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An investigation into the accent judgements of children based upon their exposure to

the perpetuated linguistic stereotypes of animated film.

Introduction

In the study of language and identity, it is crucial to acknowledge the complex and

multifaceted nature of both individual and group identities. Edwards (2009:2) states that “we

all possess a number of identities, or facets of one overarching identity”, the salience of such

identities, however, is dependent upon contextual and circumstantial environments. It can be

proposed that linguistic behaviours, are acts of identity through which individuals navigate

both their personal identity and roles within society (Le Page and Tabouret-Keller 1985:14).

Therefore, language is one component of discursive identity construction. The concept of

‘construction’ in this context refers to the notion that identity is “best viewed as [an]

emergent product rather than pre-existing” (Bucholtz and Hall 2010:19). This states that

identity is not predetermined by who individuals are through essentialist approaches, rather it

is founded upon idiosyncratic experiences and group memberships.

Linguistic usage can be observed to represent such experiences and memberships in

numerous different ways, such as potential group identification or solidarity expressed

through code-switching and vernacular language usage. This project, however, has focussed

on the construction of fictional identities through accent in animated films which are targeted

at children. This was completed through the utilisation of a linguistically ideological

methodology, specifically a subjective reaction test.

It has been claimed that “animated films entertain, but they are also a way to teach children to

associate specific characteristics and lifestyles with specific social groups, by means of

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language variation” (Lippi-Green 1997:85). One aim of this study was to investigate this

claim through the collection of data from children who are exposed to such films. This would

provide an insight into the possibility that, based upon character representation, children learn

to associate relevant social traits with the language of certain speakers.

Another aim of this project was to examine whether children require both visual and auditory

clues to make such associations. Given that “the exploitation of stereotypes is even more

possible when both visual and auditory cues are together” (Trowell 2007:17), it was useful to

investigate the associations made with specific accents taken from animated films when only

auditory cues were made available to them. Correlations would then be sought between the

amount of exposure to animated films the participants had prior to the study and the extent

and certainty with which they associate personality traits with accents.

Hypothesis

According to Trowell, “many of the linguistic stereotypes shown in animated films are

reflections of society’s attitudes” (2007:11). This has been explored in previous studies such

as Lippi-Green (1997), who explored how films specifically targeted at children potentially

condition their audience to evaluate social and linguistic variation. Given that “film uses

language variation and accent to draw character quickly” (Lippi-Green 1997:81), it is

unsurprising that animated films employ a variety of language varieties in order to assist in

the construction of characters. Whereas Dyer (2003:13) discusses the potential usefulness of

stereotype utilisation in character production, viewing them as ‘short cuts’ which access

assumed knowledge, it can also be acknowledged that stereotypes accentuate difference and

overlook potential similarities between social groupings. It can be proposed that the

exploitation of hegemonic language attitudes and the utilisation of stereotypes in character

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representation therefore have an impact on the linguistic ideologies of the children who watch

animated films.

Research completed by individuals such as Arnett et al states that “characters with strongly

negative actions and motivations often speak varieties of English linked to specific

geographic regions and marginalised groups” (1994:3). Therefore it was reasonable to predict

that children who have significant exposure to animated films would express linguistic

ideologies which reflect hegemonically maintained stereotypes. Therefore, the more exposure

children have to animated films, the more likely they would be to associate with the social

ideologies and stereotypes presented in them. The fewer films the children have watched, the

less likely they would be to reproduce stereotypes and make accent judgements similar to

those present in animated film.

Research Background

Firstly, it is appropriate to discuss the relationship between stereotypes, language and

identity. Reid and Anderson (2010:91) acknowledge the claim that “stereotypes are

functional”. This refers to the notion that humans utilise stereotypical group markings in

order to cognitively organise the societal world. Although it can be suggested that the term

‘stereotype’ is pejorative, Bourhis and Maass emphasise how these can have positive

consequences on social membership, as “discriminatory behaviour enhances in-group

differentiation and does improve the positive social identity of group members” (2006:1588).

Therefore, the identification of an ‘Other’ through stereotype utilisation can be claimed to

strengthen group membership. This is because differentiation of certain groups and

individuals within society enables contrastive identities to emerge, providing in-group

members with a greater sense of sameness (Bamberg et al 2011:183).

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Such recognition of difference can lead to the concept of markedness. Despite all language

varieties having equal status in terms of linguistics, socially this may not be the case.

Markedness refers to the “differences between groups [which] become socially evaluated as

deviations from the norm and, indeed, failures to measure up to an implied or specific

standard” (Hall and Bucholtz 2006:372). This can relate to the idea that dominant linguistic

forms are ‘unmarked’, in that they constitute the norm. All other varieties are, therefore

‘marked’ (Wardhaugh 2010:8). In terms of animated film, Lippi-Green’s 1997 research into

Disney’s utilisation of accent found that British or US English often constitutes unmarked

varieties in animated films. This is because in Western society, hegemonic forces, such as

institutional power and mass media, often associate positively with dominant societal groups,

such as those who speak English (Bocock 1986:11).

Both unmarked and marked varieties of English are utilised in the character construction of

animated films, such as those included in this study. Previous research has shown that there

are trends as to which language varieties are used for the construction of certain types of

character, in that “non-standard, foreign accents are mostly used as negative stereotyping

short-cuts for indexing marginal and roguish characters” (Ensslin 2010:211). For example,

French accents are often used for the characterisation of chefs (eg. ‘Skinner’ in Ratatouille –

Disney 2007) or Romantics (Beauty and the Beast – Disney 1991) given that these traits are

associated with the French on a very general basis. However, linguistic manipulation in this

sense for the purpose of fictional identity construction can be seen as a creative utilisation of

stereotypes.

In the context of language and identity, however, stereotypes must be explored in relation to

linguistic profiling. Trowell (2007:12) states that such indexing of language is “based upon

the auditory cues that may be used to identify an individual or individuals as belonging to a

linguistic subgroup”. The language varieties used by speakers are interpreted by listeners as

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clues to non-linguistic information, such as class, social group membership and ethnicity. In

the case of animated films, it can be proposed that such profiling and stereotypes create

caricatures of social groups, founded upon outdated or over-generalised features (Trask

2007:275).

The above concepts have been explored and investigated in previous studies including Lippi-

Green (1997) and Trowell (2007), which were influential upon the design of this study.

Lippi-Green’s 1997 study Teaching Children how to Discriminate does not utilise human

subjects, instead using pre-existing data to propose ways in which children may learn to

evaluate linguistic variation. Trowell’s (2007) MA Thesis study, A test of the effects of

linguistic stereotypes in children’s animated film however, gathered primary data from

children of a specific age range. The current study aimed to combine both approaches with

the intention of providing a new outlook on the topic of stereotypes in animated films.

Methodology

Sample

This study involved a ‘judgement sample’, whereby participants are selected based upon their

fulfilment of certain criteria (Llamas 2007:13). It was clear from the initial thought process

that this study would require the participation of children. The specific age range of these

children was based upon Trowell’s previous study which collected data from participants

who were in the 3rd

, 4th

or 5th

grade at elementary school (2007:2). Therefore, for comparative

purposes, children between the ages of eight and ten were selected. It can also be suggested

that this was a snowball sample, whereby friends of selected informants offered to participate

(Van Herk 2012:20).

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Whereas previous research has utilised data collected from up to hundreds of informants, this

was not possible in the current investigation. As it has been stated that “manageability of the

data is a key concern” (Llamas 2007:13), it was decided that a smaller scale investigation

would be most appropriate for this study, and a total of six informants contributed their data.

Data Type

According to Meyerhoff (2006:6), “quantitative data is complemented by qualitative data”.

This states that in order to make claims based upon numerical conclusions, supplementary

information is often useful. Because of this, the current investigation was designed to elicit

both quantitative and qualitative responses.

Data Collection Method

Based upon the previous research of Trowell (2007), it was decided that participants would

be asked to complete a questionnaire based upon accents which are commonly utilised in

animated films. Trowell (2007) set up a matched-guise investigation which was available

online, wherein one speaker read the same passage in various accents, or ‘mystery voices’ as

she labelled them. Other studies utilising this method include Giles (1970), who asked

participants to rate the varieties they heard based upon numerous personality traits in addition

to more aesthetic judgements such as pleasantness.

The current study, however, utilised speech data taken directly from animated films, creating

a subjective reaction test. This method was adopted from the realm of psychology, and

involves participants “making connections between linguistic and non-linguistic variables”

(Hudson 2001:212). This decision was partly due to the fact that it was not possible to find a

speaker confident enough at reproducing different accents; however using data taken directly

from films also added a further element to the discussion. For example, informants were

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asked whether or not they recognised the voice as a character from an animated film. This

information would reveal whether their other answers were coloured by their knowledge of

that character’s personality traits within the narrative of the film.

Quantitative questions were designed to ask informants to rate the voices based upon their

friendliness and the purity of their motives within animated plots (‘goody’ or ‘baddy’).

Qualitative data was collected through asking participants to select a career they thought the

speaker may have, in a similar way to traditional matched-guise methods. A sample of this

questionnaire can be seen in appendix (iii).

Selection of pre-existing audio data

The success of the data collection method was largely dependent upon the voices selected for

evaluation. As “different voices evoke different stereotypes” (Hudson 2001:212), it was

important for the study to contain a large enough variety of accents whilst remaining of

manageable size. For this reason, three voices were selected, each representing a different

variety of English and of comparative length. These are outlined in figure (i).

Figure (i): Voices used to elicit data. NB: Informants were only provided with sound data

depicting these characters, the images below are for illustration in this report only.

VOICE A – ‘Robin Hood’ from Shrek

(2001)

Linguistic Variety: French Accented

English

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VOICE B – ‘Buzz Lightyear’ from Toy

Story (1995)

Linguistic Variety: American English

VOICE C – ‘Gru’ from Despicable Me

(2010)

Linguistic Variety: Eastern European

Accented English

The above characters were selected given that they represent a relatively broad spectrum of

accents, and therefore a potentially wide spectrum of stereotypes. The films in which they

originate are also relatively evenly spaced, potentially reflecting the fact that over a sizeable

expanse of time, accents are being utilised in similar ways to construct characters.

Ethical Considerations

According to Meyerhoff et al, “good research will actively include the interests of the

community” (2012:121). Therefore, it is essential for the researcher to understand the ethical

implications of using data submitted by human subjects. Initially it is vital to gain informed

consent from those who wish to participate. However, documents which require signing may

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serve as “an explicit reminder” that data is being submitted for academic analysis (Milroy and

Gordon 2003:80). This refers to the Labovian notion of the ‘Observer’s Paradox’, whereby

the quality of the data is influenced by participants policing the data they provide as a

consequence of knowing they are being observed. Although this is more likely to affect

conversational data, researcher presence was still considered in the execution of this

investigation, especially given that the participants were under the age of eighteen and

therefore potentially vulnerable.

For the above reasons, the researcher was not present whilst the questionnaires were

completed, as their presence may have deterred young participants from answering questions

freely. The recording equipment was left with the parents/guardians with the instructions to

play the voices in order and allow time for children to answer. The data elicited using this

method did not appear to have been hindered through the utilisation of this method. A full

version of the consent/information sheet can be seen in appendix (i).

Results

The main trends emerging from the data have been discussed in this section, however tables

depicting the full results of the study can be observed in appendix (ii).

Figure (ii) Daily Exposure to Animated Films

Daily Exposure to Animated Film

Friendliness Goody or Baddy? Expected Job Character

Recognition

French Accented

English (FAE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Baddy – 100% Artist, chef Y – 50%

N – 50%

American English ‘Very Friendly’ – Goody – 100% Superman, Y – 100%

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(AmE) 100% superhero

Eastern European

Accented English

(EuroE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Baddy – 100% Pirate, Robber N -100%

Figure (iii) Monthly Exposure to Animated Films

Friendliness Goody or Baddy? Expected Job Character

Recognition

French Accented

English (FAE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Not sure – 100% Dancer N – 100%

American English

(AmE)

‘Very Friendly’ –

100%

Goody – 100% Space Patrol Y – 100%

Eastern European

Accented English

(EuroE)

‘A little friendly’–

100%

Baddy – 100% Prisoner N – 100%

The above tables represent the data elicited from participants whose parents/guardians stated

that they have either weekly (fig ii) or monthly (fig iii) exposure to animated films. The graph

below (fig iv) was created to form a more general presentation of whether participants

evaluated the voices positively or negatively, through assigning a scoring system to the

answers they supplied. Positive answers scored a 2, whereas negative answers scored 0.

Middle-ground answers scored a 1. The maximum a voice could score was 6 (based upon

three areas of questioning).

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Figure (iv) Compiled Results Graph

Analysis

As it can be seen from the above representations, accent utilisation in animated film does

indeed appear to have consequences relating to the perceptions of children who watch them.

Initially, it can be noted that the American English voice was evaluated positively on an

overwhelming basis, scoring sores of 6 (100% positive) on a consistent basis, regardless of

how much exposure to animated films the participant had previously experienced. There are

numerous potential explanations as to why this has been found.

Firstly, it can be noted that all six informants were able to identify this voice as being Buzz

Lightyear, possibly given the popularity of the film in which this character features. Given

that the participants were, assumedly, familiar with the character and his personality traits as

a hero within the narrative of Toy Story, their evaluations of his accent may reflect this.

Additionally, the concept of ‘sameness’ can be considered as explanation for this finding.

Previous research has found that participants of subjective reaction tests, such as this, prefer

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Daily Exposure Weekly Exposure Fortnightly Exposure Monthly Exposure

FAE

AmE

EuroE

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the variety which presents the least variation or the least identifiable regionally (Trowell

2007:35). As there were no British English voices in the samples for evaluation, it can be

proposed that American English was deemed the least marked of the three voices. As “social

identity is constructed through...a comparison process” (Bourhis and Mass 2006:1588), it can

be suggested that the informants found voice B comparable to their own varieties of English.

This referential sameness may be interpreted as a solidarity marker between the informants

and the accent, creating a shared in-group status and ultimately a positive evaluation of the

character (Coupland 2001:190).

Another observation which can be made from the data sets above is the somewhat negative

evaluations of both voice A and C. Lippi-Green (1997:92) states that “overall representation

of persons with foreign accents is far more negative than that of speakers of US or British

English”, supporting the results of this investigation. The interpretation of this finding can be

linked to the concept of markedness and ‘Other’, as mentioned previously in this report.

Given that voices A and C deviate from the linguistic norms in which children are immersed,

they cannot obtain hegemonic validity. Through this, foreign accents gain indexicality as

pejorative because they represent the unfamiliar, and therefore the unequal (Reid and

Anderson 2010:91).

It was predicted that the more frequent exposure participants had to animated film, the more

predictable or polarised their evaluations of the voices would be. Although this was found to

be the case to an extent, (see fig iv), it can be noted that positive evaluations of voice B were

universal. This may be indicative that unfamiliar accents (such as accent C) do not evoke

language attitudes because individuals are unable to associate them with specific social

groupings (Preston 2002:42). Given that there are few representations of Eastern European

speakers in the mass media, specifically children’s media, it can be proposed that participants

were not confident in assigning positive or negative attitudes towards it.

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Conclusion

As this report demonstrates, it is clear to see that “, as members of particular linguistic

communities, we have stereotyped ideas about voice...with evaluative connotations” (Bosch

and de Klerk 1996:232). The study can be seen to prove its original hypothesis, as it has

demonstrated that children reproduce stereotypes appearing in animated film when

confronted with relevant linguistic varieties in an alternative context. The reliability of the

claims in this report are, however, debateable, given the sample size. It can be suggested that

a more conductive study would involve a much larger sample, and would not be constrained

in similar ways, enabling discussion to take place relating to all data elicited.

Bibliography

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Bamberg, M; De Fina, A and Schiffrin, D (2011) ‘Discourse and Identity Construction’ in:

Schwartz, S; Luyckx, K and Vignoles, V (eds.) Handbook of Identity Theory and Research

Vol 1: Structures and Processes London: Springer pp.149-177

Bocock, R (1986) Hegemony London: Tavistock Publications

Bosch, B and de Klerk, V (1996) ‘Language Attitudes and their Implications for the Teaching

of English in the Eastern Cape’ in: de Klerk, V (ed.) Focus on South Africa Philadelphia:

John Benjamins pp.231-251

Bourhis, R and Maass, A (2006) ‘Linguistic Prejudice and Stereotypes’ in: Ammon, U;

Dittmar, N and Mattheier, K(eds.) Sociolinguistics 2nd

ed. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter

pp.1587-1602

Bucholtz, M and Hall, K (2010) ‘Locating Identity in Language’ in: Llamas, C and Watt, D

Language and Identities Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press pp.18-29

Coupland, N (2001) ‘Language, Situation and the Relational Self: Theorising Dialect Style in

Sociolinguistics’ in: Eckert, P and Rickford, J (eds.) Style and Sociolinguistic Variation

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press pp.185-211

Edwards, J (2009) Language and Identity: An Introduction Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press

Ensslin, A (2010) ‘Black and White: Language Ideologies in computer game discourse’ in:

Johnson, S and Milani, T (eds.) Language Ideologies and Media Discourse London:

Continuum pp.205-223

Giles, H (1970) ‘Evaluative Reactions to Accents’ Educational Review 22 pp.211-227

Hall, M and Bucholtz, K (2006) ‘Language and Identity’ in: Duranti, A (ed.) A Companion to

Linguistic Anthropology Oxford: Blackwell pp.369-395

Hudson, R.A (2001) Sociolinguistics Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Le Page, R.B and Tabouret-Keller, A (1985) Acts of Identity: Creole-based approaches to

language and ethnicity Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Llamas, C (2007) ‘Field Methods’ in: Llamas, C; Mullany; L and Stockwell, P (eds.) The

Routledge Companion to Sociolinguistics Oxon: Routledge pp.12-19

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Meyerhoff, M (2006) Introducing Sociolinguistics Oxon: Routledge

Meyerhoff, M; Adachi, C; Nanbakhsh, G and Strycharz, A (2012) Sociolinguistic Fieldwork

in: Thieberger, N (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork Oxford: Oxford

University Press pp.121-147

Milroy, L and Gordon, M (2003) Sociolinguistics: Method and Interpretation Oxford:

Blackwell

Preston, D.R (2002) ‘Language with an attitude’ in: Chambers, J.K; Trudgill, P and Schilling-

Estes, N (eds.) The Handbook of Language Variation and Change Oxford: Blackwell

Reid, S.A and Anderson, G.L (2010) ‘Language, Social Identity and Stereotyping’ in: Giles,

H; Reid, S and Harwood, J (eds.) The Dynamics of Intergroup Communication New York:

Peter Lang pp.91-105

Thornborrow, J (1999) ‘Language and Identity’ in: Thomas, L; Wareing, S and Singh, I (eds.)

Language, Society and Power 2nd

ed. Oxon: Routledge pp.157-172

Trask, R.L (2007) Language and Linguistics: The Key Concepts 2nd

ed. Oxon: Routledge

Trowell, M (2007) ‘A test of the effects of linguistic stereotypes in children’s animated film:

a language attitude study’ MA Thesis: University of Texas

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ed. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell

Appendices

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Appendix (i): Sample Information and Consent Form p.17

Appendix (ii): Comprehensive results tables p.18-19

Appendix (iii): Sample Questionnaire p.20

Appendix (i)

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PARTICIPANT REF: _________

‘An investigation into the accent judgements of

children based upon their exposure to the perpetuated linguistic stereotypes of animated film’

RESEARCHER: Kat McCooey

PARTICIPATION ENTAILMENTS:

This project has been designed to explore the way children access language varieties based

upon their enjoyment of animated films. In order to gather information for the purpose of the

study, your permission is required. In providing your consent, you agree for the details you

provide to be used in the discussion of this research.

As this investigation involves the participation of under 18s, the permission of a

parent/guardian is required in order for their answers to be used in the investigation. Please

indicate this in the appropriate area below.

WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO THE INFORMATION?

The information provided by volunteers, such as you, will be used to describe possible ways

in which children observe language. The answers given may be quoted within the project

report, which will be read by examiners. Your confidentiality will be maintained. This means

that all names will be given a pseudonym (alternative name) so that no reader of the report

shall be able to identify you or the children involved. After completion, the project will be

archived at Edge Hill University.

CONSENT:

IN SIGNING THIS DOCUMENT, YOU AGREE TO THE COLLECTION, USAGE, STORAGE AND PROCESSING OF THE

INFORMATION PROVIDED ON THE ISSUED QUESTIONNAIRES. THIS WILL BE SOLELY FOR THE BENEFIT OF THIS

PROJECT AND THE ACADEMIC WORK OF THE RESEARCHER. YOU ACKNOWLEDGE THAT ALL INFORMATION THAT YOU

SUBMIT WILL BE ANONYMOUS. YOU ALSO ACKNOWLEDGE YOUR RIGHT TO WITHDRAW THIS CONSENT AT ANY

GIVEN TIME, WITHOUT STATING REASON FOR DOING SO.

Signed__________________________

Parent/Guardian __________________________

Researcher _______________________

Date___________________________

Appendix (ii)

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Daily Exposure to Animated Film

Friendliness Goody or Baddy? Expected Job Character

Recognition

French Accented

English (FAE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Baddy – 100% Artist, chef Y – 50%

N – 50%

American English

(AmE)

‘Very Friendly’ –

100%

Goody – 100% Superman,

superhero

Y – 100%

Eastern European

Accented English

(EuroE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Baddy – 100% Pirate, Robber N -100%

Weekly Exposure to Animated Film

Friendliness Goody or Baddy? Expected Job Character

Recognition

French Accented

English (FAE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Baddy – 100% Artist Y – 50%

N – 50%

American English

(AmE)

‘Very Friendly’ –

100%

Goody – 100% Spaceman Y – 100%

Eastern European

Accented English

(EuroE)

‘A little friendly’–

100%

Not sure– 100% A bad

man,Scientist

Y – 50%

N – 50%

Fortnightly Exposure to Animated Film

Friendliness Goody or Baddy? Expected Job Character

Recognition

French Accented

English (FAE)

‘A little friendly’ –

100%

Baddy – 100% cook N – 100%

American English

(AmE)

‘Very Friendly’ –

100%

Goody – 100% Spaceman Y – 100%

Eastern European

Accented English

‘A little friendly’– Not sure– 100% Burglar N– 100%

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(EuroE) 100%

Monthly Exposure to Animated Film

Friendliness Goody or Baddy? Expected Job Character

Recognition

French Accented

English (FAE)

‘Not friendly at all’

– 100%

Not sure – 100% Dancer N – 100%

American English

(AmE)

‘Very Friendly’ –

100%

Goody – 100% Space Patrol Y – 100%

Eastern European

Accented English

(EuroE)

‘A little friendly’–

100%

Baddy – 100% Prisoner N – 100%