocomeandgo.(Manyotherlargecompanies—suchasinthe

constructionsector—housetheirworkersaremotedesert-situatedcamps,thenbus

themtoworksitesdaily.)

Mymeetingswiththiscoregroupofeightmenresembledattimesa

symposiumonPakistanipolitics,especiallyinrelationtoworldpolitics.Myprimary

contactandguidetothecamp,Imran(whoIintroducedintheIntroductionand

Chapter1)workedasanenvironmentalimpactofficerwiththecompany,hada

familybackgroundinlaw,andwasaleaderamongthissmallgroupofmen.Our

discussions,inpart,compelledthemtoworkouttheircommitmentstoPakistan’s

futuredevelopmentasanextensionoftheirownparticipationintheglobal

extractivelaboreconomythatroutesthemthroughDubai.Attimes,inotherwords,

theycomparedbothdevelopmenttrajectoriesandtheirownlifeexperiences

betweenDubaiandPakistan.

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Table4.2 hathkaṛī z̤ulm pābandī majbūrī

Etymology FromHindi,meaning“handcuffs,”fromhath(hand)andkaṛi(link)

FromArabic,meaning“tyranny”

FromPersian,meaning“restriction”or“boundedness”Frompa-bandmeaning“foot-tie”orfeetshacklesinUrduandPersian

FromArabic,meaning“compulsion”or“constraint.”majbarinArabicmeansforcedorcompelled

Contexts BeingkidnappedbyTaliban.Asmarkingthebody,asincludinganaftereffectofkidnappingexperience

WaytocharacterizeTalibanactionsandmotivations.

UsedprimarilytodescribetherestrictionsagainstShiastogatherandperformmourningritualsinpublic.InAmericathereisnopābandī.InsomepartsofPakistanthereispābandī,forinstanceduetotheTaliban.InDubai,peoplecannotgather,duetopābandī.

1)UsedtoexpressdifficultyoffindingworkinDubai,butalsothestrenuousnessofsuchwork.Thecompulsiontosendmoneyhome.2)Alsousedtocharacterizethesecurityapparatus.Usedtodescribethedrivingrestrictions,suchasdriving“withinthelines”ontheroad.

Characterswhouse

Rafiq RafiqandLatif Varietyofyoungmeninthecommunity

1)PathanemployedinmaintenancejobbyMosquecommittee2)Pathans,upondrivingwithmeonouterDubaihighways

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OnegroupconversationinearlySeptemberexploredtheproblemof

Americanmilitaryinterventionaroundtheworld.Someargued,forinstance,that

Americanmilitaryactivitieshad“created,”enabled,andemboldenedBinLadento

conducthisownmilitarizedcampaign.Oneparticipantgeneralizedthis

phenomenon,describinghow“whereverAmericansliveintheworld,troubleand

instabilitytakesroot”(jidrbhīrehēgā,uskōtensionrehtē/amrīkan‘awāmneḵẖatr̤e

mēṅdāldiā).Tofurtherillustratehispoint,heexplainedthatpriortotheinvasions

ofIraqandAfghanistan(ḥamlēkarnēsēpehelē),Americanscouldtravelaround

Pakistanandaroundtheworldwithgreatease.Hecitedtheincreasedpresenceof

motorcyclesonroadsinbothDubaiandPakistanasanexampleofhowthepublic

spherewasreshapedinthepost-U.S.invasionperiod:

“AmericansshifttoDubai,nowyouseesomanyscooterseverywhere…InPakistan,atpopularruralheritagesites,Americansusedtogetaroundfreelybypublictransportcarriages(ṭāngēsē),therewerehardlyanyscooters,etc.Notanymore.”

IinterpretthisashissuggestionthatanxiousAmericansavoidpubliccrowds,and

thusfavortheuseofprivatevehiclessuchasmotorcycles.Itakeitasaremarkable

attempttoseeatransformationofpublicspaceinPakistanandDubaiasa

consequenceofheightenedfear,itselfaconsequenceofAmericanmilitaryactions,

inhisview.Itsuggeststhesimilar“shape”ofpublicanxietiesinbothplaces.

LaterthatmonthIhadanextendedconversationwithImranaboutthe

contemporaryconditioninPakistan,especiallyforShiapeople.Heclarifiedhisbelief

that“80%”ofPakistan’sproblemsweredueto“Americaninterests”inPakistan,and

thattheseinterestshaveledtotheoverall“ruin”ofPakistan’s“environment”

(Pakistanpūrāenvironmentbarbādkardiā).Yetheelaboratedabitfurther,

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presentinganotheroverarching“environmental”factorimbricatingtogetherDubai

andPakistan.

GwadarportisamajordevelopmentinitiativeofthePakistanigovernmentto

capitalizeonPakistan’sstrategicoceanfront.Itwasenvisionedtocreateamajor

IndianOceanentrepôtandfree-tradezoneonPakistan’scoast,tocompetewith

othermajortransitandtradehubssuchasSingapore,Dubai,andBandarAbbas.

ImranhighlightedthewaysitthreatenedDubai’ssalienceasahub.Gwadarisa

naturaldeepseaport,heexplained,whereasDubai’sportwas“created,”excavated

byworkers.Forthisreasonitsdevelopmentrequiredfarlesscapitalinvestment.

Strategically,hecontinued,itislocatedwestofHamuz,andthusofferingtrans-

ocean“supertankers”easieraccess.TheGwadardesignershopedtocapturetraffic

thatwouldotherwiseuseDubaianditstaxfreezone.Forthisreason,Dubai

opposedtheproject,heexplained.Tostymietheproject,Dubaiworkedtoundercut

Pakistan’soverallsecurityandgrowth:

Oncetheprojectstartedup,Dubaibecameinvolved,tobringitdown.Becauseifitsucceeds,thenDubai’seconomygoesdown,andPakistan’seconomygoesup.Butitalsoruinedotheraspectsof[Pakistan’s]condition.BecausetheGulfpeoplesupporttheTaliban.TheSaudis,theEmiratis,theQataris,allsupportedtheTaliban.Uponsupportingthem,thisruinedthegeneralenvironmentofPakistan,effectivelydiminishingtheAmerican’sandothercountries’interestin[developingandusing]theport.[Jabuskōstartkiā,tōismēṅDubaibhīinvolvedhuā,uskōdownkarnēkēliē.Kyūṅ-kiagarvokāmyābhōjātā,tōDubaikīeconomicbhīdownhōtī,aōrPakistankīeconomicūperjātē…Lēkanuskōmazīdḥālātudherḵẖarābkiā.Kyūṅ-kīTalibansupportkiā,Gulfpeople.GulfpeoplesupportedtheTaliban.SaudiArabianpeople,Emiratespeople,Qatarpeople,supportedtheTaliban.aōrvounhōnēsupportkiāuskō,phirPakistanmēṅmazīd…Pakistanmēṅziādahālātḵẖarābhuā.aōrAmericaninterest,bāqīcountries’contract…]

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ThemaintenanceofDubai’sportdrewImrantoworkhere,asysteminwhichhe

earnsaliving,butinwhichhehasdevelopedhimselftooslowly—asIdescribedin

greaterdetailinChapter1.Butfurthermore,Dubai’ssupportoftheTaliban66

effectivelydestabilizesPakistan’ssecurity,andthuseffectivelydisruptsthe

developmentofGwadar,inImran’sexplanation.Thus,byworkingattheDubaiport,

ImranunwittinglyperpetuatesPakistan’sownslowdevelopment.Totheextentthat

TalibaninterestsandDubaieconomicinterestsalign,Imranseestheexperienceof

lifeunderTalibanoppressionandDubai’slaborregulationsaspartofthesame

fatefulexperience.

Crimestories,spatialization,andprojectioninDubai

Idwellinthischapter,asmyinformantsdo,inthespatialgapscreated

throughtherestrictionofinformationandofbodies—aspectsofbothDubai’s

securitycultureandthesenseofinsecurity.Impactedbysectarianconflictand

neoliberalpolicies,Itracktheformsofstorytellingaroundcrimeandinsecuritythat

rushtomakeclaimsonrealityinhighlycontrolledandsurveilledspaces.Aculture

andstrategyofgovernmentinformation-withholdingmultipliestherangeof

possiblescenarios.AsIinitiallydraftedthischapterinthesummerof2014,

internationalnewsmediareportedrecentviolentconfrontationsfactionsinIsrael

andPalestine.Inthecompetingnarrativesofperpetratorsandvictims,conveyedvia

66Thisviewcouldreflecttheregion’sSunnipolitics,andmoreconcretelytheestablishmentoftheTaliban’sdiplomatic“office”inDoha,announcedin2011andopenedin2013.OnthehistoryofGulfsupportoftheTalibanseeforinstanceGuelke(2006,55)andDeclanWalsh,2010,“WikiLeakscablesportraySaudiArabiaasacashmachineforterrorists,”TheGuardian,December5,Availableonline[accessedFebruary22,2016]:http://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/dec/05/wikileaks-cables-saudi-terrorist-funding

229

newsreports,abombthatdestroysmultiplePalestinianhomesandlivesmaybe

alternatelyattributabletotheIsraeliArmyorHamasaction.

Narrativesgainforceincontextsevacuatedofinformation,people,actions,

images,andthings.JoaoBiehldescribesthepersistenceoflifeinzonesof“social

abandonment”inBrazil:centerswhichacceptdestituteindividualswhoareisolated

fromoutsideworldsandinterredinvaryingstatesofdying(Biehl2013,5-8).

Weakerindividualsclingdesperatelytofoundmaterials—“aemptybottle,apieceof

sugarcane”—aneffort,hebelieves,toavoidtheisolationofanimpendingdeath

(41).Otherswhoaremoreactivecommitthemselvestonarratingtheirpastand

presentlife.Storytellinghereisanactivitythatfillsavoid;thatwhichorganizesa

subjectivecollectivity“intermsoflack”(24).

ToexplorethelifeofnarrativeinDubai’szonesofpublicorderand

information-restriction,Iturnnowtoanotherkeyepisodefromfieldwork.Two

closecontactsandIsatonthestepsbehindthecentralShiamosqueinDubai,onone

Sundaynightofrelativedowntime.Asgarwasinhisearly20s,youngerthanmostin

thistight-knitcirclepeers,intowhichIimmersedmyself.Asgarwasunmarriedin

Dubai,hewastheprimaryfinancialsupportertohisfamilyathome.Hewasthede

factoheadofhouseholdtohisfamily,ashisfatherhaddiedtotwoyearspriorand

hewastheonlymalechild.MotivatedtosupporthismotherandsistersinKarachi,

hehadacceptedhiscurrentjobinDubaithroughthereferralofafriendinKarachi

shortlyafterhisfather’sdeath.

Asgarwasanaccountantemployedwithasmallarchitecturalcompanyrun

byaPakistaniShia.Aroundthetimeofourmeetingonmosque’sbacksteps,hewas

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tryingtoconfrontanissueinwhichhisbosswouldnotlethimapplyforwork

elsewhere.Hisbosswouldnotlethimleavehiscurrentjobnorwouldheallowhim

totrainhimselftotakeonahigherpositioninthecompany.Asgarbelievedhimself

tobesorelyunderpaid;hecouldnotsupporthisfamilyonthisjob,andwas

desperate.Heoftencomplainedthat,eventhoughhisbosswasShia,hewasnot

virtuousorfair.Still,Asgarhadacheerfulandcalmaffect,andwaswell-likedinthe

Shiacommunity,whereheoftenhelpedservesnacksandrecitepoetryatgathering

events.

Asgar,thoughborninPakistan,describedhimselfasIranian,his

grandparentshavingemigratedfromIrantoKarachi,hetoldme.Sharif—ourother

mutualfriendpresentthatnight—alsohadafamilyrecentlysettledinKarachi.

SharifwasPathan;hisfatherhadimmigratedfromSwattoKarachiforanewjob

opportunity.LikeLatif,SharifbelongedtoaPashtotribeintheKarlanrifamilyof

tribes.SharifwasmoresuccessfulandindependentinDubaithanmostinthis

group,havingbroughthiswifeandchildtolivewithhimthereinasmallapartment.

Themosque’sbackdooropenedontoasandylotthatservedasoverflow

parkingandapublicmeetingspace.ThiswasaquietanddarkspaceonaSunday

nightinSeptember,aboutonemonthafterRamadan,afterthebusynightly

gatheringsthattransformedthespacehadended.Thiswasdowntime.Our

conversationbeganasareflectiononrisingrentsintheneighborhoodsnearthe

mosque,whichthenledAsgarandShariftorecapsomeoftheirpersonalandfamily

financialconcerns.Perhapsgiventheenvironmentofoutdoorquietandempty

seclusion,allowingboth“space”oftheconversationtomeanderandthesenseof

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securityofnotbeingoverheard,theconversationcamearoundtothequestionof

securityinDubai.Itwasanopportunityforthemtoworkthroughsomeanxieties

particulartoDubai,particularlythoseaboutunusual,unexplained,orunsettling

events.Yetasthebriefconversationunfolded,italsotiedinanxietiesabout

Pakistan,includingdetailsandreferentsthatqualifiedandcontrastedwiththose

criminalactivitiesinDubai.

Thestoriesbuiltoneachother:onerelatingaDubai-basedeventledinto

anotherreferringbacktoaPakistan-basedevent.Astheystartedtothinkoftheir

ownexamplesaboutinsecurityandcrimeinDubai,theirtellingsbecamemore

animated.Thestoriesbuiltonandreinforcedoneanotherastheyunfolded.At

times,detailsAsgarprovidedseemedtoprompttherecollectionofarelatedstoryor

anecdotefromSharif,andviceversa.Mostlythey“told”thestoriesformybenefit,

addressingme,butinthespiritofbuildingononeanother,theyalsoaddressedeach

other.

Thefirststorybelowbeginsthisway,forinstance.AsgaraddressedSharif

directly,withSharifinterjectingexclamationsthatindicatedinterestedlistening.

“Acchā,Chinesene?”Sharifinterjectsatonepoint,forinstance(implyingsurprise,

similartotheexclamation“youdon’tsay?”inEnglish).Especiallynearthebeginning

oftheconversation,Ialsointervenedandtriedtoprovokethemabit,interjecting

myfeelingthatDubaiwasaverysafeplace—ascomparedtocitieslikeKarachiand

Baltimore—thelatterwhereIhadlivedasagraduatestudentfortheyears

precedingmyresearchinDubai.Sharifagreedbutqualifiedtheclaim:“Comparedto

Karachi,Dubaiis100%safe.Dubaiissafebecauseoftherule,oflawandorder.But

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youcan’tsayit’s‘safe.’Youhavetobecareful.”Laterherecapitulatedthisidea,

saying“Dubaiisverysafe,yetanythingcanhappenhere.”

Below,Ihighlightsomeofelevenkeystoriesorstoryfragmentsfromthe

conversationbetweenAsgar,Sharif,andmyselfonthatnight.Butfirst,letmebegin

byofferinganexcerptfromtheconversationasitactuallyunfoldedasareal-time

narrative.Thiswillhelptoprovideasenseofthelogicalconnectionsbetweenthe

narrativepieces,howtheconversationmeandered,howAsgarandSharifreactedto

eachothers’tellingsandtomyoccasionalinterjectionsandgentleprovocations.

Presentingareal-timesnippetalsohelpsmeillustratehowtheinherent

contradictioninSharif’sgeneralstatementthat“Dubaiissafe,butwecan’tsayitis

safe/wehavetobecareful”manifestedascontradictionsasthenarrativeitself

morphed.InthesectionoftheconversationwhereIbeginmytranscriptionbelow,

SharifbeginsbytalkingaboutcrimesinKarachi.

Sharif:Streetcrimesarevery…verymuchthere.Because…Brian:Streetcrimes?Asgar:Ya.…iPhoneagardēkhliā…[iftheyseeyouriPhone…]Sharif:Itakeonlythismobileoutside,whenIgo,Karachi…Ikeepallmobileandwatchandeverythingthereathome,andItakethis.Ifsomeonecomesandasksmobile,Igivethemonlythis.Asgar:Mērābhītalāshīhōgī…ēkbār,mērīpāsēkhazārrupeethā…[theyalsosearchedmeonce…andIhad1000rupees]Brian:They’llcomewithchāqū…[knife]Sharif:Theykillyou,ifyoudon’tgivehimtheyjust….Ithappenseveryday.Brian:SameintheU.S.InU.S.citiesitalsohappens.Sharif:Buthereitisverysafe,ascomparedtoU.S.Asgar:Becauseofpublictransporthere.InKarachitheycanhijackwholebus.Sharif:InKarachi…wholebus.Brian:Really?Sharif:Ya.Runningbus.Theygothrough…onemangoestothedriver,givethegun…andsays,“keepdriving.”Sohedrives,andtwo

233

personsbehindtheycollecteverythingfromeverybody.Afterthattheytellhimtostop,theyjump,andrun.Brian:Ya…yaKarachiisdangerousIthink.[pauseof10seconds.]Asgar:AndsamehereinSatwa.Ifsomeoneaskyoutostopthecar,don’tstop.Ifheisnotshurṭa[police].Sharif:Satwa?Acchā[OK].

Instorytellinghere,InotehowAsgarandSharifbuildonandreacttoeachotherin

realtime,inawaythatreflectswhatMichaelJacksonnotedofgroupstorytellingas

aformof“dialogicalinterplay”(Jackson2005,358).Ialsonotehowinthecourseof

theconversationalarch,afterconsideringinitiallyconsideringtheprevalenceof

streetcrimesinKarachi,SharifreturnshisattentionbrieflybacktoDubai,saying:

“buthereitisverysafe.”Still,onlyaminutelater,Asgarappearstocontradict

Sharif’ssentiment,whenhesuggeststhatacar-jackingcouldalsooccurinDubai:“if

someoneaskyoutostopthecar,don’tstop.”Ibelievethatthistypeofcontradiction,

madeapparentwhenthestoriestheytoldarepresentedastheyunfoldedinreal

time,reflectsabroaderparadoxofDubaifromthemigrantperspective:aplacesafe

byoutwardappearancebutunsafebyvirtueofconcealedcriminalactivity.

OverthecourseofmyentireconversationwithAsgarandSharifthatnight,

whichlastedroughlyfifteenminutes,heandAsgargaveavarietyofexamplesto

supportthesuggestion—asItookit—thateventhoughthecrimeratewaslow,

strangeandunusualcriminaleventsdofrequentlyoccurinDubai.Similartothe

rangeofstoriesRafiqtoldme,Idividetheirstoriesintoa)thosethatrelateaspecific

event,andb)thosethatconstituteageneralizedcrime-trope:atypeofoccurrence

thatcouldhappenortendstohappen.Storiesinthesecondcategoryaretoldina

subjunctive“could-be”mood,whileinthefirstaretoldinadefinitivepasttense.

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Examplesinthefirstcategoryarepurportedcrimes,notreportedinthenewsbut

transmittedwithinthecommunityorally,asarumor.Assuchtheircredibilityis

rootedinparticularmaterials,concreteimages,andunsettlingdetails:a“locked

refrigerator”a“rolled-upprayerrug,”aswewillseeintheexamplesbelow.Stories

ofthesecondcategoryarereceived,andoftengeneralized,from“verified”or

verifiablewrittenandmediaaccounts.

ThestoriesAsgarandShariftold,andthecrime-tropestheydescribed,

rangedincompletenessandcomplexity.Somestoriesareonlyfragments,beforethe

conversationshifted,oronepersoninterruptedtheother.I’vetriedtooutlinethe

variousstories,story-tropes,andfragmentsbelow.Inthechart,Ihavepreservedthe

orderinwhichtheyoccurredintheconversation,bynumberingthemalongtheleft

side.Narrativesinthefirstcategoryarealsofilledwithmoreconcrete,material,and

visually-specificdetails,andIhavemadeanefforttohighlightedinboldfacethose

detailsbelowaswell.Mostly,AsgarspokeinUrduandSharifspokeinEnglishinthe

conversation,thoughIpresenttheEnglishtranslationthroughout.

Table4.3

SectionA:Specificinstancesofcriminalevents(bothexperiencedfirst-handandproported)

Story Location

(1)Asgar:Chinesepeopleabductedayounggirl—theEmiratesMallsecuritycameracapturedtheabduction.TheytookhertoInternationalCity[anoutlyingdistrictinhabitedbymostlyAsianmigrantworkersandtheirfamilies],wheretheykeptherinalockedrefrigerator.Therefrigeratorwasfoundinanoutdoortrasharea.Shewasdiscoveredtherewhensomeoneopenedtherefrigerator.

Dubai,Inter-nationalCitysection

235

(3)Asgar:About6-7monthsago—youknowthatmosque,thesteelone?AFilipinoguywasfounddeadthere,rolledupintheoutdoorprayerrugs.Theyunrolledtherugsforfajr[earlymorning]prayersandfoundhisbody.(acentrallylocatedmosquewithinabusybusstationinamarketsquare).

Dubai,Satwabusstation

(6)Asgar:Onceaguystoppedme,withaknife.Ihad1000rupees[roughly10U.S.dollars]onme…

Karachi

(8)Asgar(echoedbySharif):[referringtocentraldistrictinhabitedbymostlySouthAsianMuslimworkingmen]Therearedarkalleys.OtherPakistanisdon’ttalktomethereatnight.Ifyouwearsalwārqamīẓtheywon’tbotheryou.Ifit’saBengali,theywon’trobhim.Becauseoncethey[somePakistaniguys]pickedup/kidnappedaPathan.ThatPathandidn’tseewhoitwas,andhitthem/beatthemup.[Asgarlaughs]Soitwasn’tacrime(crimetōunhōnēnahīṅkiā)andthoseguys[whogothit]didn’ttellthepolice.

Dubai,Satwaresidentialarea

(9)Sharif:Amanwasfoundwithhisthroatslashedinasheeshaparlor,knowntobeaprostitutionhouse,at6inthemorning.TwoMoroccanArabwomen,sexworkers,wereaccusedofthecrime.Thatareaisverydangerousandknownforcrimeslikethis.Inthatspecific2sqkmareayouwillfindmorethan40beautycentersandsheeshaparlors[frontsforprostitution].MostlyArab[African]femalesexworkersarefoundthere.Maybehewasdrunk,becauseit’snoteasytocutthethroatofamale,evenfortwowomen.Thesheeshparlorreopenedthenextday…

Dubai,residentialareaofDeira,nearSharjahborder

SectionB:Generalizedcrime-tropesconveyedas

potentialeventsortypesofevent

Story Location

(2)Sharif(inEnglish):InSharjah,it’sverybad.They[referentindeterminate]enterhomesifyourdoorisnotlocked.Usuallyfamily--thehousewivesareinside.Becausethemanisworking,andthekidsgotoschool,housewivesarealoneathome.Ifthedoorisnotlocked,theygoinside,andrapeandkill.Twoorthreetimes,IsawitinGulfNews.Becausetheycan’thideafamilymurderorwomanmurder.Theywillinvestigatethat,anditcomesinthemedia.

Sharjah(neigh-boringEmiratetoDubai)

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(4)Asgar:InKarachi,ifthereisacriminalcommittingacrime,hedoesnotfearbeingseenbythepolice.Ratherhecannotlethimselfbeseenbythepublic…Sharif(inEnglish):Becauseifheiscaughtonsite,hewillbekilledthere,bythepeople.Asgar:…withweapons,everyonehasweapons…Sharif:Nonotwithweapons.Withtrash(ganda)andwithstones.Becausetheyknowiftheygivehimtothepolice,theywillreleasehim,aftercollectingbribes.That’swhypeopleareverycrazythere.

Karachi

(5)Asgar:IftheyseeaniPhone…Sharif:Itakeonlythismobileoutside,whenIgooutinKarachi,Ikeepmyothermobiles,mywatch,andeverythingathome.Ifsomeonecomesandasksformymobile,Igivethemthis.Becausethey’llkillyou,ifyoudon’tgiveittohim.

Karachi

(7)Asgar:InKarachi,they[referentindeterminate]canhijackawholebus…Sharif:arunningbus.Onemangoestothedriver,andsays“keepdriving.”Sohedrives,andtwootherpeoplecollecteverythingfromeverybody.Afterthat,theytellhimtostop,theyjump,andrun.

Karachi

(10)Sharif:Evenifyouaredriving,andyouarefollowingtherules,youneverknow…someonecouldcomefromthissideandthatsideofyou,andhityou.Anythingcouldhappen…

Dubai

(11)Sharif:ThesamepeoplewhodocrimesinKarachiandinPakistan,theycomehereandstayvery…human.Theybehavelikehumans.Thesameperson,ifhehadmurdered4-5peopleinPakistan,he’llcomehereandbehave.

DubaiandPakistan

Severalpatternsemerge,Isuggest,whentheinformationisorganizedinthis

way.Focusingonthespecificandpeculiarconcretedetailsdeployedinthestoriesin

theSectionAabove,forinstance,revealsthecentralroleofconcealmentinthe

criminalactsthemselves.Thatspecificcrimesinvolveanelementofconcealmentis,

ofcourse,consistentwiththeideathatcriminalactivitybeliestheoutwardsenseof

publicorderinDubai,andtherelativelylowofficially-reportedrates.Thedetails

suggestAsgarandSharif’sbroaderanxietyaboutwhatishiddeninDubai.That

whichmaybeinsidethelockedrefrigerator,rolledinsideprayerrugs,orconcealed

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behindbeautyparlorstorefronts,mightbesinister,menacing,surprising,and

fearsome,asthespeculativetoneoftheirstoriesconveys.

Anxietyoverconcealedcriminalactsalsoreflectsforeign-migrantanxieties

overthesecrecyofthestate’sregulatoryenterprisesaswell.AsIdescribedabove,

AsgarworriedabouthowhewouldcontinuetosupporthisfamilyinPakistanifhe

couldnotincreasehisincome.Butstill,hehesitatedtotalktohisboss,lestheloose

hisjobcompletely.AsIexplainedinmyintroductiontothischapter,thestateuses

uncertaintyandsecrecyasatooltomanagetheforeignpopulation,partlyby

manipulatingthefearofthenativepopulation.Thestate’skafālasystem

institutionalizesa)employers’controloverworkers’movementandcareer

development,andb)theimpermanenceofforeignworkers.Theideathat“anything

canhappen”inDubai,inotherwords,alsocapturesthesenseofuncertainty

migrant’sfeelovertheiremploymentandresidencystatuses.

Unpredictabilityisathemeacrossthestoriesabove,ofeventslocatedin

Dubai.TheDubai-basedstory8above,forinstance,breaksthegeneralrule

presentedinthePakistan-basedstory5,impliedinstory6andinRafiq’skidnapping

ordeal,oftheimportancetoaccenttovictimhood.Instories5and6above,thisis

theimportancetosubmittothemuggingandgivethethiefwhathewants,lesthe

killyouonthespot.Thispartlyexplainsthehumorinstory8,inwhichthePathan

“doesn’tsee”hisattackersorkidnappersverywell—suggestingthatthePathanwas

notscaredbythem,andperhapsdidn’tseeweapons.Soheattackedthem,Asgar

explainswithsomeamusement:asurprisingturnofevents.Thus,whileallthe

playersinthisinthe#8narrativearePakistani,andsimilareventsplayoutin

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Karachi“everyday,”theoutcomehereinDubai’senvironmentofunpredictabilityis

different.

PurportedcrimesinDubaiare,Iargue,structuredbythisuncertaintyand

unpredictability.Instory9,Sharifspeculatesabouthowtwoladiescouldhave

slashedthethroatofa“fullgrownman.”Sharif’stonesofdisbelief,asAsgartoldthe

storyaboutthecrimeperpetratedbyChineseindividualsinstory1above,suggest

someperplexityoverwhatmotivedthecrime,especiallyinlightoftheluriddetails.

Still,atleastonestoryappearstocombinethesethemesofunpredictabilityand

peculiaritywithmorefamiliarfears.Story3aboveisnotablyembeddedinaworld

ofreligiousmaterials:aglitteringbus-stationmosquemadeofsheetmetal,large

rolleduprugsforgroupprayer,theunsuspectingcaretakersunrollingthemthe

followingmorning.Whoaretheculprits?Comparedtotheotherstories,fewclues

areprovidedhere.

Iarguethattheemphasisonreligiousmaterialsinstory3reflectsparticular

anxietiesaboutreligiousviolencefeltbyAsgarandSharif,andbyLatifandRafiq.

Thoughitisacentralfeatureofthisstory,religiousviolenceisotherwiseforeignto

Dubai.Rather,itisdeeplyrootedintheexperienceofMuslimminoritiesinPakistan,

anexperiencethesemenshare.ThereligioustextureofviolenceinPakistanseems

toinfusethisstory.Itsdetailsareanexpressionofparticular(andfamiliar)

anxietieslocatedelsewhere.

Conclusion:Emptyspaceandnarrativelife

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CriminalsoperatewithimpunityinPakistan.Criminalactsoccurinpublic,

andnarrativerecollectionsfocusonthedaringactsthemselves:hijackingamoving

bus,shootingpeopleonroadside.InDubai,thecriminaleventisoftenunseen,and

thenarrativefocusesonafter-the-factdiscoveries,oftenofadeadbody,forinstance.

Atstakeinthesedistinctionsaredifferentconfigurationsofpublicspace.

RegulationsandpoliceenforcementinDubaicreatesubduedpublicoutdoor

environments,evacuatedofactivities,includingcriminalactivities.Thereisa

counterpointbetweenthisenvironmentanda)the“degenerationanddevastation”

particulartothereligiousandpublicenvironmentsofmodernurbanPakistan,in

general(Khan2010,504),andb)theviolentandluridcontentofthestoriesAsgar

andShariftell.Throughcrimestorytelling,immediateemptiedspacesbecome

populatedwiththeanxietiesofelsewhere,bothofPakistanandofconcealed

criminalityinDubai.

Whatdonarrativesdoinspacesevacuatedofinformationandactivity?Of

course,oraltellingstransgressboundariesofspaceandtime;theybringevents

boundedinparticulartimesandplacesoutsidethemselves.Assuch,tellingsrework

spaceinmultipleways.Thevisualenvironmentweoccupiedonthatnight

transformedbeforeusthroughthisconversation.Thedarkvacantlot,theshadow

castbythelargetreebeforeus,theunevenearth,passingvehicles,areallgathered

upinthestoryandmergedtothosenarratedmaterialsandactions,bychanceand

byco-occurrence.Thesignifiedscometooccupyacommonsignifier:aprocessin

whichthestrangeismadefamiliar.Narrativesworkonspace,reassembling

materialsintonewassemblagesviaanxiouslogics.

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InmyanalysisofthestoriestoldbyAsgar,Sharif,andRafiqabove,Inote

theireffortsto“ground”theirtellingsaboutconcealedordistanteventsinconcrete

details.Iarguethatthisefforttogroundanarrativeindetailisaparticularethicof

storytelling,andalsoareactiontobroaderformsofinstabilitythatmigrantsfacein

Dubai.Inthisway,storytellingworksto“emplace”anxietiesintheenvironmentasa

waytooccupyspaceandsecureknowledgeaboutenvironments:tomakethe

nefariousandmysteriousappearfamiliar.Itake“grounding”asanethicofmigrant

lifeparticulartothestruggleagainstworklifeinstabilitiesandconcealedcriminal

forces.

Ialsoidentify“reflection”asanethicofstorytellingparticulartotheaccounts

ofRafiq,Asgar,andSharif.NarrativemeanderingandreflectionallowsAsgarand

Sharif,forinstance,totransitionfluidlybetweenexamplesrelatedtoDubaiand

thoserelatedtoPakistan,providinganopportunitytoprojectanxietiesofelsewhere

intothereal-timeandimmediatepresent.AsIhaveargued,thisethicofwandering

ruminationinstorytellingisenabledbyanambienceofidlenessparticularto

momentsandphasesdowntime.ForAsgarandRafiqinparticular,Iarguethatthis

ethicofwanderingparticulartostorytellingstructuresotherformsofrumination

aboutthestrugglesofunemploymentandunderemployment,indowntime

momentsandspacesrelatedtothoseinwhichtheytoldstoriesabouttheir

knowledgeofcriminalactivityandexperiencesofvictimhood.Ithusobservethis

ethictostructurevariousactivitiesacrossdomainsofmigrantlifeinDubai.

ThatmemoriesofviolenceinPakistansaturateanxietiesaboutconcealed

nefariousforcesinDubai—forPakistanislivinginDubai—isperhapsnotsurprising.

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JohnBornemanhasexaminedtheworkofdreamsamongmeninSyria,tosubsume

anxietiesandallowtheactorstocontendwithvarietiesofviolenceintheirdaily

lives.Dreams,daydreams,and“reverie”helpedBorneman’sinformants

“contextualizeexperience”andcreate“futurecommunicativepossibilities.”They

createacontrolledspaceinwhichanxietiesaboutrealeventscanbeexpressed

through“stand-in”figuresandsymbols.

Tofurtherconsidertherolesofdreaming,reflection,andimaginationin

inhabitingdowntimeenvironmentsinDubai,Iendbyreconsideringqualitiesof

boredomandstillness,whichIfirstintroducedaboveviatheworkofOrrantiaand

Stewart.WalterBenjamintrackedboredomasanoutcomeofbotha)thetempos

andrepetitiverhythmsofurbanlaborintheindustrialandpost-industrialera,and

b)theambulatoryrhythmsoftheflaneursinParis,characterizedatonepointinThe

ArcadesProjectas“thegreatidlers,thewaterfrontloafersandthevagabonds”

(Benjamin1999,104)Crucially,Benjaminconstructstheboredomoftheflaneurin

relationtotheParisianenvironmentofsedimentarydecay,mud,anddust.Inone

scene,forinstance,organizedunderthesubheading“DustandStifledPerspective,”

hepresentsthefigureofawomanwalkingwithadresswithalongtrain,stirringup

streetdustasshegoes(103).Anotherstronglyconveysthedull,dusty,and

monotonefeaturesofthephysicalenvironment:

Recentlydepositedlimestone—thebedonwhichParisrests—readilycrumblesintoadustwhich,likealllimestonedust,isverypainfultotheeyesandlungs….Hereisthesourceoftheunprepossessingbleachedgrayofthehouses,whichareallbuiltfromthebrittlelimestoneminednearParis;here,too,theoriginofthedun-coloredslateroofsthatblackenwithsootovertheyears.(108)

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Inturn,helaterdescribesthissenseofboredomasthe“fabric”inwhichwe“wrap

ourselveswhenwedream,”andtheflaneur’sambulationasthe“rhythmicsofthis

slumber”(105-106).Isupposethatthereisakinshipbetweentheenvironmentof

thevacantsandlotinDubai,whereAsgar,SharifandIchattedidlyonenight,and

thelimestonedust-cakedstreetsandbuildingsintheParisofBenjamin’searly-

twentiethcenturyflaneur.Inbothcases,thedullandsedimentaryenvironment

producestheaffectofboredomwhichpromptflightsofdreamlikeimagination.

Dovisuallyanddynamically-restrainedenvironmentspromptlinesof

imagination?BuildingontheperspectiveadvancedbyVincentCrapanzano,how

mighttherealimmediateworldbe“entangled”withtheimaginary?Underwhat

conditionsmightelementsorobjectsintheimmediatelandscape—asinalandscape

painting,forinstance—inspiretheviewerto“imagine”whatliesconcealedbeyond

(orwithin)theseobjects(Crapanzano2004,17,24-25)?Thischapterhas

consideredhowtheenvironmentofpublicsecurityandpublicorderinDubai

produceslow-contrast,subdued,andmutedspacesthatstageandinspireanxieties

tiedtoelsewhere.Furthermore,theexampleshaveconsideredhowthevisual

horizonsofconcretethingsanddiscretespacesinthephysicalenvironmentprompt

imaginationsaboutwhatisnotseenandnot-present:thatwhichliesbeyond.

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5.ConstraintSound,noise,containment,partitioning,pitch,wā‘z̤ī

Ilayflatagainstathinmattressonthehardconcretefloor,intotaldarkness.

TheroomIhadoccupiedforoveramonthwascavernous,butIenclosedmyselfat

nightbehindamosquitonet.ThemajlisthatIhadattendedearlierthatnight—ata

SufishrineandimāmbārgāhcentersituatedinthisruralnorthIndianvillage,

perhapsafiveminutewalkfrommyroom—continuedtoringoutover

loudspeakers,reverberatinginsideandoutsidetheroom,loudlybutindistinctly.I

strainedtocatchthewords.

Theshrineitself,perchedonamound,isthehighestpointinthevillage.In

onedirectionfromtheshrine,amarketroadextendsdownthegently-sloping

acclivity,thickly-linedwithshopsandstalls.Myroomlayatthebaseofthisslopein

adifferentdirection,partofanotherwise-vacant“pilgrims”accommodationlodge:a

sparsepropertythatfilledtocapacitywithattendeesontheoccasionoflarge

commemorativeeventsattheshrine—mostespecially,theSaint’sdeath

anniversary.Intheoppositedirectionfromthelodge,fieldsofriceandwheat

extendedoutwardinanextensivepatchworkdottedbyfarmer’shutsandsmall

farmhouses.

AsIlayinthedark,InotedrepeatedreferencestoImamAli—or“AliMōlā,”in

thereferenceofthereciters—butcaughtlittleelse.Theentombedsaint’slineageis

tracedthroughthesixthImam,andthesitefeaturesasmallimāmbārgāhofftoone

sideofthemaintomb.SimilartoShiacommemorativepracticesacrossthe

Subcontinent,thisSufishrineorganizedeventsinhonoroftheearlyImams.This

particulargatheringcommemoratedImamAli’sbirth.

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Thesoundofonevocalperformancebyagroupofmen,accompaniedbya

regulardrumbeat,echoedloudly,butcamethroughjumbledovertheloudspeakers.

Therecitationwaspunctuatedbytheoccasionalsharpstaccatoofdistortionand

feedbacknoise.Giventheotherwisequietlate-nightenvironmentofthedensely

settledvillageandfarmland,Iwonderedhowtheperformancesoundsimpacted

otherresidents.Intheambientvicinityoftheshrine,didresidentsalsostrainto

listen,ordidtheystraintosleep?Weretheperformancesreceivedasmere

backgroundnoise,ornuisance?Wasthebroadcastappreciated,begrudged,or

effectivelyignored?

FouryearslaterinDubai,aconversationwithaPakistaniShiaman,working

asaluxurycarsalesman,promptedmetoreconsideredmyexperienceinthat

village,onthatnightandothers,duringsome“pre-dissertation”fieldworkinthe

summerof2008thatIhadbeenconductingthere.Themanwasaconvertfrom

SunnitoShiaIslam,andjoininghimonedayatanopulentMughal-themed

restaurant,heexplainedwhathaddrawnhimtoShi’ism,andhowhepracticedit.

Despitehisembrace,hechallengedavarietyofconventionsinwhathedescribedas

“traditional”Shiapractice.Asanexample,hecitedthetraditionoforganizinglate-

nightmajlisesoverloudspeakersinPakistan.“Whatabouttheirneighborswhoare

tryingtosleep,”hesaidatonepoint.Heexpressedhispreferenceforthetraditionof

indoorandmore-subduedmajlisesinDubai,whichcorrectedthis“excessive”

impulsetodisruptpublicspace,inhisview.

FocusedonDubai,thischapterexplorestheenvironmentalforcesandspatial

containmentpracticesthatshapeandconfigureaspectsofvocalandbodily

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performanceinShiaexpressivepractices.Ibeginwiththisreferencetomyown

earlierfieldworkinIndiatohelpillustratethesonicaestheticsandethicsof

performanceparticulartoIndiathatcontrastwiththosesalientinDubai.Many

communitymembersmadefrequent“comparative”referencesinordertodescribe,

andmakesenseof,theirparticipationinShiaexpressiveritualsinDubai.More

generally,theyassertedthatrestrictions—thatis,thedegreeofpābandī—inDubai

exceededthoserestrictionsShiasfeltelsewhere:bothinIndiaandPakistan,andin

EuropeandAmerica.

Inthischapter,Iconceive“constraint”asanethicofreligiousexpressive

performancegermanetothecompartmentalizedspaceoftherecordingstudio,and

anethicofworkinlightofthecompressedtimeframesthatstructuredailyroutines.

TheexperiencesofSaadinthefinalsectionsbelow,whoIinitiallyintroducedinthe

IntroductionandChapter1,showhowanethicsofconstraintstructuresboth

domainsoflife.IndescribinganethicsofconstrainttiedtoShiaexperienceand

migrantworklifeinDubai,IbuildonotherkeystudiesintheanthropologyofIslam

thatfocusedontheroleofdiscipline,comportment,andcompartmentalizationin

cultivatingethicalpracticeinIslam.StudieshaveobservedhowtheIslamicaẕān,or

“calltoprayer,”servestopunctuatedailylife(Khan2011,571-572),andhowthe

performanceofṣalātor“prayer”reliesontheexecutionof“afixedsequenceof

movements”(Bowen1989,601).

SabaMahmoodbuildsonFoucault’sconceptionofethicsasasetofbodily

techniquesandspiritualexercises(Foucault1988)toshowhowparticipantsof

Egypt’smosquemovementhonedisciplinedritualpracticesviaan“elaborate

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systemoftechniques”tocultivatepiety(Mahmood2005,31).AndCharles

Hirschkindhasshownhowtheefforttoattuneone’searintheauditionofsermons

buildsonamorebasicformsofIslamicethicaldiscipline,tiedforinstancetothe

recitationandmemorizationoftheQur’an(Hirschkind2006,121).Throughan

ethicsof“containment”or“constraint,”Iarguethatmembersofthiscommunity

adapttheirworkliferoutinesandformsofreligiousexpressiontotheparticular

logicsofregulationandspatialorganizationinDubai.

Containmentascreativeimprovisation

Centrally,thischapteraimstoshowhowexpressivecommemorative

performancesinShiaIslampersistinindoorenvironments.Iaimtoshow,inother

words,howtheythriveinspiteofpublicspaceregulations.Inparticular,Itracehow

thepartitioningofroomsandhomesisaparticularmigrantstrategyinDubaiaimed

atreclaimingspace,mitigatinghighhousingcosts,and“interiorizing”activities.The

partitioningofspaceisastrategyofmigrantlifeinresponsetotheeffectsof

regulatoryandmarketforces.Furthermore,thepracticeofiterativepartitioningof

interiorspace—partitionsofpartitions—reachesitsapogee,fortheShiacommunity

membersIfollowinthischapter,inthespaceoftherecordingstudio,Iargue.

Visuallyandsonicallycontained,expressivepracticesherethriveastheyare

shapedbybotha)asenseofdisciplineandb)aspiritofimprovisationalingenuity,

cultivatedinrelationtoregulationsofpublicspaceinDubai.Putanotherway,inthis

chapterIobservehowthepracticesofpartitioninginteriorspaceenablea

proliferationof“interiorized”Shiaexpressivepractices.Iconsiderbothpractices—

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thepartitioningofinteriorspaceandtheaudiorecordingofpoeticrecitation—tobe

actsofcreativeimprovisationconformedandenabledbythecontainment

imperativesassociatedwiththeregulationofpublicspaceinDubai.Assuch,my

argumentmirrorsthoseofotheranthropologists,abouthowformsofcreative

actionadaptto,andareexpandedby,“rational,bureaucratic,organizational

structure”andformsof“rule-governedbehavior.”Forinstance,considerEitanWilf’s

explorationofthestrategiesofjazzstudentsandeducatorstoadapttheircreative

artisticprocesstothestructuresandlogicsofhighereducationinstitutions.Wilf

trackshowjazzeducators“userule-governedtechniquestoreconfigurestudents’

playingbodiesandthusopenupnewcreativehorizonsintheirimprovisations”

(Wilf2014,12,14).

Relatedly,considerBeatriceJauregui’saccountofjugādinIndia,whichshe

characterizesasatypeof“everydaycorruption.”Shedescribesjugādasaformof

materialornon-materialimprovisationor“bricolage,”67inwhichordinarypeople

appropriatetransactionalmodesmore-typicallyassociatedwiththeexerciseof

officialpower,suchascorruption(Jauregui2014,76-79).Shedescribes,for

instance,amanwholeverageshisown“connection”withintheLucknowpolicein

ordertoavoidpayingabribedemandedbyanotherpoliceofficer.BothWilfand

Jauregui’sstudiesexaminecreativepracticesthatappropriatebureaucratic

structuresandmodesoftransaction.SimilartoWilf’sstudyofjazzeducation,Ifocus

onhowregulationstransformformsofcreativeexpression,suchasShiapoetry

67Here,JaureguireferencesLevi-Strauss’sformulationoftheconcept,asanprocessofbuildingwithrawmaterialsthatarealreadyengineeredandavailableintheimmediateenvironment:aprocessof“reorganization”and“reconstruction”toproducenovelnewarrangementsandcreations.(Levi-Strauss1966,16-22)

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recitation.AndlikeJauregui’sstudy,Iexamine“partitioning”asatypeofbricolage

thatisbotha)particulartoworkingclasssurvivalandb)incorporatesthelogicof

themaintenanceofpublicorder.Idevelopthisargumentfurtherbelow,asIexplore

theintersectionofcontainmentpracticesandmodesofShiaexpressionparticularin

theIndo-PakistanmigrantcommunityinDubai.

AcoustemologyofShiaexpressiveritual:‘azādārī

Iarguethatafocusonthe“sonic”aspectsofShiaexpressiveritualswill

illuminatehowperformersandparticipantsadapttostateregulatoryforces.Forms

ofShiapoeticrituallooselycategorizedas“‘azādārī,”inSouthAsianculture,are

amongthemostsonically-varied—totheextentthattheyincorporatevocaland

non-vocalsonicproductions—andprovideastartingpointformyanalysis.

Typically,in‘azādārī,regularrhythmicchestbeatingpunctuatestheperformanceof

poetry.Chestbeatsaddapercussiveandsometimes-raucousqualitytothesonic

performance,asparticipantsbeatthemselveswithvaryingdegreesofforcefulness,

dependingontheirown“taste”preferencesandonwhattheregulatory

environmentallows.

Tobegintounpacktherelationshipbetweenenvironmentalforcesand

expressiveperformance,letmefirstexaminemorecloselythissetofnon-tonal

soundsin‘azādārī.Primarily,suchsoundsincludepercussivechestbeats(which

accompanymātamperformance)andwailing(ofaudiencemembersduringnōḥaor

mars̤iyaperformance).Functionally,whatdosuchsounds,ornoises,addtopoetic

recitations?Inoneway,Isupposethatthese“sounds”evokethesonic

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environment—andthesenseofprofoundurgencyandtragedy—attheBattleof

Karbalaitself.Isuggest,inotherwords,thatthesemodern-dayritualsfunctionto

reenactvisceralaspectsofHussain’sparty’sfatefulencounterwiththeYazidis.68

Iheardonemars̤iya69inDubai,forinstance—bothperformedliveand

viewedasaYouTubevideoononeresearchparticipant’sphone—thatdescribesthe

painfulfirst-handexperienceofthewomeninHussain’stent.Thepoemrefersboth

tothetraumaofKarbalaandofthetrialsofcaptivitythereafter.Performedbymen

orwomenandaccompaniedbychestbeats,thisfirstpersonaccountinthepoem

floatsbetweenZainab70andSakina71:

Hāthkānōṅpehē,nīlgālōṅpehēAōrnishānjōSakinakīshānōpehēHarnishānsēyehīārahīhēsadā,bābājān,bābājānShām-e-‘āshurse,shām-o-Kufatak,Meṅnemānganahīṅhekhirāj-eFadak,Mērīchādarsēhē,mērīmānkāsukūn,sūnlēzālimjahān

[HandsonmyearsandbruisesonmycheeksTherearemarksonSakina’sshouldersAndfromeverymarkcomesthecall“ohfather,ohfather!”FromtheeveofʻĀshūrā72totheeveofKufa73IhaveneveroncedemandedmyrightstoFadak74Frommyblanket,andmymother’scomfort,Ihearthetyrantoutside!]

Performedvocallyandthroughhandsclappingchestsandheads,woundsheregain

asonictextureattheintersectionofthestrikeandthevocalizedcry:boththe

68YazidistheCaliphtowhomHussainrefusedtogiveallegiance.Yazid’sarmyinterceptedHussain’scontingentatKarbala,forcefullypreventtheironwardmarchtoKufa,inthemonthofMuharramin680A.D.69AnelegycommemoratingImamHussainand/ortheBattleofKarbalaspecifically.70Hussain’ssister.71Hussain’sdaughter,age4atthetimeofKarbala.72ThetenthdayofMuharram,680CE,thedayofHussain’smartyrdom73ThepartyofcaptivesurvivorsarrivedinKufatwodayslater.74ThevillagethatMuhammadbequeathedtoFatima(Zainab’sfather),thoughthe

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present-dayperformers’criesandwounds,andthoseoftheImam’simmediate

familymembers.ThemuffledcriesoftheladiesandbabiesinHussain’stent,andthe

dullvisceralthudsofarrowsandswordspiercingtheskinofHussainandhisfamily

membersandassociates,“ring”intheformsofchestbeatingandwailingofmodern

Shiarituals,Iargue.Thispoem’sperformance(inthepresent-day)evokesboththe

painfulsonicexperienceofKarbalaanditsaftermath,and“bodies”forthacallto

protestHussain’sfate.Protestiskeyaspectof‘azādārī,whichIexplorefurther

below.

Expressiverange

Disagreementsovertheutilityof“excessive”ritualsinShiapractice,

includingtheritualsassociatedwith‘azādārī,oftenreflecttastepreferences,asI

arguedinChapters2above.Still,manyIworkedwithinDubaiagreedthat‘azādārī

performancesinDubaiaregenerallymoresubduedandrestrainedcomparedto

thoseinIndiaandPakistan.Asaconsequence,manyalsoattestedtoparticipation

ratesatimāmbārgāhsgatheringsbeinglower,partlyinlightofindoorspace

restrictions.Inoted,ontheoccasionofImamAli’sdeathanniversary—amajor

commemorationday—howimāmbārgāhstaffallowedattendeestoenterandfillthe

smallcourtyardareainfrontofoneimāmbārgāhuntilitreachedcapacity,and

thereafterturnedawaypeoplewhobegantocongregateonthesidewalkoutside,

advisingthemtodisperse.

Recitersarelessactiveinpublicsettingsaswell.Saad,areciterofpoetrywho

IintroducedinChapter1andchronicleingreaterdetailbelow,explainedtomethat

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heperformsliverecitationslessfrequentlythanhedidyearsearlierinLucknow,his

homecity.Alternatively,hedescribedhowhetriestoavailtheopportunityto

reservetimeathisfriend’srecordingstudioinSharjahwheneverhehasenough

moneytocovertheproductioncosts.Thoughitstrainedhisworkschedule—given

hislonghoursasasalesmaninasmallshop—hetriestomakearecordingonceper

year,farmorethanhewouldbeabletoaccomplishinIndia,hesaid.

Iaimtoshowbelowhowthestudioenvironmentiswell-suitedtoanethicof

compartmentalizationcentraltothestate’sapproachtopublicspaceregulationin

theU.A.E.Furthermore,Ishowbelowhowintherecordingstudioenvironment,

performersadoptdifferentethicsofvocalproductionthantheydoperforminglive,

especially:pitchdisciplineandtonal“beauty.”Fromthe“forceful”publicsquare

gatherings(markazījulūs)inPakistantothehighly-disciplinedperformancesat

recordingstudiosinDubaiandSharjah—themselvesembeddedinthewider

regulated,partitioned,andinsulatedstructureof“migrant”lifeintheU.A.E.—Shia

expressiveproductionsrunawiderangeofsonicintensity.Inpart,Iarguethatsuch

arangeisenabledbypractitioners’assessmentthatsuchritualshaveindeterminate

value.ForpracticingMuslims,s̤awāb(or“spiritualbenefit”)accruesthrougha

varietytheḥalāl(accepted),mustaḥabb(recommended)andwājib(mandatory)

actionsperformedineverydaylife.

Discussingthisissueamongothers,IsatonenightinlateSeptember,inan

largevacantlotflankedontwosidesbybusyroads,sippingteaandchattingwith

onecentralPakistaniinformant—Imran—whoworkedanearbycamp

accommodation.Hedescribedtheroleandimportanceof‘azādārītomethisway:

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Thebenefitof‘azādārīandmajlishasno“meter.”We’vebeentoldaboutthebenefitofprayer,thebenefitofperformingḥajj,thebenefitofgivingalms…butfor‘azādārīandmajlisthereis“nomeasurement”ofthebenefitgained.Wereallycannotimagineit[brainsēbahutziyāda].

AssessmentsliketheseleadmanyPakistanis,Imranexplains,includinghimself,to

seekoutmātamexperiences.75Howevertheindeterminacyof‘azādārīasa

relativelyunstructuredformofworship(‘ibādat)alsoallowspractitionersgreater

flexibilitytoperformit:forinstance,toadaptitinrelationtoenvironmentalfactors

thatlimitsonicperformance.

Gulfconnectionstotheglobaleconomy,andthefateofShiarituals

IntheUnitedArabEmirates,Iarguethattheregulationofnoiseisaproxyfor

theregulationofShiaritualsingeneral.Furthermore,severalinformantsdescribed

tomehowstateauthoritiesrestrictpublicformsof‘azādārīinanefforttocreatea

business-friendlyandtourism-friendlyenvironment.Civicordinancesreflecta

Westernlogicofnoisecontainment,invokingstandardssetbytheWorldHealth

Organization:acivicpolicyconsistentwithacultivatingpublicorder.Butthelink

betweena)thesuppressionofShiapublicrituals,b)theirproliferationinthe

privatespacesofhomes,mosques,andimāmbārgāhs,andc)theopeningofArabian

Gulfeconomieshasalongerhistoryintheregion.

StatedistrusttowardShiapopulationsinGulfstatesisalegacyofthe

influenceofSaudiWahhabismintheregion:akeypolitical-theologicalalliance

datingtothemid-eighteenthcenturyincentralArabia.Asapoliticalstrategy,Ibn75Thisreferstotheheightenedfinalpoeticphaseofthemajlis,characterizedoftenbyrhythmicchantingandloud/forcefulchest-beatingaccompaniment).

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SaudreestablishedapartnershipwithWahhabi‘ulamā’(religiousleadership)and

ikhwān(militarizedgroups)intheearlytwentiethcentury,tolaunchaphaseof

territorialexpansionthatbeganwithhisrecaptureofRiyadhin1902,andcontinued

throughhisestablishmentofthemodern“SaudiArabian”statein1932,andbeyond.

Withthe‘ulamā’,IbnSaudestablishedanearlyformofthetypeof“clientalistic”

patronagethatwouldcometodefinethestructureoftheSaudistate(Hertog2010,

60).

Particularlyinthe1920s,IbnSaudpursuedanationalunificationpolicythat

aimedtoharnessthespiritofIslamicunificationinWahhabiideology,while

adjustingand“taming”ittobotha)includeShiasintheformationofthenewnation,

andb)facilitateanopentradeeconomywithothersintheregion,inAsia,andthe

West(Commins2009,71-72).TheWahhabidoctrinesupportsaninterpretationof

Shi’ismaspolytheisticandthereforeun-Islamic,creatingaconfrontationbetween

WahhabiforcesandthemajorityShiapopulationsintheeast-centralportionsofthe

ArabianPeninsula,oneintowhichIbnSaudnecessarilyinsertedhimself.In1920,

andagainin1927,ikhwānforcesintheEasternoasistownHasapushedfora

prohibitionagainstShias“prayinginpublic”andpublicly“observingthe

anniversariesoftheProphet’sandhisrelativesdeaths:”thatis,againstthepublic

commemorationofthemartyrdomoftheShia“infallibles”76(Vassiliev2013,298).

Duringthattimeframe,AlSaudforcescounteredandforcefullysuppressedthe

ikhwānfromimplementingtheirmost-zealousambitions:toforcetheconversionof

Shiapopulations.By1928,inanattempttoappeasebothShiaandWahhabifactions,

76Thatis,thetwelveShiaImamsplusFatimahandtheProphetMuhammad.

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AlSaudenactedapolicyto“tolerateprivateShiitereligiousceremonies,”whilestill

prohibitingpublicritualsandlimitingthecommunityinotherways:prohibitingthe

constructionofnewmosquesandreligiousschools,forinstance(Commins2009,

75-76).

TheefforttorestrictShiacommemorativepracticesbyforcingtheminto

indoorprivatespaces—partofabroaderstrategytotemperIslamicpurification

ideologieswithaglobally-connectedeconomicpolicy—survivesthroughthe

present-day.EthnographicaccountsfromSaudiArabiainthemid-2000snotethat

whileShiasperformpublicritualsintheoasiscityQatif,Shiaarestill“discrete”and

performreligiousfunctions“intheprivacyoftheirhomesorintheirmosquesand

huseiniyya”inHasa(Louër2011,222).ThisefforttocontainShiaritualsininterior

privatespacesreflectswhatIobservedinmyownDubai-basedresearch.Still,the

influenceofWahhabipurificationideologyenduresintheregiontoday,asShia

protestswereforcefullysuppressedinBahrainandeasternSaudiArabiaduring

eventsassociatedwith2011’s“ArabSpring”uprising(seeMatthiesen2013).

InApril2012,ImetaBahrainiArabstudent,aShia,whohadimmigratedto

Dubaitopursuebusinesstraining,andnowsearchedofwork.Inalong

conversation,whilesittingbehindtheShiamosqueoneevening,hereminiscedand

registereddisappointmentaboutthefateofmassprotestsinBahrainintheprevious

year.Thoughprotestersemphasizedaunified“Islamic”and“nationalunity”quest

forjustice,tensionswiththeBahrainistatehaveastrongsectariancharacter.

Membersofthemajority-ShiapopulationfeelmistreatedbytheSunniroyalfamily

there,withclosetiestoSaudiArabia,andtheleadershipwerequicktocastthe

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uprisinginthesectariantermsof“Shiathreat,”invokingtheproxy-threatofIranian

influence,forinstance(Matthiesen2013,1,4,19).

MyBahrainifriendmentioneddisapprovinglyhowtheUnitedArabEmirates

hadsenttroopstoBahraintohelpsuppressmassprotests.Still,headmiredthe

Emiratesforcreating“anenvironmentsafeforbusinessdevelopment,”Irecordedin

mynotes.ThesolacethatGulfShias,likemyBahrainifriendinDubai,findinstate

effortstocreatea“business-friendly”environmenthasalonghistory,ifwe

understandthekeyeffortsofAlSaudtotemperWahhabism’s“xenophobic

impulses”tomakeSaudiArabiaviable“intheinternationalarena”(Commins2009,

71-72).Thatviabilityincludedbothprotectingminoritynon-Sunnigroupsand

encouragingforeigninvestmentandtrade.WhiletheShiasfacevaryingdegreesof

politicalmistrustandsuppressionacrossSaudiArabia,Bahrain,andtheU.A.E.,

practicingShiascultivateinteriorspacesinwhichtoperformritualsamideconomic

andregulatorypoliciesdesignedtoforgeandprotectglobalconnections.

‘azādārīasprotest:Theimperativetoreachnon-Shias

Functionally,‘azādārī—aformofexpressiveperformance—isalsoaformof

protest.InthePakistanicontext,‘azādārī’svaluationasprotesttypicallyentailsthe

obligationtoreachnon-Shianeighbors,toconveytheunjusteventsofKarbala.As

myinformantImranexplains,inourlatenightconversation—inawaythatechoes

whatavarietyofinformantstoldme:“Whenweprotest,thepeopleinthevicinity

whodon’tknowaboutKarbalawillaskoneanother,‘whyarethesepeople

performinglikethis?’Inthisway,weconveythemessage.”Whilethelivepublic-

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squareloudspeakerperformancesinPakistanmayreachlargeanddiverselocal

audiences,audioandvideorecordedformsof‘azādārīcirculateviavariousmedia

andarealsowidelyheardandconsumed.InChapter2above,Iexploredhowpeople

usesocialmediaplatformsviamobilephonesandcomputerstoshare,view,and

listentorecordingsof‘azādārī,particularlythosegraphicallyandvisuallyextreme

examples.Inthischapter,Iconsidertheaestheticvaluesandethicaltechniquestied

totherecordingof‘azādārī—theprocessofcapturingtherecitationofelegiesand

percussivebodilyperformances—mostlyasundertakeninthebuiltspaceofone

particularrecordingstudioontheDubai-Sharjahborder,whereIspentseverallate

nightsinSeptember2012.

WhileregulationsinDubaiforeclosethetypeofShiapublicprotesttypicalto

Pakistanicitiesandtowns—cherishedbymanyPakistanisIworkedwithinDubai—

Iarguethattheysupportandfacilitatethetypeofdisciplinedandrestrained

protest-performancecultivatedinrecordingstudiospace.Idocumentfurtherbelow

howspaceinDubaiisnestedandcompartmentalized,aspropertyownersand

rentersdivideandsubdivideindoorspacesviapartitions,inresponsetoboth

soaringdemandinthehousingmarketandinthespiritofcontainmentimperatives.

Ultimately,Ifindthatthesamestateregulatoryfactorsthatforcepublic

performancesof‘azādārīintoenclosedprivateinteriorspaces—muchtothechagrin

ofmyPakistaniinformantslikeImran—alsocreatetheconditionsthatallowfor

newaestheticperformanceandprotesttechniques.Iarguethattheprivatestudioin

DubaireplacesthepublictownsquareinPakistanastherudimentofthenation’s

expansionanddevelopment,andthusasthecentralsiteforminorityandanti-

257

establishmentcontention,claims-making,subject-formation,creativity,andprotest:

inparticular,inthiscase,asthenexusofShiareligiousactivity.Conformingto

performanceconventionsgermanetotherecordingstudioallowShiastoreclaim

spaceinDubai,bothcreatively,andinawayconsistentwiththeidiomsofself-

governanceandself-disciplinetiedtoprojectsofneoliberalism:athemeinmany

recentethnographicstudiesofworkandentrepreneurismintheGulfregion.

NeoliberalisminDubaiandmigrant“self-discipline”

ManyhistoricalandanthropologicalaccountsofDubaitakeneoliberalismas

acentralorganizingprincipleofstatedevelopment(Kanna2011,Vora2013,

Davidson2008a,Davis2006,Buckley2013).AcentraltensioninDubai’s

development—whichmanycommentatorstakeasatensionofneoliberalprojects

generally—isthatbetweenfreedom(ofmarkets)andrestriction(ofcivilliberties).

Dubaimaybeconsideredneoliberalfromvariousperspectives.1)Thediscoveryof

oilinGulfstateslikeDubai,AbuDhabi,andneighboringSaudiArabia,coincided

withtheemergenceofanewglobalcapitalistsystemafterWorldWarII,inwhich

nationsattheindustrialized“core”reorientedproductiontotakeadvantageof

cheaplaboravailablefromdevelopingnations.Inotherwords,thatasmall(and

narrowlydefined)“native”citizenpopulationcametoholdthevastportionof

wealthfromoilrentsisonlypartlyalegacyofhydrocarbonreservesthemselves.

Rather,earlyoilcompanies—andeventuallycorporationsthroughouttheregion—

werealsowellpositionedtotakeadvantageofopeninglabormarketstotheeast

(Hanieh2011,53-55).

258

2)Dubaihaslongbeenconnectedintoregionalandtrans-regionaltrade

networks.Attheturnofthe20thcentury,inabidtoraiseitsprominenceasaport,

therulingMaktoumfamilyeliminatedthetariffsystemonDubai’sport,thereby

offeringanappealingalternativetotheGulf’snorthernrimportssuchasBandar

AbbasandBandarLingah(Davidson2007,34).Theemirate’scommitmenttofree

tradecapitalismexpandedinthe1970swiththedevelopmentoflargefree-trade

zones.

3)ThepoliticalindependenceoftheGulfstates(forinstance,SaudiArabiain

1932,U.A.E.in1971)coincidedroughlywiththediscoveryofoil(1938inSaudi

Arabia,1958inAbuDhabi,1966inDubai).HistorianRogerOwenhasfurthernoted

thatoil’sdiscovery“servedtoreinforce[existingpatternsofrule]byunderpinninga

systemofinterlockinginterests,privileges,andmonopolies”thatstructuredGulf

stategovernance(Owen2008,3).Paternalisticformsofgovernancethusenduredin

theregion,inpart,asaconsequenceofoilproduction.Discretegovernmental

bureaucraciessuchasdefenseandreligiousadministrationarealignedvertically

andcentrallythroughtheruler.IncomefromoilrentsallowedtheGulfleadersto

strategicallyavoidhorizontalalliancesandpartnerships(Hertog2010,10-13).A

further“clientizationofsociety”(Cammettetal.2015,329)istheneffectedintwo

ways.A)Throughkafāla,citizensleveragetheirstatusinordertosponsornon-

citizens’workpermits.B)Nativeworkersdevelopasenseofentrepreneurialspirit

inwork(Kanna2011).

Iargue,asotheranthropologistshaverecently,thattheexperienceofforeign

workersinDubaiisbestcapturedviaafourthcomponentassociatedwithneoliberal

259

projects:theroleoftherationalself-discipliningsubject.NehaVorasuggeststhat

AsianworkersinDubaiareespecially“governedbydisciplinarypractices,”inwhich

theyarecompelledto“policetheirbehaviorandspeech,”andindoingso“perform”

citizenshipandforgebelonginginDubai(Vora2013,3-4,47).Herinterpretation

inflectsanotionofgovernmentasthatwhichtranscendsthepoliticalsphere.In

developingthisnotion,usuallytranslatedas“theartofgovernment,”or

“governmentality,”MichelFoucaultdrewonRenaissance-eracritiquesof

Machiavelli’snotionof“transcendental”politicalpowerinThePrince.Inparticular,

Foucaulthighlightsthe“upwardanddownwardcontinuity”between

thegovernmentofoneself,whichfallsundermorality;theartofproperlygoverningafamily,whichispartofeconomy;andfinally,the“scienceofgoverningwell”thestate,whichbelongstopolitics.(Foucault2009,132)

LikeVora,AhmedKannasuggeststhatpoliticalpowerinGulfstatesoperateas

“disciplinarypower,”inwhichAsianexpatriatesinDubaiarenotmerely“passive

objects:”“SouthAsianexpatriatesappropriatestate-producedneoliberal

constructionsofDubaiandremaketheirplaceinthecityassimultaneouslyagentive

andsystematicallyoppressed”(Kanna2011,16).BothKannaandVoraemphasize

thespiritanddisciplineassociatedwithentrepreneurismintheGulf,anddrawon

AihwaOng’sworkinSoutheastAsia,inwhichshesuggests,herselfbuildingon

Foucault:

“Neoliberalrationality…furnishestheconceptsthatinformthegovernmentoffreeindividualswhoaretheninducedtoself-manageaccordingtomarketprinciplesofdiscipline,efficiency,andcompetitiveness.”(Ong2006,4)

260

Inthisway,neoliberalforcesnotonlyaimtocultivatefreemarkets,butalsorational

subjectsandmarketactors.

Myresearchparticipants—mostlySouthAsianmenlaboringinDubai’s

growthsectors—oftendescribedtheir“feeling”forlivingandworkinginDubaias

“majbūrī,”whichcantranslateascompulsionoroppression,andwhichreflectsa

particularrelationshiptoneoliberalstate.AsIbegantodescribeinmyintroduction

tothisdissertation,andwithrespecttoaccountinginChapter4,majbūrīispartly

thenecessitytoworkandsendmoneyhometosupporttheirfamilies.Majbūrīalso

expressesthefeelingofhavingtolivecarefullywithinstrictrules,lawsandnorms—

oftentypifiedinourconversationsrelatedtoroadrules—setbythegovernment

andenforcedbypolice.Inanfurtherexampleofmigrantlifeinrelationtoroad

rules,IoncewalkedwithNadimonafamiliarroutebetweenthecentral

imāmbārgāhtohisworkcampaccommodation:a20minutes-longwalk.Iobserved

agapintheoncomingtrafficasweapproachedonemainroad,andbegantorush

across.Nadimsuddenlystoppedme,andthenconfrontedmefornotcrossingatthe

designatedcrosswalk,whichwasashortwalkfurtheralongtheroad.“Wemust

followtherulesofDubai,”heexplainedtomeaswewalkedtogethertowardthe

pedestriancrossing.IgesturedtowardafewotheryoungAsianmenandwomen

whoappearedatthatmomenttobewalkingacrosstheboulevardatasectionaway

fromthecrosswalk.IalsomentionedthatIfrequentlycrossedwithoutseekingthe

crosswalk.Hesuggestedthatthe“rules”mightapplydifferentlyforsomeoneofmy

background:aWesterner.ButasanAsianmigrant,hecouldnotaffordtotakethe

chance.

261

ThatNadimbelievedAsiansweremorelikelyandfrequentlytargetedby

policeforpublicinfractions(suchasjaywalking)thanWhiteAnglosandEuropeans

reflectsinparttheneoliberalsenseofrationalself-governance,inwhichthestate

determinescertainindividualsandcommunitiestobenaturallyundisciplined,

deviant,andirrational.Forinstance,theU.S.StateDepartmentpublishesadvice

intendedforAmericanstravelingabroad,whichreinforcespopularassumptions—

whichIexploredinthepreviouschapter—of“Asianmigrants”as“highly

concentrated”andpronetocriminality:

Reportedcrimes,toincludehomicides,tendtobewithintheexpatriatepopulation,whichispredominatelyAsianandSouthAsian.Reportingindicatesthatmosttakeplaceintheworkcamps.77Themajorityofcrimeiscenteredinhighconcentrationsoflowincomecontainingtemporarylaborersoriginatingfrompersonnelfromthirdcountrynations.78Theexpatriateworkforceconsistspredominantlyofsinglemen.Therehavebeenreportedcasesofsexualassaultorsexualharassmentofwomen,includingAmericans.79

Thearchetypeofthedeviant,undisciplined,evenlecheroussingleAsianmanasa

socialproblemintheGulfisencapsulatedinthefigureofthe“bachelor”inDubai

(seefurtherSarmadi2013).InthediscourseoftheShiarecordingstudioinDubai,I

foundthisconceptiontobealsoreflectedindescriptionsofUrduspeechaswā‘z̤īor

“loud”and“coarse”—asIdevelopfurtherinmydiscussionofpitchneartheendof

thischapter.

77U.S.DepartmentofState.2013.UnitedArabEmirates2013CrimeandSafetyReport:AbuDhabi.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=1388678U.S.DepartmentofState.2012.UnitedArabEmirates2012CrimeandSafetyReport:Dubai.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=1211979U.S.DepartmentofState.2012.UnitedArabEmirates2012CrimeandSafetyReport:AbuDhabi.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=12117

262

Generally,suchneoliberalmarketsdisenfranchiseworkersbya)

perpetuatingasystemofglobaleconomywherebythecoreadvancesbyextracting

cheaplaborandresourcesfromthedevelopingperiphery(attheexpenseofthe

periphery)andb)denyingthemformalbelonginginthecapitalistorrentierclass,

throughtheinstitutionofnon-citizenship.Tothisextentneoliberalforcesare

consideredaproblem—aformofdiminishment—especiallyfor(foreign)working

classes.Yetthischapteraimstoillustratehowtheneoliberalvaluesofself-discipline

andrestraintoverlapwiththespecifictechniquesofstudiorecordingofShia

commemorationpoetry.IfindthatShiaperformerscreativelyrepurposethe

neoliberalimperativetoself-discipline,particulartoDubai’seconomicenvironment,

inawaythatisconsistentwithrecordingtechniques,andthuswiththetechniques

ofefficaciousreligiousritual.Inantherway,theenvironmentthuscreatesthe

potentialfortheenrichmentoftheformsofminorityreligiousactivitiesthatvarious

restrictionsinDubai(ofnoise,forinstance)aredesignedtosuppress.Exploring

religious“sites,”suchasnōḥarecordingstudios,thatpreservethecultivated

“serenity”ofthepublicenvironmentallowsustoconsidertheworkof“soft”

technologiesofstategovernance:technologiesthatforcerecitersofpoetryto

cultivatedisciplinedvocalandbodilyperformance,asIdescribefurtherbelow.

Fromtheperspectiveofstateregulationofpublicspace,soundandnoise

productionsposeparticularchallenges.InDubai,thischallengeisnotonlya

functionofhighlydiffuseandmulti-directionalcharacterofsoundwaveradiationin

general,butspecificallyoftheconflictbetweensoundregulationandthe

technologiesandlogicofvisualsurveillance.“Security”stateslikeDubairelyon

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ocular-centricapparatusesforinternalregulation—forinstance,viasurveillance

cameras,asIdiscussedfurtherinthepreviouschapter—andthisimpactsthespatial

designofthecity.Forexample,theprototypical“Islamiccity”inSouthAsiaandSub-

SaharanAfricafeatures“narrow”and“convolutedstreetplans”asasecurity

measureandmeansofprotectingthegendereddomesticspaces(Abu-Lughod1987,

160-161).Thisdesignempowerslocalstoregulatesecuritybymore-easily

identifyingandinterrogating“outsiders”(169,172).Dubai,rather,featuresopen

publicspacesdesignedtowelcomeoutsidersandencourageglobalcommerce.Such

designsincludethecavernousspacesofgrandioseshoppingmalls,andthelong

wideboulevardsofDubai,thatspanparalleltothestraightcoastlineoftheArabian

Gulf.Bothdesigntypescreateunencumberedvistaswell-suitedtovisualrecord

keeping,reinforcingavisual-centricapproachtoboththecity’sdesignandinternal

regulation.

Thelogicoftheregulationofnoiseandsound—thatis,viacontainmentand

theconstructionofwalls,asIshowbelow—confoundstheexerciseofvisualrecord-

keepingandsurveillance.Similarly,theneedtocreateunencumberedlines-of-sight

conflictswiththeneedtoconstructsoundbarriers.Notably,bothformsof

regulation—soniccontainmentandvisualsurveillance—functiontocontrolthe

foreignpopulation.Strikingabalancebetweenvisualopennessandsonicenclosureis

anabidingregulatorychallengeforthestateinDubai,inlightofalargeforeign

populationthatthreatenstoerode“Gulf”values,asIdescribedinChapter4.I

supposethattheconflictinglogicslendasenseofurgencytobothformsof

regulatoryexercise.

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Religioussoundsandcolonial/post-colonialstates

Globalhistoriesofnoiserecordtwomajordevelopmentsofthe“modern”era.

Industrializationusheredinmechanicalnoise,especiallyincities.Aninfluential

futuristmanifesto—whichpredictedtheriseofthe20thcenturyavant-gardein

Westernmusic—supposessuchnoisesrepresentaproliferationor“multiplication”

ofmusicalsounds.Aroundthesametime,thedevelopmentofelectronic

amplificationtechnologiessuchastheloudspeakercreatedanewrangeof“impulse”

noise:sporadic,unpredictable,unruly“sharpsounds”suchaspoppingandhissing,

anddistortion“feedback”sounds,associatedwithamplificationandsound-

reproductionitself.Theaggregationofthesenoisestogetherinspacemarkatipping

pointinthe“natural”balancebetween“man-made”soundsandallothersounds,

HillelSchwartzsuggests:

Acrossthelasttwothousandyears,humankindonoccasionhasmatchedthevolumeoftherestofthenaturalworld.Acrossthelasttwohundredwehaveregularlysurpasseditateverypointalongthespectrum:sirensandsteamwhistlesonthehighend,morepiercingthanscreechofparrotsorshriekofsandstorm;klaxonsandloudspeakersatmidpoint,howlingabovewolvesandhighwinds;supersonicjetsandnuclearexplosionsonthelowend,boomingabovecalvingglaciers.(Schwartz2011,37)

Alongthishistoryoftheevolutionofnoise,Schwartzalsomapsanemergentprocess

whereby,overtime,peoplecametoperceivenoiseasubiquitous.

Inparticular,postcolonialurbanenvironmentsincubateawidevarietyofthe

typesofnoiseRussoloandSchwartzidentify,andfostertheirintermixing.

Expressiveformstransformastheydiffusethroughtheseindustrialand

amplificationalnoisescapes.BrianLarkinhaspresentedaspectsofurbanlifein

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Nigeriathatresonatewith,andareresonantin,thecirculationofvideomedia.He

argues,forinstance,thatthedegenerationofthesoundandimagequalityof

Nigerianvideofilmsthroughpiracycreateasonicbackdroptothepervasive

infrastructuralfailures(poweroutages,forinstance)ofthepost-colonialoil-rich

state(Larkin2008,61-62).NaveedaKhanhasdemonstratedhowtheaẕānin

Lahore,PakistanexceedsrecommendedlimitssetbytheWHO(WorldHealth

Organization),posingaproblemforenvironmentalregulationmethodologiesthat

riskclassifyingtheaẕānasnoise(asopposetomeaningfulreligiousspeech),

undifferentiatedfromhigh-decibeltrafficnoise,forinstance(Khan2011,585-586).

ErnstKarel’sworkonthesoundscapeofSouthIndiantempletownsexploresthe

fluidintermixingofreligioussoundingswithtrafficnoise(Karel2013).

Iarguethattheexamplesaboveunderscoreakinshipbetweena)religious

expressiveandsonicformsinpublic,andb)otherformsofurbanclamor,in

postcolonialurbanenvironmentssuchasIndiaandPakistan.Whilepublicreligious

ritualsmaybecomethesubjectsofstateconcernforavarietyofreasons,their

“impact”onoutsideentitiesis“muted”totheextenttowhichsuchrituals“resonate”

withambientanddiversenon-religiousurbannoises.Ifurtherwishtoarguethat

thiskinshipwasforged,inpart,inthesonicenvironmentsoflatecolonialstates,as

theexampleofIndiainparticularreveals.Specifically,whilereligiouspubic

soundingssuchastheaẕānwherenottreatedasunwanted“noise”incolonial

records,examplesaboundinwhichbothreligiousandnon-religiouspublicsounds

werebothconstruedasformsofagitationandthreatstopublicorder.

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Inrelationtoreligioussounds,NaveedaKhan,forinstance,citesevidenceof

aẕānpracticesthatantagonizedSikhneighborsinLahoreinthelate1930s,andof

Hindumusicperformednearmosquesviewedas“intolerable”bysomelocal

Muslims,aboutwhichredressandregulationswassoughtfromthegovernment

(Khan2011,578-580;seealsoDatta1999).Furtherexamplesshowhow

commemorationritualsduringMuharramsparkedcommunalriots,promptinga

colonialstateresponsethatincludedthecreationofnewlawsandtheseparationof

competingritualeventsalongcommunallines.InLucknow,between1907-1908,

andagainin1930s,Shiaritualssuchasachantinginpublicparadesduring

MuharramhelpedsparkedSunni-Shiariots.Thestate’sresponse—issuingnew

regulationstoseparateShiaandSunnipubliceventsduringthistimeframe—ispart

ofthebroaderspiritofBritishcolonialgovernanceto“control”colonialsubjectsvia

their“classification,”ShereenIlahi(2007,189-191)hasargued.Similarly,recordsin

late1880sMumbaireflectgrowingtensionsbetweenShiaMuslimsandHindus,the

latterwho“noisily”participatedinMuharramprocessionsbyactingas“man-tigers”

and“buffoons,”beating“tom-toms”and“frighteningpeople.”SubsequentHindu-

Shiariotswererecordedin1893,afterwhichHinduleadersformedacompeting

GaneshfestivalconcurrentwithMuharram,andpoliceadoptedanewpolicytoonly

grantMuharramprocessionlicensestoMuslims.Hinduparticipantsconceivedthe

newGaneshfestivalasanopportunitytosimultaneouslychallenge“British

authorityandtheMuslimcommunity”(Nejad2015,93-97).

Paralleltotherole,notedincolonialrecords,ofreligioussonicproductions

toinstigateorportenddiscordisananxietyaboutotherformsofIndian“noise”as

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threateningtolateBritishrule,andapotentialsignalofdiscontent.Forinstance,

WilliamMazzarellahasdescribedthedesireofBritishadministratorstoincorporate

cinema-going,beginninginthe1920s,intoits“civilizingmission”forIndia,whileat

thesametimeconfrontingcinema’sappealtothe“savagesensorium”ofthe

“uncivilized,”anditsconnectiontothe“culture-mobilizingvernacularprotests”

unfoldingacrossIndiaatthetime.ConcernsthatBritishwomenmaybecomeobjects

ofsexualadvances,forinstance,seemsenfoldedintoanxietiesaboutthe(largely

male)Indianaudiences’reaction“kissing”inHollywoodfilmsshownatcinemas:

sceneswhichelicit“screechesandhowls,”“hissingandjeering,”“catcallsand

exclamation,”“hooting,”“shoutingandAh-ahing”(14-15).BrianLarkinalsochartsa

genealogyofstateconcernoverthe“excesses”producedandallowedbythe

cinema—the“assemblageofbuiltspace,film,andsocialpractice”—especially

“mixed-sexactivities”andprostitution(Larkin2008,1-2).Thedouble-edged

potentialofcinematographictechnologiestobothbeadisciplinaryforce,andto

generateexcessesthatnecessitateexternalregulations,isalsoreflectedinJonathan

Sterne’sseminalculturalhistoryofsoundreproductiontechnologies.Whilethe

developmentofsoundreproductiontechnologiesinthenineteenthcenturyindexed

inpartamoderndesiretotamenatureandnaturalsound,heargues,noise

regulationsinthetwentiethcenturyinturnaimedtoregulateexcessesofthose

sonicreproductions(Sterne2003).

Roadsareanothersitetoseethis“double-edged”potentialoftechnological

development:tobe,ontheonehand,arationalizingforce,butalsotoenablenew

activitiesthatpromptfreshconcernsandnecessitatespecialnewregulations.Inan

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earlyexample,RanajitGuhaconveysoneBritishresident’saccountofthe“public

mood”inanorthIndiancitypriortothe1857Mutiny.Theaccountdescribeshow

sepoys(Indiansoldiers)had“thrownofftheircustomaryquietandrespectful

behavior…paradedthepublicroadsinparties…singingatthehighestpitchoftheir

unmelodiousvoices,heedlessofwhoheardthem”(Guha1999,39).Suchnoises

madeinpublic,inotherwords,werepartofactivitiesdeemedinsubordinateof

Britishrule,andcountertothe“self-imposedrestraints”theBritishexpectedfrom

Indians:“Crowdedstreets,noisysinging,“angryscowlsandhaughtyair”were…

suspectintheeyesofthosewhohadthemosttobenefitfromdeference,”Guha

writes(40).

FollowingPascalMenoret,InotedinChapter1howtheconstructionof

modernroadsinSaudiArabia,aftera1973oilmarketboom,wereconceivedbothto

“pushaside”natureandaidthestate’s“disciplinarymechanism”tosuppress

protest.Confoundingintentions,MenoretdefinestheengagementofSaudiyouthsin

joyridingasatypeofpoliticalprotestenabledbytheroadinfrastructureitself

(Menoret2014,8,12).Theconundrummirrorsaspectsoflatecolonial

administrationanddevelopmentofurbanIndia,inwhichroadsbotha)enablefree-

flowing“patternsofcommerceandcirculation”andb)signal“afractured,disputed

modernityandaloomingpotentialfordisorder”(Arnold2012,120).Colonial

recordsincludeevocativeaccountsofurbannoisefromCalcutta,oneofwhich

evokesthetensionbetweenalostsenseof“peace,”perhapsnowconsignedtothe

“slow,orderlypace—eventheinnocence—ofvillagelife”(122):

inthemidstofababelofshoutingandnoisesfromhumans,enginesandmotors,pantingcooliesstaggerundergreatbales,goods-trains

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shuntonsidings,motor-lorrieslumberthroughthe[dock]gates,Fordcarsandbullock-cartsbumpandjerkovertheunevenground.HereisnoneoftheimaginedEasternpeaceandleisure.(126)

Inarelatedexample,aformerBritisharmyofficer,writingabouthisexperiencesin

thelastyearsofBritishrulein1946-1947,lamentsCalcutta’s“dystopiantraffic”asa

“signifierforimminent(ifnotactual)disorder”and“epithetforaonce-orderlyRaj”

(127).

Thesevariousexamplesofreligiousandnon-religioussonicproductionsin

publicspacesshareacharacterrelatedtotheirdefianceofcolonialruleandpublic

order.Theirproliferationandimbricationtogetherinmodernpost-colonialurban

environmentsis,Iargue,alegacyofthissharedtensionwithcolonialrule.Giventhe

burdeninDubaitoa)createanenvironmentconducivetofreetradeand

unencumberedcirculationofgoods,andb)carefullymanageamajorityforeign-

bornAsianpopulation,theDubaistatecomestoresemblecolonialstate:a

“throwbacktoan‘Orient’thatisnolongerpossibleelsewhere”(Kanna2011,3).The

needtopreservefreetradewhilemanagingaforeignpopulationcompelsthestate

tostrictlyregulatethepublicsphere(Davidson2008a,143),andconsequently,to

carefullyregulatepublicnoise.

NoiseregulationandinteriorityinDubai

TheWorldHealthOrganization’sguidetoregulationssuggestthat

“developing”worldpublicnoiselevelsarehigherthanindevelopedregions,and

thatnoiseregulationcomestobeconsideredanenvironmentalregulation“luxury”

forstates(Berglundetal.1999,iii).Theguidealsodefinesnoiseintermsofdecibel-

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levelsthatareinjurioustohealth,butacknowledgesthat“noise”isdetermined

throughassessmentsofsoundas“unwanted.”Theregulationcodeonnoisein

Dubai,enforcedbytheDubaiMunicipality,importsthelanguageandlogicofthe

WHOprescriptions,whileemphasizingpropernoise“containment”techniques.

Consider,forinstance,thelanguageofoneregulation:“Acousticbarriersorwalls

shouldbeconstructedwhennoisecannotbesufficientlyreducedbycarefulsitingof

noisesources.”80Theregulationsalsoinvokethesensitivityofreligioussites,partly

aconcerngiventheimperativetoprotectthesocialenvironmentofArabiaasthe

seatofglobalIslam:thehomeofMeccaandMedina.Anotherregulationdescribes

how:

Anytypeofconstructionordemolitionactivitiesevenifonlyforrelativelyshortperiodsmaysignificantlygeneratehighlevelsofnoisethatcancausedisturbancestoitssurroundingsinanyadjacentsensitivereceptorsorpremisessuchasresidential,hospital,schools,mosque,andsimilarbuildings.81

Thelogicofcarefulseatingandcontainmentofnoisesources,inlightof“sensitive

receptors,”guidestheEmirates’approachtoregulatingindustrialnoise.By

extension,itinformshowShialeadersdesignimāmbārgāhsinDubai,andhowpolice

interveneatgatherings.

AsImentionedabove,andinotherchapters,myinformantstalkedabout

ShiaexperienceinDubaiasstructuredbypābandī,or“restriction,”(fromSanskrit

Pratibandh)aconceptrootedintheEnglishnotionofbeing“bound”orenclosed.In

thiscontext—inparticular,asthecitydevelops—unwantedsourcesofnoise,

80DubaiMunicipality.2011.RequirementsfortheReductionofConstructionandDemolitionNoise.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:https://www.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/50bb9616-d361-43f7-bbfe-2bd930526fd7/TG9.pdf?MOD=AJPERES81ibid.

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includingShiapractices,areforcedinward,orareisolatedoutward:behindwalls

andindoors—orthroughcarefulseatingoutward—inawaythatmirrorstherules

forsituatingandenclosingconstructionsitesbehindsoundbarriers.Iarguethatthe

compartmentalizationandisolationofShiaritualsconstrictsparticipants’

opportunitytoreachandinfluenceoutsiders—toeffectivelyprotestthetreatment

ofHussain’sfactionatKarbala—butretainstheopportunityfortheirreligious

developmentasShiapractitioners,viathelogicsofindoorritualperformance,and

toreachothersviarecordingsthatcirculatewidelyoutsideDubai.

Containmentandisolationofmigrantlife

Inoteavarietyofexamplesfrommyfieldworkthatindicatehowbotha)

migrantactivitiesassociatedwithliving,play,andintimacy,andb)large-scale

religiousactivitiestocommemorateShiamartyrdombecomeoutwardlyisolatedor

inwardlycontained,asaconsequenceofpublicspaceregulations,construction

designs,andcreativeconfigurationsofspace.InDecember2010andJanuary2011,I

attendedlargeMuharrammajlisesorganizedinthecity-centerofAbuDhabi,Dubai’s

neighbortotheeast.IncontrasttoDubai’surban“sprawl,”themajorityofAbu

DhabicityliesconcentratedonanislandjustoffthemainlandintheArabianSea.

Organizersofthemajliseshadconvertedaparkinglot,nearamajorshoppingcenter

andlinedbyhigh-risebuildingsontwosides,intoanoutdoorassemblyarea.A

roughlyseven-footblacktarphadbeenerectedaroundtheperimeter,toinsulate

thespace.Therecitationsandsermons,loudandhighlyamplified(thoughnot

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overpoweredordistorted),echoedoffthenearbybuildings,whichincludedahotel

andhospital.

Threeyearslater,severalinformantsinDubaitoldmethatthesitehadbeen

forcedtorelocate.Themunicipalgovernmenthadgrantedthejamā‘tcommitteea

desertland-plotjustoutsideofthecityfortheonce-yearlyMuharramgatherings,

commemoratingthedeathanniversaryofImamHussain.Whereatemporarywall

hadnotfunctionedasanadequateacousticbarrier,a“carefulsitting”ofthenoise

awayfromreverberationsandsensitivereceptorswasenforced.

InDubai,Itrackedworkersinmyresearchwholivedindistantsettlements

attheedgeofthecity,whosepresencetherereflecteddynamicdemographicshifts

followingDubai’s2009realestatemarketcrash.Inthe2000s,demographicstudies

indicatedagrowingpopulationofworkingAsian“migrants”incitycenterareasof

Dubai—offsetbyalso-growing“laborcamps”atremotedesertlocations—andthe

consequentshiftofthelocalpopulationtothe“suburbs.”Tocounterthegrowing

dominanceofexpatriateworkersinthesecitycenterareas,stateauthorities

attemptedtodiscourageroom-sharinginvillas—thetypeoflivingarrangementfor

Kadirandhisgroup—byissuingevictions(Elsheshtawy2010,214,219).The2009

marketcollapsecreatednewopportunitiesforexpatriateworkers—includingLatif

andhisemployeesandafewfriends,whosharedaflattogetherintheInternational

Citydevelopment—tofindcheaperrentsatadistancefromthecity.

Reflectingonthefateofthatdevelopment,onejournalist-researcher

describedInternationalCityasDubai’smost“ham-fisted”attempttobolsterits

“globalmetropolis”self-image.Designedasaseriesoftencountry-themedmixed

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residential-commercial“clusters”—including“England,”“Russia,”“Italy,”“Spain,”

“France,”“Greece,”“Persia,”“China,”“Morocco,”and“Emirates”—thedeveloper

Nakheel“encouraged”nationalsfromthosecountriesto“buyorrentintheir

nationalsection”(Brook2014,378).Finishedinphasesbetween2006-2008,the

developmentfailedtoattractsuchadiverseforeignpopulation,andby2011news

reportschronicledthecomplaintsofsome“residents”thatan“invasion”ofAsian

bachelorsthatweredrivingout“families.”82Bythistime,thedevelopmenthad

alreadybeencriticizedinnewsreportsforshoddyconstructionandplumbing

issues.83Despitethesechallengesandthelongdrivetoandfromthecity,Latif

appreciatedthelowerrentsandthebetteracceptanceofroomsharing;heshared

hisone-bedroomapartmentwitheightotherroommates.Hemadethehalf-hour’s

drivemostThursdaystovisittheimāmbārgāhincentralDubai.WhenIvisitedhim

andhiscolleaguesonoccasionalFridays,Iwouldtakethemetrotraintoitslaststop,

wherehewouldpickmeupinhiscar.Wewouldthendrivethefinal10minutesto

thedevelopment.

Despitesomehighprofilecoverageinthenewsmedia,partlybasedonan

official“onevilla,onefamily”campaignoftheDubaiMunicipalitybegunin2008,84a

varietyofmyresearchinformantslivedinsharedvillaroomsintheareanearthe

82Hilotin,Jay.2011.“InternationalCity:Squalortownship.”GulfNews,February24.Availableonline[accessedJan20,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/property/international-city-squalor-township-1.76673883Naylor,Hugh.2010.“InternationalCityawashinsewage.”TheNational,May3.Availableonline[accessedJan20,2016]:http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/environment/international-city-awash-in-sewage84Ferris-Lay,Claire.2008.“Powerbeingcutfrom20villasperdayincampaign.”ArabianBusiness,Dec17.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://www.arabianbusiness.com/power-being-cut-from-20-villas-per-day-in-campaign-41832.html

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ShiaimāmbārgāhincentralDubai.85Furthermore,withrisingrentsin2012,the

practiceof“partitioning”spaceswithinavillaseemedtoincrease.86Newsmedia

reports,thenandnow,oftencharacterizethesepracticesasatypeofrenters’

resourcefulness.Inanefforttooffsethighrentcosts,newsstoriesdetailhow

renters—typicallyAsian—willsubdividesspaceintheirapartmentusingavailable

materials—drywall,plywood,curtains,evencabinetry—andthensubletthe

partitionedspaces.87

Asresidentsandrental-housingseekers,variousinformantsandIengaged

thismarketfirst-hand.Oneinformant,abarbernamedNafeez,oncetookmeinmid-

summertoviewvacantfor-rent“partitions”intheresidentialareaaroundthe

centralimāmbārgāh.LikeKadirandhisteam,Nafeezlivedinasingle-storyvilla,ina

roompartitioned-offononeormoresidesbythindrywall.Hehadencouragedmeto

trytolivenearhim,inthiscentralareaofShiaactivity,andhesupposedaffordable

optionswouldbeavailable.Weviewedonesuchlivingspace,whichcompriseda

longnarrowpartitioned-offareawithaslopingceilingcreatedbyadescending

85NewsreportscitedasimilarandmorerecentcampaigninAbuDhabi,withamoreexplicittitle:“SayNotoBachelorsThrongingResidentialNeighbourhoods–TogetherweEnsureSuperiorLifeforResidents.”See,Sankar,Anjana.2014.“‘Saynotobachelors’campaigninAbuDhabi.”GulfNews,Aug20.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/general/say-no-to-bachelors-campaign-in-abu-dhabi-1.137435186Kannan,Preeti.2012.“Villa-sharecrackdownasDubairentsrise.”TheNational,July17.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/villa-share-crackdown-as-dubai-rents-rise87Dhal,Sharmila.2013.“SoaringUAErentspushresidentsintobedspaces.”GulfNews,Aug21.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/general/soaring-uae-rents-push-residents-into-bed-spaces-1.1222814.Seealso:AlSerkal,Mariam.2014.“ViolationsforflatsharinginUAEonrise.”GulfNews,Jan16.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://gulfnews.com/news/uae/violations-for-flat-sharing-in-uae-on-rise-1.1278237.Nair,Deepthi.2015.“Whentenantsactaslandlords.”KhaleejTimes,Oct9.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://www.khaleejtimes.com/business/real-estate/when-tenants-act-as-landlords.

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staircaseabove.Heseemeddisappointed,andwegaveupthesearchsoon

thereafter.

Ingeneral,Iseepartitioningasacreativepracticeofinteriorspace-usethat

workstoovercometheeconomicconstraintsofahigh-pricedhousingmarket.

PartitioningisviewedasanillegalpracticebytheDubaiMunicipality,88undesirable

totheextentthatitdisplacesfamilies,createsamale-dominatedpublicspaces,and

diminishesthediversityofresidentialneighborhoods.Still,Iarguethattheiterative

segmentationofspaceisapracticethatperpetuatesthecompartmentalizationof

migrantlifeinDubai,andisthusconsistentwiththeimperativesofnoise-

containmentandvisualsurveillanceinpublicspaceinDubai.Forms,instantiations,

andmodesofexpressionofmigrantlifeininteriorspacesaremultipliedasan

outcomeofthesepartitioningpractices.

Incaseswherepracticesarenotadequatelyorfeasiblycontained,asinthe

caseofthelargeoutdoormajlisinAbuDhabi,whichIdescribedabove,theyare

oftenisolatedoutward,Ifind.Practicesofhomeandroomsharing,forinstance,

forcecertainprivateandintimateactivitiesintosecludedpublicspacesoutsidethe

home.Inotedthroughmyresearch,forexample,howcertainactivitiesatpublic

beacheswerealternatelyrestrictedorallowedatdifferenttimesofday.During

daytimehours,Inotedbeacheswerepatrolledbypolicemen,whosometimesacted

undercoveranddressedasbeach-goersthemselves.Duringthesetimes,singlemen

88Municipalitybylaws,forinstance,includeprovisionsforgrantandcancellingpermitsfor“groupoccupation”buildings.DubaiMunicipality.2003.“LocalOrderNo.11:PublicHealthandSafetyoftheSocietyintheEmirateofDubai.”Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:http://login.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/aaf4063b-9372-455a-9562-5b3707b7db5c/Local+Order+No++%2811%29+of+2003+Concerning+Public+Health+and+Safety+of+the+Society+in+the+Emirate+of+Dubai.pdf?MOD=AJPERES

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dressedinstreetclotheswererestrictedfromenteringthebeach,whilefamiliesand

appropriatelybeach-cladsingleswereallowed.Atnight,Inotedonafewvisitshow

beachesattractclandestinelovers:thosewhoseekintimacywhichcanbeachieve

neitherinpublicnorprivate,duetoroomsharing.

Inresearch,IdevelopedarelationshipwithNafeez(whoIfirstintroducedin

Chapter3)andafewofhisfriends,whowerebarbersemployedatashopadjacent

totheShiamosquecentraltotheUrdu-speakingcommunity.Nafeezwasinhislate

twenties,unmarried,andanativetoRawalpindiwhereheispartofanon-Sayyid

caste.ComparedtootherswithwhomIworkedinDubai,Nafeezandhisfriends

more-openlydiscussedtheirpursuitofintimaterelationships.Nafeez,whowas

morereservedthanhismorebrashroommatesandfriends,describedtomeona

fewoccasionshis“Filipinogirlfriend.”Hetoldmehewouldsometimesmeetherat

thebeachlateatnight.

Ononelatesummernight,after1am,IaccompaniedSaad,Nafeez,andhis

friendstothebeach.WhileSaad,Nafeez,andIsatonthebeech,wewatchedasthe

othersjoinedalargegroupofmeninthewater,playfullyinteractingandchattering.

NafeezpointedtooneFilipinocoupleinthewater,commentingtomethatthey

werehavingsex.Nafeezhadteasedonememberofthegroupforhisapparent

pursuitofsexualcontactwithmen,andnowaswewatchedasheinteractedwith

theothersinaclosegroupinthedarkwater.SaadandNafeezcontinuedtolaugh

andmadeteasingremarks.

Irelatethesevariousexamplesinthesection—oflarge-scaleMuharram

majlisesintheAbuDhabidesert,ofmigrantslivinginpartitionedspacesorin

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distantDubairesidentialdevelopments,andoflate-nightintimateandplayfulbeach

activities—toillustratehowthelogicsofspatialcontainmentandisolationapplyto

bothloudreligiousritualactivitiesandtomoremundaneformsofmigranteveryday

lifeanddowntimeactivityinandaroundDubai.

Sonicregulationsandreligioussiteconstruction

Whilereligioussiteconstructionsandpublicsonicproductionsareimmersed

inthesonicenvironmentregulatedbytheEnvironmentalPlanningandStudies

SectionoftheDubaiMunicipality,rulesdonotaddressthesestructuresand

productionsdirectly.Anotherstand-alonebody,withdualpoliticalandreligious

leadershipandtechnicallyoutsidethestructureoftheDubaiMunicipality,hassome

directoversightoverreligioussiteconstructionandreligioussonicproductions:the

IslamicAffairsandCharitableActivitiesDepartment(IACAD).Theirguidetonew

mosqueconstruction,forinstance,includestherequirementthatplannerssubmita

ten-year“Guarantyofinsulationworks,”aswellasa“Guarantyoftheelectrical

equipment”including“soundamplifiers”and“speakers.”89Thedepartmentalso

establishesmaximumdecibellevelsforrecitationsbroadcastoveroutdoor

loudspeakers,suchastheadhānandFridayprayers,andfieldsandrespondsto

complaintsaboutvolumelevelsfromthepublic.AstheGrandMuftioftheIACAD

describes,“Aathan(sic)shouldbeloudenoughtocall[Muslims]toperformtheir

89Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:http://www.iacad.gov.ae/EN/Pages/ConditionsOfBuildingNewMosque.aspx?menuid=170

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mostimportantdutyinlife,whichissalaah,orprayer….Athaanistoinformandnot

todisturb.Ifthespeakers'volumeisnotcorrectlyset,itneedstobecorrected.”90

Nonetheless,policeinterventionsatimāmbārgāhandmajlisgatherings

reflecttheguidelinesofenvironmentalregulations.One1991localorder,for

instance,enumeratesamongthosepotentialnoise-emittersworthyofcontrol“any

gatheringormeeting”atany“residentialpremisesorplaceofassembly.”91During

mytimeinDubai,policebeganenforcingcrowdcontrolafterThursdaynightmajlis

attheimāmbārgāhIfrequented,mandatingthedispersalofcrowdsfromaroundthe

gatheringsiteafter11pm.Theenforcementeffectivelyforestalledthetypeof

gatheringsthathadkeptmeupinmynorthIndianfieldworkin2008.

GiventheemphasisonindoorritualsinShiapracticeinDubai,andthe

constructionstandardsenforcedbytheIACAD,Itracehowleaders,planners,and

designersbecamepreoccupiedwithimāmbārgāhconstructioninthecommunity.

Consider,forinstance,aconversationIhadwithHamid,ayoungworkerinKadir’s

groupwhoIchronicledinChapter3.Heoncedescribedformeanimāmbārgāhhe

helpeddesignandbuild,onareturntripfromDubaitohishometowninIndia,and

showedmeaphotoofthecompletedstructure.Thepolishedwoodofthebuilding

standsincontrasttothewhitewashedpainted-cementnineteenth-century

imāmbārgāhstructuresthatdotthelandscapeinthisnorthIndianstate.Inspiration

90Huang,Carol.2011.“Mosque'sprayercallvolumetobetestedafterresidentscomplain.”TheNational,May8.Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/mosques-prayer-call-volume-to-be-tested-after-residents-complain91DubaiMunicipality.1991.“LocalOrderNo.61:OntheEnvironmentProtectionRegulationsintheEmirateofDubai.”Availableonline[accessedJan13,2016]:http://login.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/b2fa679f-23b8-4d43-b187-51505df5d021/LocalOrder61of1991English.pdf?MOD=AJPERES

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forthistypeofconstruction,Iargue,comesfromthesound-insulatingstyleof

constructionparticulartotheDubai.

Atthetimeofmyresearch,thejamā‘tcommitteeinchargeofthemain

imāmbārgāhusedbythisUrdu-speakingShiacommunityinDubaiwasconductinga

campaigntoraisemoneyforanewsoundandvideoprojectionsystem.Thiswould

beaddedtothealreadysoundproofandinsulatedimāmbārgāhstructure,which

itselfhadbeenrecentlyrenovated.Fundraisingeffortsextendedthroughthe

communityinDubai,andthroughconnectionstothebroaderKhojaShiacommunity

internationallyaswell.AsIbegantodescribeinChapter1above,theKhoja

communityareahighly-mobileout-migrantmerchantcommunity,whoare

originallynativetoGujarat.

Thewell-insulatedandwell-fundedKhojaimāmbārgāhhadareputation

amongmyresearchparticipantsforbeingsubdued.Otherolderimāmbārgāhs,

thoughlouder,stillobservedrulesandconventionsthatfitthelogicandstandardof

containment.OnesattuckedbackoffamainstreetinacentralDubaineighborhood,

beyondasmallparkinglot;asinglestorystructurethatblendswiththesurrounding

bungalows,andtheapartmentbuildingswithstreet-levelshopsthatrisearoundit.

Thereligiousstructureissignifiedbyapolerisingaboveit,cappedwithahandand

blackflag.Woodenshoerackslinetheoutsideoftheimāmbārgāh,sittingempty

duringtheday.Atnightthesurroundingbuildingscastdarkshadowsonthe

imāmbārgāh—whichclaims,inadescriptioninUrduframedonitsentrywall,tobe

theoldestinDubai.Sajdali,whoIchronicledcloselyinChapter1,mentionedtome

thatthiswastheonlypermanentimāmbārgāhwhenhemovedtoDubaiin1974.

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Thesmallparkinglotinfrontoftheimāmbārgāhopensontoanarrowand

busymarketstreet,inanareaofDubaidominatedbothbySouthAsianshopsand

residents.TheU.A.E.’sonlyHindutemple,itselfbuiltinthelate1950s,sitslessthan

onethousandfeetfromtheimāmbārgāhsite.Atnight,thebrightneonlightsof

storesandaKFCwithlargeglasswindowsatonecounterilluminatethestreet,

whichhumswiththeclamorofcarsandthevoicesofshoppersandresidentsmilling

about.Still,thisbuildingiseasytomiss,whichIsuggestispartlyaconsequenceofa

strictpolicy,inscribedontotheexteriorwallabovetheimāmbārgāh’sshoeracks,

whichreadinUrdu:imāmbārgāhkēbāharbēṭhēmana‘hē(“sittingoutsidethe

imāmbārgāhisforbidden”).Thesignensuresthatthecrowdmaynotexceedthe

narrowdoorofthemajlishall,whichnonethelessremainsopenontothedark

parkinglotarea,andawelcomingarealinedwithmats.Evenonagatheringnight,

thespaceremainsbothvisuallyconcealedandsonicallycontainedfromthenearby

marketstreet.

Anotherimāmbārgāhsitsinaresidentialareanearthesamebazaar,justoffa

six-lanemainroad.ItisconstructedininverseproportionstotheKhoja

imāmbārgāhandmostothersIvisitedinDubai,featuringasmallinteriorareaanda

largeoutdoorcourtyard.Theoutdoorareaislinedonstreet-facingsidewithahigh

cementwall,buthasnoceilingotherthanalighttarpoverhangatoneend.The

second-floorbalconiesofresidentialbuildingsacrossthestreetarevisiblefromthe

courtyardarea.Giventheorganizationofloudoutdoormātamatthissite,therituals

andstructureofthesitewouldseemtocontradictthecontainmentconventions

observedbyotherimāmbārgāhsandmajlisgatherings.

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Theimāmbārgāhissituatedaroundacornerfromtwolargehotels.Oneis

knownasasiteofprostitutes;thesidewalkspaceinfrontisflankedbywomen

standing,solicitingandbeingsolicitedbycustomers.Theotherhotelisknownfor

itsAfricandanceclub.Thepulsatingrhythmsoftheclubechomoreclearlyinthe

quieteranddarkerresidentialbackalleysbehindthehotel—theareainwhichthe

imāmbārgāhislocated—thantheydoonthemainstreet.Finallyontheother

adjacentcornerisatalldarkbuildingunderconstruction,drapedalongitssidewith

longtarps.Thesoundsofjackhammeringandclangingmachineryalsoechointhe

alleybehindtheimāmbārgāh.

Likethemajlisactivities,Inoticedthatconstructionworkatthisbuildingsite

wassuspendednightlyaround10pm,reflectingrulescontainedinthe

EnvironmentalSection’sguidelines:

Asnoisefromconstructionanddemolitionactivitiesispredominantlyimpulsiveinnature,itisprohibitedtodojackhammeringandimpactpiledrivingduringnighttimehours.92

Still,whiletheregularrhythmicclamorofmātamperformancesringoutinthearea

aroundthisimāmbārgāh,Ineverobservedpoliceinterveneorheardconcerns

voicedbyorganizersorparticipants.Inrelationtosomanyothernoiseproducersin

theenvironment,especiallythoseofsimilarpulsatingquality—thethumpingofa

nearbydanceclubandthehammeringofmachineryonmetalatanewconstruction

site—thesereligioussoundsareenfoldedintotheambientframeworkofthisareaof

Dubai.ThepermeationofthesoundofShiaritualsintoambientpublicspaceis

92DubaiMunicipality.2011.RequirementsfortheReductionofConstructionandDemolitionNoise.Availableonline[accessedMar3,2016]:https://www.dm.gov.ae/wps/wcm/connect/50bb9616-d361-43f7-bbfe-2bd930526fd7/TG9.pdf?MOD=AJPERES

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unusualfortheregion,givensomeofthehistoryIchartedabove,andtrendsof

policeenforcementInotedinfieldwork.Butopen-airmātamispreservedinthis

locationasanoutcomeofDubai’scommitmenttopromotingglobalbusiness,and

thustoacceptingcertainformsandaffectsofcosmopolitannightlife.Activitiesat

thissitethusreinforcethelinkbetweenthesurvivalofShiaritualsandpromotionof

globalcommerceintheregion.

Despitesinceredoctrinalaversionstoprostitution,music,anddancing,Shia

practitionersatthisimāmbārgāhtacitlyacceptandenfoldhotel-clubsoundsintothe

experienceofperformingreligiousrituals.Thehotelsintheareaareoftenusedas

landmarksamongmyinformants,todescribethelocationoftheseimāmbārgāhs.As

sitesforprostitutionandclub-going,theywerethesubjectofsometimes-intense

derisionandspeculationinmyconversations.Ontheonehand,thisishardly

surprising—thetensionbetweenIslamiclifeandsuchculturalpracticesasdrinking

anddancingisoftenacuteinthisregion,wherepartsoftheU.A.E.andallofSaudi

Arabiastrictlyprohibitalcoholsalesandconsumption,forinstance.Inthis

communitywhererumors,speculation,“backbiting”(ghība),andslanderagainst

fellowmembersiswidespread,speculationsandaccusationsonmemberswho

attendclubs—thatis,drinkinganddancinginpublic,ormerelybeingaroundthis—

areamongthemostominous.Nadimwouldoccasionallybroachthisissuewithme

inaformofasarcasticrepartee,andcharacteristicofinteractionsweoftenhad.

Playfullytryingtoentrapme,forinstance,hewouldsarcasticallyandoff-handedly

suggest,“oh,let’sgotoaclub,”thenwaitformyresponse.Atothertimes,others

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memberswouldslanderhimtomebysuggestingthatheattendedclubsinhisspare

time,thoughIneverhadanyreasontobelieveheactuallydid.

Theplayfullanguageaboutclub-goingcontainssinisterimplications(jokes

andrumorsaboutengaginginprostitutionhavelessseriousimplication,thoughstill

containthesenseofḥarām),andmarksclub-spacesinDubaiwithintensederision,

speculation,andanxiety.Theseareanxietiesaboutorganizingone’sselfand

maintainingself-disciplineinanenvironmentladenwithdistraction.Whiledriving

pastacemeteryonourroutebacktomeetotherfriendsafteroneThursdaynight

majlis,amidaloudconversation,onememberturnedtome:“didyousayṣalawāt[a

blessingtoAllah]uponpassingthecemetery?No?You’resupposeto.”Someinthe

carlaughed,inresponse.

Sotootheimāmbārgāhissituatedinaperfunctoryway“behindthePark

Hotel,”thoughgenerallyalsointhesoundscapeandenvironmentoftemptationand

sin(ḥarām)inDubai,especiallysurroundingdanceclubs.Thefailuretoconnectthe

languageofsinfulclub-goingtotheambientsoundsemanatingoutfromthese

nearbysites—despitetheirvisualspectacleandtheiracknowledgedlandmark

statusintheneighborhood—isanocclusionmadepossiblebythemajlis’ownsonic

force.Forparticipantsatthisimāmbārgāh,thepulsatingsoundsofthesurrounding

urbanenvironment,includingthesoundsofḥarām-activities,aretacitlyenfolded

intothesonicrangeofthereligiousritualitself.

Ethicsofvocalproduction:therecordingstudio

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InDubai,attemptsatsoundinsulationandpracticesofnestedpartitioning

becomesuperlativeinthedesignoftherecordingstudio.AsIsoughttobetter

understandtheaestheticexperienceoflaborandmigrantlifeinDubai,Ipursued

friendshipswithpoetsandrecitersthroughoutmyfifteenresearchmonthsinDubai.

IbecameclosestwithSaad,areciterfromanon-Sayyidcastewhowasbornand

raisedinLucknow,India;aplacewhereItoospentformativeyearsinthestudyof

Urdulanguageandpoeticproduction.Attimesherelatedcertaindetailsoftheplace

tome.Hesaw,forinstance,intheactivityoflate-nightswimmingonDubai’s

ArabianGulfopenbeaches,escapesofhisownintoGomptiRiverasachild,learning

toswim.

WhenImethim,Saadwasinhismid-twentiesandunmarried.Hehadcome

toDubaifiveyearspriortoworkasasalesman.WemetinDecemberoutsidethe

Shiamosque,justashewaspromotinganewalbumofmusicvideorecordingsof

Shiapraiseandmourningpoetry.HeplayedtheDVDformeandsomeofhisolder

PakistaniShiafriendsintheirbarbershopnearthemosque.Thehigh-qualityvideo

imagesfeaturedhimperformingmātamwhilereciting,andgesticulatingalongwith

thestory,interspersedwithdarkandfierystillimagesofabstractscenesfromthe

livesoftheImams.BythefollowingSeptember,hehadsavedenoughmoneyofhis

ownfromhisjobinSharjah,asasalesmaninajewelryshop,andhadraisedsome

fromfriendsandpatronsinDubaiandbackhomeinIndia,toreturntothestudioto

recordanewalbumofnōḥē.

ThestudioSaadused,asIlearnedovermyfirstdaysattendinghisrecording

sessions,hadbeenestablishedandwasoperatedbyanotheryoungmemberofthe

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ShiacommunityinDubai,whoI’llcallGulamAli.Gulamwasinhislatetwentiesand

amemberoftheKhojacommunityandwasamanagerataglobalDubai-basedfirm

inthemetaltradeindustry.LikemanyothersofhisgenerationfromtheKhoja

communityinDubai,GulamwasborninDubai,thoughheandhisfamilyretained

theircitizenshipinTanzania.HehadawifeandtwoyoungchildreninDubai,andhe

spokeEnglish,Arabic,andUrdueachwithnativefluency.

Gulam’srecordingstudioislocatedjustovertheDubaiborderinthenearby-

EmirateSharjah.Heconstructeditinsideasmallone-bedroomapartmentina

multistorycomplex,accessedbyasandyunpavedroadjustoffthemainDubai-

Sharjahhighway.Hehadconvertedthemainlivingroomareaintowhathecalleda

“videoroom,”withagreenscreenatoneend,infrontofdrywallthoroughly

coveringwindows.Itwasaspaceheusedtovideorecordthereciter,inorderto

makeaccompanyingvideosforrecitations.Hehadpartitionedthebedroomintothe

audiorecordingstudio,aspacethatwasfurtherpartitionedinhalfbyawallwitha

largewindowinitscenter.The“recordist”satononesidewhiletheperformer

recitedfromtheotherside.Theglassedwindowbetweenthemwasabit

haphazardlylainandfixedinplace,suchthatitoncecamecrashingdownontothe

recordingequipmentduringasession,onerecordisttoldmeonthesecondday.

Nonetheless,theareaoccupiedbythereciterissoundproofed—toavoid“annoying

theneighbors”—whiletherecordist’sarea,whereIsatduringrecordings,couldnot

containtheplaybackoverthespeakers,Gulamexplainedtome.Thus—inthespirit

ofnoise/soundconcentration—therecordistsusedheadphones.

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Therecordingspaceofacousticdeadness93andslapstick(andslapdash)

structuralbreakdownisalsoonemarkedbyaspecterofinternmentanddeath.For

instance,Saad’sprimaryrecordistfortheinitialsessionsoftheprojecttoldmea

storyonenightduringabreakintherecordingsession.Datuwasaclosefriendof

Saad(whoIfirstintroducedinChapter1),andwasamemberoftheKhoja

communitywithdualKenyanandAmericancitizenship.Hehadlivedformanyyears

intheUnitedStatedandhehadmanyfamilymembersthere.Howeverhewas

unmarriedandlivedaloneinDubai.WhilehehadinitiallymigratedtoDubaifrom

theU.S.forajob,hehadbeenlaidoffandwhenIknewhimhestruggledtofind

work.HethuseagerlyacceptedoccasionalrecordingjobsfromSaadorotherswhen

theysolicitedhishelp.Hisstoryonenightdescribedearlierepisodeinthestudio:

OnenightinRamadanwewererecordingatrack…Iwasontherecordistside,butGulamhadhisiPadandwasbothrecitingwiththeothersandcontrollingthesystemfromthereciter’sside.Thedoorwasclosed;Iwenttothetoilet!Iwenttothekitchenandsmokedacoupleofcigarettes;Iwenttothetoilet.Icomebackhalfanhourlaterandtheretheyareinherenaked!Theyaredowntotheirboxersandshorts.

TowhichIinterjected,partlymissingthepoint:“Oh,becausetheywerehot.”

Buthecontinued,

Therecordingkeptgoingon;theyhadactuallymadetheirwasiyyat(bequethments)toeachother.BecausetheythoughtIhadgonehome!

Thepunchlineofthestoryrelatestothebrokendoorknobconnectingthereciters’

sideofthestudiorecordists’side,wherebythedoorcouldonlybeopenedfromthe

recordists’side.Momentslater,addingthehumorofthesituation,while

93ThankstoPeterMcMurray,whohasdevelopedthisconceptinrelationtoShiasonicexperienceinBerlin.

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contemplatingthestillbrokendoorknobinfrontofus,Datuaskedtheother

recordistifhehadascrewdriver;hedidnot.

Thestudioasaspaceofinternmentanddeathoverlapswithitsconstructed

acousticdeadness,afeatureimportanttoanyrecordingenvironment,though

especially,Iargue,onesituatedinapluralresidentialapartmentcomplexonthe

marginsofcosmopolitanDubai.Entombmentanddeathinthecontextofnōḥē

recordingalsorelatetocentralthemesinthepoeticversesthemselves.Datutold

thisstoryduringabriefbreakinSaad’ssession,whereherecordedanōḥaaboutthe

experienceofHussain’steenagesonAliAkbar(whowasmartyred)atKarbala.The

chorusofthepoemrelateshisdemiseatyoungage:NōjawānītērīAliAkbar,‘ārīya

ḵẖākparragaṛtīhē(“YouryouthAliAkbar,worndowntobareash”).Otherverses

mournhisdeathonthesandybattlefield:Abhīmarnā,nahīṅnūr-e-naz̤ar(“Now

dead,thelightofyourimageisout”).

Therecordingprocessitselfbeginsandendslifeelsewhere.Atvarioustimes

onthefirstdayofrecording,SaadcalledhisrelativeinIndia—whowrotethe

verses—toconfirmtheaccuracyoftheelegiacwords(kalām)ashehadwritten

them(fromdictation).Ultimately,therawmulti-trackaudiofileswouldbesentto

anaudioengineerinPakistanfor“masteringandmixing,”andMP3-CDsofSaad’s

recordwouldbedistributedtoshopsandsoldacrossIndiaandPakistan,Saad

explainedtome.Thesenseofdeathandsonicdeadnessofthestudioenvironmentis

contrastedwiththissenseoftherecordingprocessasrelativelyfree-flowing,

uncontained,andconnectedoutward.

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Theconcernforpitch

AsIdescribedabove,theregulationofadhān(oraẕāninUrdu)pertainsmost

directlytosoundvolumelevels,andisconcernedwiththedisturbanceofothers.In

thissection,IbegintoconsiderhowsoundinIslamicvocalproductionsis

disciplinedinanotherway:tonally.Thecontrastbetweenexcessanddisciplined

soundintherecordingstudioisperhapsbestcapturedintherecordists’and

performers’concernsandstruggleswithpitch,andtherebyinstrumentation.

Inamostbasicsense,concernsoverpitchareconcernsaboutrelativity.It

couldbetheconcernbetweenvariousmembersofanensemblewhodesireto

maintainaunifiedtonalityinrelationtoeachother.Additionally,inboth

monophonicandpolyphonicmusic,concernsoverpitchmightrelatetotheeffortto

maintainthesamepitchortonalityovertime:toendinthesametonalstructurein

whichonebegins.Bothtypesofconcern,overensemblicandtemporalrelativity,

presidedinthenōḥastudiorecordingsessionsIobserved.Bythefifthnightof

Saad’ssession,problemswithpitchseemedtoimperiltheproject’sprogress.

Inpart,pitchconcernsinIslamicexpressiveperformancesareconfounded

bypopularinjunctionsinIslamagainst“music.”Putanotherway,sincemusicis

sometimesconsideredḥarāminIslam,tonalityandpitchinsungpoetic

performancearenotconsistentlyasimportantastheyare,orinthemannerthat

theyare,inWesterntonalsystems.Adhānrecitations,forinstance,runawidegamut

ofrelativepitchaccuracy.DuringmyfieldworkinanorthIndianvillagein2008,I

awokemostmornings,predawn,toastarklyoff-pitchandout-of-tuneadhān,overa

cracklingspeaker.Incontrast,inthecavernousmarbledinteriorsofDubai’slarge

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shoppingmalls,high-pitchedandtunefuladhānsreverberateandresonateagainst

thesmoothsurfaces,unencumberedbyspeakernoise.

AtmajlisgatheringsinDubai,Inotedawiderangeofpitchaccuracyaswell,

inpoeticperformances.Preciseanddisciplinedvocalmodulationsofteninduced

audiences’raptattentionsandexpressionsofappreciation,withexclamationslike

māshāʾAllāh,(“Godhaswilledit”)forinstance.Still,otherrecitationswere

appreciatedforotherreasons.Sajdali,whoIchronicledcloselyinChapter1,recited

onemars̤iyaatthemainimāmbārgāhinMuharram,inwhichhisvoicemodulatedso

faroutofpitchthatitwasdifficulttodiscernthemelody.Halfwaythrough,

however,whentheemotionalchargeoftheelegyincreased,hestartedtocryashe

recited.Hisperformancemorphedtomorecloselyresemblewailing,anaffectthat

fittheheightenedemotionofthepoem,andalsomirroredtheaudience’swailing

responses.

Anxietyoverelementsof“musical”productionimpingingonthenōḥa

recordingprocessleadstosomecreativesolutionsformaintainingpitchand

rhythm.Asmallkeyboard,whichsatinthecorneroftherecordists’sideofthe

studio,satunusedduringthesessionsIattended.Gulamexplainedthatheuseditto

createthe“scale”thatheusedforthevarioustracks.Thisconsistedofasustained

chordofsynthesizedstringsthatdronedunderneatheachtrack—andintheearof

theperformer—inordertohelptheperformerstayonpitchandintherightkey.

Additionally,inordertomaintainaconstantmeterthroughouttherecitation’s

performance,Gulamusedatrackofresonantchestbeats.Forthis,hehadrecorded

himselfandothersstrikinghandsagainsttheirbarechests.Then,inproduction,he

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hadlayeredthosebeatsontopofeachotherintheaudioprogram,andmodified

themtobewelldefinedandsynchronous,tohavesufficientbass-registerresonance,

andtoreverberate.Thetrackisfunctionalfortherecitationrecordingprocess,and

assuchrepresentsacreativeandimprovisationalcircumventionoftheroleof

percussiveinstrumentsinmusic-making.Thetrackalsobecomesacomponentof

thefinalrecording,whereitfillsthe“audiences’”roletoprovidebeatchestsintime

withrecitation.

TroubleforSaad’srecordingprocessbeganasacrisisoveraseriesofoff-

pitchtrackshehadrecorded,overseveralpain-stakinghoursonpreviousnights.On

thefourthdayofmyparticipation,GulamAlinoticedtheclashbetweenSaad’s

versesandthescale,muchtohisexasperation.HeaccusedSaadofnothavingheard

thescaleproperly:“āpnēscalekēsāthnahīṅpaṛha[youdidnotrecitethiswiththe

scale].”Thenpointingatthe“down”volumelevelonthetrackmarked“scale”inthe

ProToolssession,headded“Scalebālkuldownta.Scalekesāthpaṛhnahē,ya.Islī’ē

banārahāhēṅscale,tracksmeṅkarnāhē.[Thescale(trackvolumewasturned)way

down.Recitewiththescale,friend!That’swhywemakethescale,fordoingthe

(vocal)tracks.]”

Datuhadnotheardtheout-of-pitchness,perhapspartlybecausehe’dnot

keptthescaleloudenough,Gulamsupposed.Compoundingtheproblem,however,

waslikelyhis“pitch-deaf”-nessasDatuhaddescribedittomeinconfidenceonthe

secondnight.Onthesecondrecordingnight,Saadalsoremarked,withDatu’s

approval,thatitwas“easiertoreciteliveratherthanreciteinastudio.”He

continued,“ifwearerecitinglive,nobodywillcomeandaskyouifyourpitchishigh,

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yourscaleisdown.[Studiorecording]isverydifficult.”Inalatercarridehomewith

Saad,aftertheconclusionoflatenightrecordingsession,Saadconveyedhis

disappointmentwithDatu’sworkandhisinabilitytodiscerntonalityproblems.Still

Saadworriedabouthisfriendbeingotherwiseunemployed:thereasonhehadhired

Datuinthefirstplace.Heconveyedtomethathefeltconstrainedbyhissenseof

loyaltyanddutytohisfriend.

Whycouldthestandardsofliveperformance(whereensembliccoordination

isalsonecessary)notapplyinthestudio?Inoneway,Isuggestthattheserecordists

andrecitershaveinternalizedandacceptedcertainuniversalstandardsand

conventionsofrecording.WhileDatuandSaadprizethefreedomthatlive

performanceaffordsthereciter,GulamAliinvokes“beauty”todescribetheideal

lackinginSaad’srecording.Gulam’ssofterandon-pitch“dummytrack,”94for

instance,inthestudiocontrastedwithSaad’slouder,moreforceful,andabove-pitch

(sharp)recordingfromdaysearlier.“Āpkyoṅmērādummynahīṅsūna?”[Whydidn’t

youlistentomydummytrack?],heaskedSaadafterlisteningtoSaad’srecordingof

Abtōājā’ō,ImamMahdi[“Nowyoucome,ImamMahdi.”].Tohighlightthecontrast,

heplayedbackhisdummytrackalone,thenplayedSaad’slouderandabove-pitch

version.“Ḵẖūbṣūratīnahīṅhē”[thisisnotbeautiful],Gulamcommented.Later,after

listeningtoAbMadinenahīṅjā[“NowwewillnotgotoMadina”],heremarked,Ab

āpzōrlagāyā[“Nowyou’rebeingtooforceful”].Laughingabitasheplayeditback

forSaad,headded,“iskōsoftkarē,”[“makeitsoft.”]

94Theinitialroughvocaltrackthatactsasaguidetothereciterandisplayedinthereciter’searduringtheactualrecordingsession.

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AtSaad’srequest,theylistenedthroughallrecordingsSaadhadmadefrom

theprevioussessions,inwhichGulamassessedtheirtonalqualities,includingout-

of-pitchness(“scalesēout,”“pitchout,”or“pitchsēbāhar”).Thisexchangeabouthis

NaujawaniteriAliAkbarrecording,inwhichGulamteasedSaadforhistone

problems,isindicative.Athirdmember,Rafiq,ispresent:theleadsingerforSaad’s

chorus,aPakistaniandaccomplishednōḥarecorderhimself.

Rafiq:AchhākyāmāshāʾAllāh.[nicelydone,byGod.]Saad:Pitch,lē,key,scale,vag̠ẖēra?[Pitch,tune,key,scale,etc?]Gulam:ṭhīkhēziādanahīṅhē,lēkanwā‘z̤ībahuthē[It’sok,it’snotabigproblem.Butit’sverypreachy/bombastic]

Thetermwā‘z̤īderivesfromtheArabicwā‘ẓmeaning“preacher”or“admonisher”

(Richardson1829,1626).Asurveyofscholarlyliteraturerevealsthefrequent

occurrenceofwā‘z̤īor“waazi”instudiesofHausa-speakingpopulationsinWest

Africa,wherethewordhasbeenadoptedfromArabicasthegeneraltermfor

Islamicpreaching,oftenasbroadcastoverloudspeakersviacassettetapes(Clough

2006,720;Larkin2014,991-992).InthescholarshiponcontemporaryIslamic

practiceinSouthAsia,onestudyinPakistanaligns“waaz”with“khutba,”amore

familiarUrdutermfor“sermon”(Abbasietal.2011),whileanotherinBangladesh

describesthepracticesofjamā‘tleadersgiving“waazmahfils,”or“publiclectures”

onIslamicthemes(Shehabuddin2008,593).HistoricalstudiesonShiapracticein

SouthAsia,especiallyafewfocusedonBombayattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,

identifywaazasatypeofsermonespeciallyperformedduringtheMuharram

mourningperiod(Masselos1982,47;Chandavarkar2002,193;Kidambi2007,122).

Additionally,somerecentethnographicstudiessuggestthesaliencein“waaz”asa

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centralhomileticcomponentofcontemporaryBohra(ShiaIsmaīlī)ritualsduring

Muharram(Blank2001,82-87;Munaim2014,36-38).Finally,oneaccountof

contemporaryreligiousleadershipinBangladeshidentifies“waazins”asthosewho

performreligiousorations“sentimentally,”andthenequateswaazinwiththemore

familiartermsfor“preacher”inUrdu-usage:“maulana”“muftee,”and“imam”

(Hossain2013,705).

Ithustranslatewā‘z̤ī,inthiscontextofthestudiodiscussion,asanadjective

meaning“preachy”and“bombastic:”asdescribingsomeonewhorecites

passionatelyorloudly.Thesalienceofwā‘z̤asacomponentofBohraShiagatherings

helpsexplainGulam’suseoftheterm,giventhegeographicalproximitybetween

BohrasandKhojasasbothcommunalgroupsnativetoGujaratinWesternIndia.

Still,beyondthisencounterinthestudio,Iheardthistermnowhereelseinmy

research.Gulamsmirksashesayswā‘z̤ībahuthē,andSaadchuckles.Gulam’s

commentextendsfromhisbroadercriticismofSaad’sfailuretouse“soft”and

“beautiful”tones.Ithustakewā‘z̤īasapejorative,andoppositetonotionslike

softnessandbeauty.

Astheconversationcontinues,Saadgeneralizesaconnectionbetweenwā‘z̤ī

andUrduspeechgenerally:

Saad:[laughing],Urduistemālkartēhēṅ,wā‘z̤ībahuthē![laughing]Zabardast![WhenyouuseUrdu,youaregenerallybombastic.Forceful/Fantastic!]Gulam:[laughingquietly,affirming]:wā‘z̤īhōtēhē.Saad:wā‘z̤īhōtēhē,achhābōlā[it’sbombastic,wellsaid]

ThisviewofUrduispartlyanoutcomeoflanguagepoliticsparticulartothisregion,

Iargue:ArabicandEnglisharebothassociatedwithelitecultureandeducation.

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EnglishnōḥēinDubaiaremoretonefulandrestrainedthanUrdunōḥē.Giventhe

contextinDubaiinwhichitisdeployed—acontext,forinstance,inwhichtheAsian

foreignworkerisconfiguredasdeviantandamoralthreat95—itsuggeststhe

unrefinementofUrdulanguage.Gulam’sreferencetowā‘z̤īasaformofteasingSaad

inthiscontextreflectstonaldifferencesbetweentheKhoja-ledgatheringsandthose

attheotherUrduIndo-Pakistaniimāmbārgāhs.IinterpretSaad’sembarrassment

abouthisout-of-pitch-nessinthestudio,inotherwords,tobepartlyanextensionof

hisanxietyabouthisuseofUrdu.HavingbeenbornandraisedinDubai,Englishis

Gulam’sfirstlanguage,andIunderstandSaadtohavesomediscomfortwithhisown

EnglishproficiencyinrelationtoGulam.

Thechallengetostaywithinpitch,Iargue,gainsgreaterforceinDubai’s

environmentofrestriction,containment,anddelimitation(sonicandotherwise)

thanitdoesinthemore“noisy”publicenvironmentsandlargergatherings—and

lessinsulatedprivatespaces—ofIndiaandPakistan.Thestandardsoftherecording

processforceperformersintostrictpitch-consciousness.Assuch,discipliningone’s

voiceintopitchisessentialtothesuccessoftherecording,andthustotheprojectof

reachingawideaudience,whichallShiaelegiacexpressionaimstodo.

Time“constraints:”worklifeandrecording

Iendbyconsideringhowworkpatternsandotherdailyroutinesbecome

structuredthroughthestudiorecordingprocess.Attheendofoneearlyrecording

session,DatuandSaadstoodintheplaybackarea,monitoringtheaudiosnippetsas

95Idevelopedthismorefullyinthepreviouschapter.

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therecordistmadeeditstothem,toalignthemwiththerhythm.Datu,whohadan

alertonhiscellphoneindicatingprayertimings,turnedtoSaadandremarkedthe

fajraẕān(earlymorningcalltoprayer)wasplayingnow.Twentyminuteslater,the

threewearilyagreedtoendthesession,andSaadandDatuwentintothevideo

roomtopray.ItwasnowWednesdaymorning.

Atthetime,Datuonlyemploymentwashispart-timeoccasionalworkasa

recordistatthestudio.ThoughhehelpedSaadfreeofcharge,asaclosefriend,other

recitersoccasionallycontractedDatuforhissoundengineeringassistance.Without

regular“daytime”employment,andinlightofthestill-excessivedaytimeheat,Datu

andIpreparedtoreturntoDubai,tosleep.Meanwhile,Saadpreparedtoreturnto

workathisjewelryshop.Hedescribedhowhewouldsleepafewhoursintheshop

beforetheownerarrivedat9am.Hewasalsoscheduledtoreturnthefollowing

nighttorecord.Giventheirfriendship,Gulamhadwavedhisstudiorentalfeeas

well:Saadonlyhadtothepayforthetimeofhisrecordist.Hethusexplainedtome

thathewouldcontinuetotakewhateveroddtimeswereavailableatthestudio.

WhenIaskedabouthowhewouldmanagehisschedulewithsuchlittlesleep,he

mentionedthathewouldsleeponhisdayoff:Friday.Heshrugged,thensmiledand

added,“al-ḥamdulillāh(praiseGod),Iambusy.”

GulamexplainedtomethatRamadanwasapeaktimeperiodforrecordingat

hisstudio:atimeofalreadyreducedworkschedulesanddiminisheddaytime

productivity,asIdescribedmorefullyinChapter2.Seekingtimestoavailthestudio

spacefromGulamfree-of-charge,SaadacceptedthesefewweeksinSeptember,

thoughthepost-RamadantimeframeforcedSaadtocarefullybalancethetime

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requirementsofsleep,work,andrecording.Afewdayslater,whenIaskedagain

abouthisworkperformanceinlightofthecompressedtime,hesaidonlythatthe

workinthestudiosustainedhim,andcompelledhimto“focus”atworksothathe

couldcontinuehisstudiosessions“inthenameofImamAli,”andcontinuetopayhis

recordist.

Thedemandsofsleep,work,andrecordingmutuallycompressedeachother,

andeliminated“downtime.”Bythetimeofthestudiosessions,IhadknownSaadfor

nearlyayear.Inthattime,hehadalwaysbeenhardtoconnectwith.“Busy,busy,

busy,”Nadimgripedonenightmonthsearlier,aswetriedunsuccessfullytoreach

himonhiscellphone.Still,afterthestudiosessionsbegan,Saadcompletelyavoided

anydowntimemeetings,suchasthosebetweenmyself,Nadim,Asgar,andSaad,

whichIdescribedatlengthinChapter1above.

BetweenthedemandsofGulamtostaywithinpitchandthedemandsto

transitionquicklybetweensleep,work,andrecording,Saadseemeddeterminedto

disciplinehisactions.Iarguethatclearlydelineatedandcompartmentalized

timeframes,andthelogicofspatialcompartmentalizationinDubai,combineto

conformasenseandethicof“compressedlife”foraworkingreciterlikeSaad.Isee

thisasanethicoflifeconformedinandthroughDubai’sparticularenvironmentof

regulationandspatialcontainment.

Improvisationinnōḥastudiorecitation

Iendbyreconsideringhowcreativitycanbeaformofactivityconsistent

withanethicofcontainment.Isupposethattheconversionofaone-bedroom

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apartmentintoasoundinsulatingandpartitionedrecordingstudioisacreativeuse

of(limited)spaceandofavailableconstructionmaterials,andsimilartootherforms

ofpartitioningthatforeignresidentsinDubaiengagein.Ihavealsonotedhowthe

approachtoperformingnōḥēinthespaceofthestudiowashighlydisciplinedbythe

concerntoadheretopitchandregularrhythm,structuredbytheimperativeto

“listen”tothedummy-track,andrepresentedgraphicallybythesoundoscillation

wavesdepictedintheProToolssession.Still,withinthisstructureofconstraintand

pitch-discipline,IalsonotedGulamandotherstoperformimprovisationally,andto

“riff”vocallyoncertainpoeticlines,intheshortbreaksbetweentherecording

sessions,andasawaytodemonstratedifferentrecitationtechniques.Iarguethat

thesepracticesareparticulartothestudioperformanceenvironment,andtoother

enclosedenvironments.TheyresemblethetypeofidlerecitationsIobservedSaad

toengageinwhiledrivingwithmeandothers,inmyanalysisinChapter1.I

considerthisimprovisationalmodeanoutcomeofthecontainedenvironmentsin

general,andtothestudioinparticular.

Atonepoint,Gulamdemonstratedhisownproficiencyasareciter,by

demonstratinghisvisionfortherecitationofAbtōājā’ō,ImamMahdi.AsSaadand

his“chorus”membersgatheredaround,Gulamdemonstratedthetunethathehad

writtenforSaad,butalsoexpandedonit.Inawidelymodulatingtonalpattern,he

“riffed”foraminuteonthearepetitionofthename“ImamMahdi.”Hesmiledashe

improvisedthisline,atonceseemingtodemonstratetoSaadhowthetunecouldbe

performed,andalsotryingtoinspirehimtobeon-pitch.Saadandhischorus

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memberslistenedwithraptattention,andexpressedtheirappreciationvocally:a

reactiontoGulam’svocalandtechnicalprowess.

Urdupoeticrecitationgenerally—religiousandnon-religiousgenres—

featureelementsofimprovisationwithinrule-governedtune-frameworksandasan

exerciseinrecombinationofsettonalcomponents.RegulaQureshidescribesasetof

“mostlyindividuallyimprovisedtunes,”forinstance,intarannum:asecularUrdu

poetrygenre.Assuch,theyare“basedonsimilaroverallmelodicingredientsbut

differingwidelyinindividualoutlineandtonalgrouping”(Qureshi1969,433).I

notehowherdescriptionherereflectsthe“reconstruction”processinbricolage.

Furthermore,Qureshidescribeshowing̠ẖazal,apopularUrduseculargenre,

“considerablevariability”isbasedon“consciousmusicalimprovisationwithina

consciouslyperceivedmusicalframework.”Bycontrast,shedescribeshowin

Islamicpoeticgenres,includingShia“chants,”“thereciter’spersonalityremains

moresubdued,”anddescribesa“generallackofmusicalvariabilityand

performancefeaturesexpressingpersonalstyle”(Qureshi1969,442).Totheextent

thatGulamandotherperformersriffcreativelyonlinesandkeywordsinpoems—

recreationallyandaspartoftherecordingprocess—Iarguethatstudiospaces

enableawiderrangeofcreativeexpressionsthanthatwhichisacceptableinpublic

performanceenvironments.Giventherelativeemphasisonstudiorecordinginthis

Dubaicommunity,Isupposethatformsofcreativereligiousexpressionsflourishin

relationtoDubai’scompartmentalizedenvironments.

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Conclusion

Atamostbasiclevel,Iassociateethnographywithempathy.Ofteninthis

research,asamethodofinquiryintotheexperiencesofmyinformants,Iaimed

projectandimaginemyselfasI“mightbeormighthavebeenunderother

circumstances”(Jackson2013,10,emphasisoriginal).Thecharactersthatfillthis

ethnographyrepresentacross-sectionoftheUrdu-speakingShiacommunityin

Dubai.MyfindingsbothbuildonandexpandonotherGulf-regionethnographiesof

Asianworkingandbusinessclasses.Still,Ichosetofocusonthesmallgroupin

ordertoexcavatethesubtlelinkagesbetweentheirsocial,religious,andworklives.

Amorecross-sectionalstudywithlargerparticipantenrollmentwouldnothave

allowedmetodevelopsuchcloserelationshipswiththesmallgroupofcommunity

membersthatIdid.TheyarethekeycharactersintheethnographyIhave

presentedintheprecedingchapters.

Thisdissertationhastrackedhowfreemarketforcesandstateregulatory

enterprisescreategapsinthebuiltenvironmentofDubai,intowhichforeign

migrantsprojectvariousexperiences.Acoherenceof“experience”particularto

migrantlifeinDubaiowestoethicsthattranscendacrosslifeactivities,andare

madesalientbyvarious“environmentalforces:”economic,regulatory,natural.

Acrossfivechapters,Ihavedwelledinthesespatialgapsinthebuiltenvironment.

Recall,forinstance,the“partitioned-partitions”ofinteriorspace,whichfunctionas

bothmigrantlivingspacesandsoundrecordingstudiosinDubai,andsometimes

alsocarryasenseofinterment,inChapter5.Thesegmentationofspaceviadrywall

partitionsisawaythatmigrantsareabletoreclaimspace.MembersofthisShia

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communitybuildsoundstudiostoperformandrecordpoetry,whichservesto

protestkeyinjusticeperpetratedintheIslamiccommunity.Formsoforganized

publicprotestaredisallowedinDubai.Orconsiderthecalmemptyoutdoorpublic

spacesinChapter4,creationsoftheregulatoryenvironmentandemblematicof

publicorderinDubai,butintowhichmigrantsprojectanxietiesbothabout

concealedcrimesinDubai,andaboutcriminalactivity,violence,andfirst-hand

victimhoodexperiencesinPakistan.

RecalltheparticularexcessesofconstructionexploredinChapters2and3.

Forinstance,thevacantresidentialbuildingsindistantDubailuxurydevelopments,

overpricedforthemarket,andforwhichZakirstruggledtofindrenters.Andthen

thetidyandexpansiveofficesuiteZakir’sfirmoccupied,vacantbyearlyevenings,

whereZakirmanagedarapidflowofimagesonhisFacebookduringidletime.And

recallthehigh-qualitybutpoorly-finishedandinexpertly-installedbuilding

materialsinexpansiveluxuryconstructionprojects:asituationwhichperpetuated

thevacancyoftheseunfinishedspacesbeyondconstructioncompletiondeadlines,

totheconsternationofsitemanagersandowners.AndinChapter1,thinkofthe

builtspacesthatsupportDubai’scosmopolitangrowthandfree-flowofpeopleand

goods—smoothroadsandausterebloodclinics—inwhichmigrantscombine

multiplediscreteambitionsintounifiedandcoordinatedactions.

Ontheonehand,thesespacesarethekeysitesofmigrantself-makingthatI

followedinthisproject.Isupposethatthesespaceshelpconformethicsofactivity

germanetovariouslifedomains.Chapter1,forinstance,tracedthelivesofafew

membersoftheShiaexpatriatecommunityinDubai,forwhomanethicofefficiency

301

inworkplaceenvironmentsandworkritualsmirroredapreferenceforefficient

downtimeandreligiouspractices.Iexploredhowblooddonationworkstoservethe

broadercommunityofDubaiandtoaccruereligiousbenefit(s̤awāb).Chapter2

consideredhowanenvironmentflushwithmobiletechnologies—theU.A.E.hasthe

highestcellphonepenetrationrateintheworld—andwithunusedrealestate

allowsforavibrantvirtualexperiencewith“excessive”religiousritualsviamobile

images.OnFacebook,InotedhowShiausersaimtocurateexcessiveexperiences,

managingachaoticflowofimages,whilefilteringoutundesirableones.Inotehere

howmembersofthiscommunitycultivateanethicof“managedexcess”intheir

engagementofimageryonmobiletechnologiesandcomputers.This“crisis

management”ethichelpsmembersalignformsofreligiousandworklifestruggle.

InChapter3,Inotefirsthowconstructionsinthepost-boomeracontinue,

thoughatadiminishedrate.Thesefuelamarketforservicescontractors,likemy

friendsinthecommunity,whosecompanyprovidepaintingandotherfinishing

services.Specifically,thelureofgrandioseconstructions,andthematerialityof

high-qualitywoodwork,forinstance,drawthemintoinflatedestimationsoftheir

ownwork.Thatis,excessesofscaleandqualityinconstructionsintheenvironment

fuelanaspirationalspiritinthisgroup,partlynurturedinthedowntime

environmentoftheirsharedlivingspace,andcreatetheconditionsunderwhich

theyovervaluetheirwork.Inthisway,theyrepeatedlyfailincontractnegotiations,

inspiteoflingeringlarge-scalefinancialdebt.Theethicofstrivingtheycultivatein

theirworkpropelsanunstableenergythatperpetuatestheirlifeinDubai,anethic

302

thatalsodestabilizestheirsocialrelationships,undercutstheirworkproductivity,

andisolatestheirreligiousactivities.

InChapter4,Iexploredhow,inahighlyregulatedenvironment—

characterizedbypocketsandperiodsofpubliccalmandbyageneralabsenceof

visiblecriminalactivity—speculationsandanxietiesaboutcriminalactivities

flourishinthePakistanimigrantcommunity.Itracedthetellingsandcontentof

crimestoriesthatinformantstoldme,inwhichthey“projected”anxietiesabout

concealedcriminalityinDubaiontoactuallivedexperiencesandanxietiesabout

violenceandcrimeinPakistan.Ethicsofstorytelling—thatis,ethicsof“reflection”

andof“grounding”narrativeindetail—allowmemberstoalignanxietiesabout

worklifeandaboutcriminalactivity.

Finally,inChapter5,IexploretheeffectsofregimesofShiaandmigrant

constraintontheactivitiesofexpressivesonicproduction.Iexaminehowa)the

imperativeonShiastocontainreligiousritualsintheDubai,andb)thedisciplines

germanetostudiorecordinginrelationtopitchandtone,areconsistent.Inthe

struggletomanagevariousformsofconstraint—imposedbyworkschedulesand

thedemandsofstudiorecording—Iexaminehowconstraintbecomesaway-of-life

forreciters.Inthisway,Isee“constraint”or“containment”asanethicoforganizing

spaceandoforganizingone’slifeinDubai.Intheever-multiplyinginteriorspacesof

sonicproductionandmigrantliving—partitionsofpartitions—Iobservedthemto

pursueself-disciplineinlinewith“neoliberal”expectationsandaccumulating

religious“benefit.”

303

GlossaryofKeyUrduandArabicTerms

Word Language Roots/relatedwords

Definition

ʻĀshūrā Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

‘Ashr(“ten”inArabic)

Literally“tenth.”“SacreddayofthetenthofMuharramsanctifiedbyImamHusain’smartyrdom”(Qureshi2005,429)

‘Azādārī Persian,Urdu(fromArabicandPersian)

‘Aza’(“lamentation”or“mourning”inArabic)(Richardson1829,1006)and–dari(“theartof”);Zamindari(“systemoflandholding”)96

Mourning(Emami2006,604),literally,theartorsystemofthepracticeofmourning

‘Ibādat Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Worship(Platts1884,758)

‘Ulamā’ Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

‘Ālim(sing.),‘ilm(“knowledge”inArabic,Persian,Urdu)

Scholars,religiousscholars,theologians(Wehr1979,745)

Aʻmāl Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

‘Amal(“work”inArabic)

Deeds,doings,actions(Platts1884,61)

Azān(Adhān) Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Idhan(“ear”inArabic)

Calltoprayer

Ćehlum Persian,Urdu(fromPersian)

Literally“fortieth,”or“fortiethday”(Platts1884,463)

Fāʼida Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Benefit,usefulness(Platts1884,776)

Hawāla Arabic Hawal(“around”inArabic)(Wehr1979,253)

Literally“billofexchange”(Wehr1979,254)or“transfer”(Richardson1829,

96Merriam-Webster.Zamindari.Availableonline[accessedJuly1,2016]:http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/zamindari

304

585).Imāmbārgāh Urdu(fromArabic

&Persian)Imām(“headofareligion”)(Platts1884,79),-gāh(“place”),‘Īdgāh(Eidprayersite),bandargāh(“seaport”inPersianandUrdu)(Emami2006,154)

Literally“PlaceoftheImams,”functionallyaShiacommunitygatheringcenter97

Jabr Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Force,oppression,constraint,compulsion(Platts1884,375)

Jamā‘t Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Jāmi‘a(“association”inArabic),majma‘(gatheringplaceinArabic)(Wehr1979,160-161)

Community,party,troop(Wehr1979,160)

Julūs Urdu(fromArabicandPersian)

Jels(“tosit”inArabic)

Procession(Qureshi2005,231)

Kafāla Arabic Sponsorship,pledge,security(Wehr1979,976)

Majbūrī Urdu,Persian(fromArabic)

Jabr,jābr,majbūr Compulsion,constraint,oppression(Platts1884,375)

Majlis Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Jels(“tosit”inArabic)

Assembly,congregation(Platts1884,1003)

Mana‘ Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Forbidden,prohibition(Platts1884,1078)

Mars̤iya Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

“Elegy,dirge(asagenrecommemorating

97Here,thedictionarydefinitionislengthyandreflectsthe“imāmbārgāh’s”historicallymore-specificfunction,especiallyinindigenousIndo-PakistaniShiaculture:“TheplacetowhichthetaʻziyaisconveyedandkeptintheMoḥarram,andwhereofferingsaremadetothedead;abuildinginwhichthefestivaloftheMoḥarramiscelebrated,andinwhichservicesareheldincommemorationofthedeathofʻAlīandhissonsHasanandHusain;(thesamebuildingissometimesusedasamausoleumforthefamilyofthefounder)”(Platts1884,79-80)

305

ImamHusain’smartyrdom)”(Qureshi2005,579)98

Mātam Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Grief,mourning(Platts1884,978)99

Mōminīn Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Singular:Mōmin Believers(Qureshi2005,622)

Niyat(Niyah) Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Intention,aim,purpose(Platts1884,1165)

Nōḥa Persian,Urdu(fromPersian)

Lamentation,dirge(Qureshi2005,652)100

Pābandī Persian,Urdu(fromPersian)

Pā(foot),band(boundorclosed)

Restraint,restriction(Qureshi2005,142)

S̤awāb(Thawāb) Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

“Recompense,”“reward(especially,ofobediencetoGod)(Platts1884,369)

Shajara Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Tree,genealogicaltree(Platts1884,722)

Wājib Arabic,Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Necessary,obligatory(Platts1884,1172)

Wā‘z̤ī Persian,Urdu(fromArabic)

Wā‘ẓ(“Preacher”or“admonisher”inArabic)(Richardson1829,1626).

Preaching(colloquiallypreachiness/bombast)

ZabarKarna Urdu(fromPersian)

Zabardastī(Superiority,

Topracticeviolenceon,to

98“Elegyorheroicnarrative,oftenhighlydramatic,consistingof6-linestrophes.Chantedusuallybygroupinunison.Thechantedmarsiyamaybefollowedbyamarsiyapoeminthestyleofformaloratory”(R.Qureshi1981,45).99“Dirge,simple,highlyexpressivebutpassionate,evenmartialincharacter.Accompaniedbychestbeatsonthepartofthestandingaudience.Concludedbyresponsorialcallsinvokingthemartyrstocontinuouschestbeats”(R.Qureshi1981,45).100“Dirge,simple,highlyexpressiveandlyricalincharacter.Coupletsorstrophesusuallywithrefrain,sungsoloorbyagroup”(R.Qureshi1981,45).

306

oppression,forceinUrdu)

oppress(Platts1884,615)

Z̤ulm Urdu(fromArabic) Zālim(tyrant) Tyranny,oppression,violence(Platts1884,755)

307

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CurriculumVitae

BrianTilleywasbornonMarch7,1983inNewYork,NewYork,U.S.A.He

completedhisBachelorofArtsdegreeinMay2005fromHamiltonCollegein

Clinton,NewYork,U.S.A.,withamajorinAsianStudiesandaminorinMathematics,

receivingdepartmentalhonorsinAsianStudies.Aftergraduating,hecompletedone

yearofethnographicresearchinNorthIndiafundedbyaFulbrightStudentGrant.

HecompletedhisMasterofArtsdegreeinAnthropologyinOctober2011fromJohns

HopkinsUniversityinBaltimore,Maryland,U.S.A.AsagraduatestudentatJohns

Hopkins,hetaughtanundergraduateseminarcourseandwasTeachingAssistant

forthreeotherundergraduatecoursesinanthropology.Hecompletedfifteen

monthsofdissertationfieldresearchintheUnitedArabEmiratesfrom2010-2012,

fundedbygrantsfromtheNationalScienceFoundation,AmericanInstituteof

PakistanStudies,andJohnsHopkinsUniversity.Heservedasaresearchassistantat

theKennedySchoolofGovernmentatHarvardUniversityin2013-2014.He

completedhisPh.D.degreeinAnthropologyinOctober2016fromJohnsHopkins

University.

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