When wine slowly impregnated the island of Majorca: Punic-Ebusitan trade and local communities...

In this paper the concepts of colonialism and colonization applied to the Balearic

Islands are discussed, concluding that their use is totally inappropriate. Pub-

lished or unpublished available data from archaeological excavations and sur-

veys are analyzed from both a quantitative and qualitative perspective. They

show that some dynamics, started in the 6th century BC, continued during the

following centuries essentially with no changes, although during the 4th century

an increase can be detected from a quantitative and somehow qualitative point of

view in the arrival of foreign goods. Luxury ceramics remained attached to the

coastal settlements establishing a diacritical difference between communities tied

up to Punic traders and those inland. Mechanisms of exchange between different

actors and feasible routes of trade are explored. The Carthaginian wars and the

need for mercenaries were basically responsible for such a trade.

Abstract

January 2014

Carlos Quintana

Grup de Recerca Arque-

ouib, Dept. de Ciències

Històriques i Teoria de les

Arts, Universitat de les

Illes Balears, Carretera de

Valldemossa, km 7.5,

07122 Palma de Mallorca

- Illes Balears, Spain,

[email protected]

Colonialism, Colonization, Trade, Amphorae; Fine wares, Social change, Merce-

naries, Second Iron Age, Western Mediterranean, Balearic Islands, Eivissa/Ibiza/

ὙBŜM/Ebusus

W h e n w i n e s l o w l y i m p r e g n a t e d t h e W h e n w i n e s l o w l y i m p r e g n a t e d t h e W h e n w i n e s l o w l y i m p r e g n a t e d t h e W h e n w i n e s l o w l y i m p r e g n a t e d t h e

i s l a n d o f M a j o r c a : P u n i ci s l a n d o f M a j o r c a : P u n i ci s l a n d o f M a j o r c a : P u n i ci s l a n d o f M a j o r c a : P u n i c ---- E b u s i t a n E b u s i t a n E b u s i t a n E b u s i t a n

t r a d e a n d l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s b e t w e e n t r a d e a n d l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s b e t w e e n t r a d e a n d l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s b e t w e e n t r a d e a n d l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s b e t w e e n

4 5 0 a n d 3 0 0 B C . *4 5 0 a n d 3 0 0 B C . *4 5 0 a n d 3 0 0 B C . *4 5 0 a n d 3 0 0 B C . *

Keywords

Jordi Hernández-Gasch

Grup de Recerca

d’Arqueologia Social Me-

diterrània, Departament de

Prehistòria, Universitat

Autònoma de Barcelona,

08193 Bellaterra - Barce-

lona, Spain, jhernandez-

[email protected]

∗ This paper is the original draft in English of the Spanish version published in 2013 on Trabajos de Prehistoria, 70 (2), 293-309. http://tp.revistas.csic.es/index.php/tp/article/view/653/675

2222 When wine slowly impregnated...

En este artículo se discuten los términos colonialismo y colonización en relación

a las Islas Baleares para concluir que es del todo inapropiado seguir refiriéndo-

se al último. Se analizan datos procedentes de excavaciones y prospecciones ar-

queológicas, algunos inéditos hasta la fecha, desde un punto de vista cuantitativo

y cualitativo. Estos datos muestran que las dinámicas iniciadas en el s. VI a.C.

continuaron en los siglos siguientes sin apenas cambios, aunque en el s. IV se

produjo un incremento en la llegada de productos foráneos, desde un punto de

vista cuantitativo y, en cierta medida, cualitativo también. La vajilla de lujo per-

maneció ligada a los asentamientos costeros, estableciéndose una diferencia dia-

crítica entre las comunidades ligadas a los comerciantes púnicos y las del inter-

ior. Se exploran también los mecanismos de intercambio entre diferentes actores

y las posibles rutas seguidas. Las guerras Cartaginesas y la necesidad de merce-

narios fueron esencialmente responsables de este intercambio.

Resumen

Colonialismo, Colonización, Intercambio, Ánforas, Vajilla fina, Cambio social,

Mercenarios, Segunda edad del Hierro, Mediterráneo occidental, Islas Baleares,

Eivissa/Ibiza/ὙBŜM/Ebusus

Palabras clave

Hernández-Gasch & Quintana

Purpose: a model change?

The research presented in this article is

sparked by an increasing suspicion among

some archaeologist involved in the investiga-

tion of the protohistory of the Balearic Is-

lands (fig. 1)1 that colonization as a term re-

ferred to in the Punic-Ebusitan action over

the indigenous society of Majorca seems

equally inappropriate not only from the

available data, but also from a theoretical

point of view (García Rosselló, 2010).

This concept was used for the first time last

century in the eighties in one of the many

timelines proposed for the Balearic prehis-

tory (Mayoral 1984) and also after the exca-

vations undertaken in the Ebusitan base of

the islet of Na Guardis, located near the

southern coast of Majorca (Guerrero 1984a;

1984b; 1997). This was later embraced more

or less implicitly by many authors (Vallespir

et al. 1987; Coll 1989: 53; Cardell et al.

3333

1993: 56-57; Quintana and Guerrero, 2004).

Throughout the last decades an exchange

model of aristocratic type, operating since

the 9th century BC until the 5th century, was

proposed. Around the 4th century BC this

trade would change towards an emporia or

maqom model (Guerrero 2004).

In the present state of research, we need to

take a step back and ask ourselves whether it

is possible with the available data from the

Balearic Islands to detect such a model

change. Moreover, we need to redefine the

relations that existed amongst Ebusitan and

Balearic people.

1 The term “Balearic Islands” is used in a historical and geographical sense, not in a political and administrative way as it is nowadays. It includes Majorca and Minorca, while Ibiza/Eivissa and Formentera belong to the Pitiusic archipelago.


Materials and Methodology

The analysis presented here is based on a

material culture with some major limitations

exposed below. Some other elements, such

as architecture or ritual manifestations, are

ruled out, since the influences described up

to the date are often more a result of the in-

ferences on behalf of the researchers them-

selves than evidences of their own accord.

The archaeological items used are exclu-

sively imported ceramics and, specifically,

two types: amphorae and fine ware. There-

fore items of other nature, such as the metals,

are excluded due to their durability and

sometimes the uncertainty about their origin.

Thus, metal figurines or vessels might not

only be discarded but also introduced centu-

ries after their production.2 Common pottery

is also excluded. Frequently, and at least in

the present state of our knowledge, they are

productions of a low chronological resolu-

tion and, as a result, they cannot be ascribed

unequivocally to the period considered. The

same can be said for vitreous paste and glass

items.

Similar restrictions operate over amphorae,

forcing us to dismiss an Iberian origin and to

take into account only the Ebusitan (types

1.3.2.3. and 8.1.1.1.) (fig. 2b) and Greek ma-

terials (specifically, from Massalia and Cor-

inth). As for the content of these types of

Ebusitan amphorae and after detecting traces

of resin in some of them, Ramon (1991: 134)

concluded years ago that they presumably

carried wine. Even Diodorus of Sicily (V,

17) mentioned that in spite of a moderate fer-

tility the island of Ibiza/Eivissa had a small

region for vineyard alongside with olive trees

grafted to wild olives. On the contrary for the

Balearic Islands, he specifically mentioned

an absolutely lack of wine production and

hence their inhabitants were excessively in-

2 Local metalwork (bronze) probably existed in that period, as well as earlier, but in small amounts, since tin was always imported, as it does not exist naturally on the islands.


clined to wine. Recent excavations on the

island of Ibiza/Eivissa showed the existence

of pits cut in the bedrock in order to plant

vines, claiming at the same time for this heri-

tage many times undervalued (López Garí

and Marlasca, 2012).

Similarly among the fine ware, Attic black

glaze is practically the only one considered

(fig. 3b). Apart from this, two sherds of red

figure, bell kraters, (one probably from the

Apulia region in Italy dated to the second

half of the 4th century BC and the other one

from the Attic area) were also found at Son

Mas.

To sum up: the concept of index fossil

guides this basic research, excluding to a

greater extent an approximation to the im-

ported goods as a whole and specifically to

the ceramic types, since dated contexts in the

period analyzed are extremely scarce.

The items considered were found on the is-

5555

land of Majorca or on the nearby islets. The

information from the shipwreck of El Sec, the

only one dated on the 4th century BC found

in the waters of Majorca, has been omitted.

This is due to the fact that some of the items

carried by this vessel have not been found on

the ground and doubts about its destination

are more than reasonable. When analyzing

the possible trade routes followed by the ship,

Arribas et al. (1987: 655) pointed out more

likely destinations such as the Languedoc

coast or the south-east Iberian Peninsula, ex-

cluding implicitly Majorca.


What we mean when we say “a lot”?

Recently it has been suggested that foreign

trade in the Balearic Islands during the late

archaic period was not exclusively Phoeni-

cian and Ebusitan (c. 575-450 BC)

(Hernández-Gasch 2009). However, there

was a consensus amongst the researchers on

a relative “flood” of imported products

brought by the merchants of ὙBŜM/Ebusus

(Ramon 1991; Ramon 1995; Guerrero 1998)

to the insular territories since the 4th century

BC onwards.

To date, only ceramics from a few Majorcan

sites have been quantified (Sanmartí et al.

2002; Quintana and Guerrero 2004;

Quintana 2005; Fayas 2010). Overall counts

have also been released (Guerrero 1998). At

present, it is possible to update these data,

adding new published or unpublished ce-

ramics. However, the approach is com-

pletely new as it tends to compare figures in

a territorial dimension and also in a chrono-

logical way with respect to previous and later

periods. This is a means for understanding

the dynamics of acquisition and transmission

of different goods between foreign and local

protohistoric communities and among the

latter.

Sources and methods of analysis

The available archaeological materials have

several origins and subsequently different

analysis levels applied. With respect to the

amphorae, the data comes from three main

sources: non intensive archaeological sur-

veys (NIAS), intensive archaeological sur-

veys (IAS) and archaeological excavations.

Fine ware has been obtained via the first sys-

tem, but above all through the latter.

The main source that provides information

for the NIAS is the Inventory of Archaeo-

logical Sites of Majorca (Aramburu-Zabala

2004), compiled by Mascaró Pasarius (1961

2 Local metalwork (bronze) probably existed in that period, as well as earlier, but in small amounts, since tin was always imported, as it does not exist naturally on the islands.


-67; 1967 and 1968) and the Archaeological

Chart of Majorca, which is mainly a local

administration management resource. Some

others have been added from the existing

bibliography, many of which already appear

in Joan Ramon’s works (1991 and 1995).

Finally, a few samples have been located

during the course of this investigation.

For the IAS system we rely on the surveys

undertaken at the site of Puig de sa Morisca

(Quintana 2000).

Finally, archaeological excavations provide

data from four large, local settlements (Puig

de sa Morisca, Son Fornés, S’Hospitalet Vell

and Ses Païsses). Some other excavated sites

have delivered smaller, but quantitatively

important data, such as the sanctuaries of

Son Mas and Sa Punta des Patró, the an-

nexed cave of the cemetery of La Punta

cave, the necropolis of Illa des Porros, the

step tumulus and necropolis of Son Ferrer,

7777

the talaiots (watch-towers) of Son Fred and

Cascanar, the small settlement of Turó de ses

Beies or the indigenous site that exists under-

neath the roman town of Pollentia. The

Ebusitan sites of Es Trenc and Na Guardis are

also considered here.

This data has been analyzed separately, from

a qualitative point of view (presence/absence)

and from a quantitative one (Minimum Num-

ber of Individuals or MNI). Distribution maps

are used to represent them. This mapping sys-

tem reflects the chronology of the materials

considered and hence it is possible to distin-

guish between the second half of the 5th cen-

tury and the 4th century BC for the Ebusitan

amphorae of the types 1.3.2.3 and 8.1.1.1.

(fig. 2) and between the first and the second

half of the 4th century BC for the black glaze

pottery (fig. 3).


The results are compared with Ebusitan am-

phorae from the 3rd century BC (types

8.1.2.1 and 8.1.3.1) (Fig. 5). Although the

historical dynamics of this century is not the

aim of the present study, this comparison

allows us to recognize more clearly a ten-

dency defined in the 4th century BC, since

there are more specimens and sites recorded

for later periods. Otherwise, fine pottery,

specifically from the 3rd century BC, is ex-

tremely scarce and as a result such a com-

parative map is not presented.

With regards to the data obtained from exca-

vations, these have been treated quantita-

tively. Figures resulting of the MNI count

have been recalculated according to the ex-

cavated surfaces, since these figures depend

on variables such as the extension of exca-

vated areas, the functionality of these spaces

in the past or the post-depositional processes

affecting them. Thus, the volume of ampho-

rae is typically higher in storage areas or de-

bris accumulation zones than in ritual spaces,

at least in the Balearic contexts, where the

ceramic drinking set appears (presumably for

wine). It is also clear that an area not in use

during a specific time and not affected by

soil removals will not provide materials for

such a period. Although the volume of sedi-

ment extracted would be a more appropriate

indicating factor than the surface, this calcu-

lation is hard to obtain from the available

data. A second factor that needs correcting is

that with regards to the estimated production

span of the amphorae types: 50 years for

T.1.3.2.3 and a 100 for T.8.1.1.1.

Finally, the data coming from scant but reli-

able archaeological contexts of the 4th cen-

tury BC are analysed both qualitatively and

quantitatively, where possible. This analysis

can be used as a control factor and shows

tendencies with respect to the arrival of other


ceramics. This needs to be confirmed quanti-

tatively at a later stage by means of analys-

ing new contexts.

Presentation of data and results

Archaeological surveys of the Ebusitan am-

phorae from the 4th century BC (T.8.1.1.1.)

show a remarkable concentration in the

south/southeast part of the island and in the

west.

The south/southeast area includes two im-

portant loci. The first one comprises the sites

on the islet of Na Guardis and on the Es

Trenc beach (in this case, probably just a

wharf with few permanent structures), along-

side the supposed salt beds in Colònia de

Sant Jordi, all of which are considered places

used by Ebusitan people (Guerrero 1987 and

1997). However, salt was only exploited on a

noticeable scale centuries later during the

Early Roman Empire, as there are over 190

rim sherds of amphorae from that period as

9999

opposed to only five belonging to the 4th cen-

tury BC (Guerrero 1987: 102). The second

focus is made up by the indigenous settle-

ments of Sa Talaia Grossa and Rafal des

Porcs – Punta des Baus, east of the Ses Sa-

lines cape.

The west area includes an important indige-

nous settlement, that of Puig de sa Morisca.

The rest of the finds come from the centre of

the island (also known as Pla de Mallorca and

defined here as “central group”) and from

very specific places, mainly coastal areas to

the east and the north of the island.

The relative isolation of the central group

stands out except for those in the south. In

this sense, it is worth mentioning the larger

extension in ancient times (Morey 2009) of

Muro’s marshland in the bay of Alcúdia, and

the small mountain range (around 500 m

ASL) of the Llevant mountains (massif of

Artà, Calicant mountains, and Felanitx sec-

1 01 01 01 0 When wine slowly impregnated...

tor). Both geographical features appear as

boundaries of smaller concentrations of im-

ported goods on the eastern coastline. How-

ever, the nature of the archaeological sur-

veys does not allow us to ensure whether

this image responds to limitations of the sur-

veys themselves or whether they show an

archaeological reality, and thus, a historical

one.

There is also a significant scarcity of finds

in the territory surrounding a large part of

the Palma bay. This is due to the urbaniza-

tion in modern times of a large part of the

territory and has prevented archaeological

surveys, alongside the presence of fossilized

dunes (S’Arenal) and the fact that the coast-

line has changed significantly from prehis-

toric times to the present day (Rosselló i

Verger 2000: 120). Nevertheless, a concen-

tration of finds becomes apparent running

from the coast, inland to the foot of the Tra-

muntana Mountains, via the municipality of

Alaró.

The T.1.3.2.3 amphorae do not appear to be

neither quantitatively nor qualitatively sig-

nificant. An exception to this is the collection

of a specimen in the Puig des Moros de s'Al-

mudaina site (IJAM-30012). If the identifica-

tion is correct,3 it will show that the mecha-

nisms of the intrainsular wine distribution up

to the centre of Majorca can be traced back

to the second half of the 5th century BC.

This, however, could not be identified at the

end of 6th century BC or even to the first

half of the 5th century BC (Hernández-Gasch

2009: 275 and fig. 279).

The contrasting map with Ebusitan amphorae

from the 3rd century BC, recorded from ar-

chaeological surveys, offers a similar out

look, underlining some of the aspects already

noted (fig. 5). Thus, the density of finds in-

creases in the south and south-west and the

3 Although in the original publication (Aramburu-Zabala 2004), the author classifies this sherd as T.1.3.1.2, we cannot agree with this since the inclination of the wall does not match in any way with this type. In any case, if we accept the orientation which appears in the drawing, the rim sherd has to be classified as an evolved T.1.3.2.3, since there are some morphological features that suggest the later type 8.1.1.1., such as the incurving inner wall of the rim sherd.


connection with the central group of the Pla

de Mallorca becomes more apparent. This

keeps its isolation in respect to other places,

despite the fact it slightly grows to the north.

The southern group broadens to the remain-

ing south-western slopes of the Llevant

mountains. The western group can be seen

perfectly and the entry point from Palma bay

to the interior is reinforced. The rest of the

finds are associated with coastal sites.

With respect to the fine ware, mainly Attic

black glaze, its distribution clearly shows a

coastal phenomenon since they are only

found in the Majorcan coastline and on some

nearby islets (Sa Dragonera and S’Illot des

Porros). Furthermore, the finds are few (by

MNI), except for two ritual sites, Son Mas

sanctuary and the auxiliary cave or bothros

of the funerary cave of La Punta. Unlike the

contemporary amphora, concentrations in the

south and south-west or the west are not lar-

1 11 11 11 1

ger, since in all the areas the finds are equally

scarce.

At a chronological level, the individuals dated

between 450/425 and 375/350 BC reach a

similar number compared to the ones dated

around 350-300 BC. There is a third group

that covers the whole 4th century BC that

makes it hard to distinguish whether the phe-

nomenon of the distribution of luxury fine

ware had more incidence in earlier or later

times.

The shrine of Son Mas is one of the sites

where a major concentration of these vessels

is found. The fact that there is an absence of

Ebusitan amphorae T. 1.3.2.3. might also in-

dicate a date from the 4th century BC for the

specimens of fine ware. According to Conde,

Hernández-Gasch and Principal who carried

out the inventory in the second half of the

1990s, there are only two rims sherds of

T.8.1.1.1. among 2262 existing registers of


imported pottery in Son Mas, although ap-

parently De Mulder, Deschieter and Van

Strydonck (2007: 363) record 10 specimens.

In any case, the low incidence of T.8.1.1.1.

along with the absence of T.1.3.2.3. could

be as well the result of a low impact of wine

in the rituals of this specific place at that

time. Excavations at the nearby site of Son

Ferrandell also show a limited number of

amphorae of the type 8.1.1.1., nine speci-

mens specifically (De Mulder, pers. com.).

However, in this case two rim sherds of the

type 1.3.2.3. are also recorded, proving that

the Punic trade was already active in the

area in the second half of the 5th century

BC. Therefore, the oldest specimens of fine

ware in Son Mas could also have arrived in

that period and not only as antiques in more

recent times.

Data about the amphorae recovered in ar-

chaeological excavations also constitutes an

element to contrast the observed phenomena.

Thus, for the oldest period, represented by

T.1.3.2.3., there are four individuals in Puig

de sa Morisca and three in Ses Païsses. The

approximate excavated surfaces in these set-

tlements (c. 300 sq m until 2003 and 1450 sq

m until 2008 –Aramburu, Hernández-Gasch

2005; Aramburu 2009-, respectively) result

in very low indexes of individuals by surface

area: 0.013 and 0.002 amphorae per sq m.

However, it is still 6.5 times the first one

with respect to the second one. The absence

of data for the south and the south-west

obeys to the lack of archaeological excava-

tions in this area, although the non appear-

ance in a settlement long explored in the cen-

tre of the island such as Son Fornés (2700 sq

m until 2011 –Gili, com. pers.) points to an

almost absolute absence of wine in the Pla de

Mallorca until the 4th century BC, also sug-

gested by the data from archaeological sur-


veys.

The presence of T.1.3.2.3. in the sites exca-

vated in the north and north-east is reduced

so far to the Son Ferradell samples noted be-

fore. This is surprising as there are some

sites (Son Mas, La Punta) where some fine

ware sherds can be dated to the second half

of the 5th century BC and even earlier in

some other places towards the end of the 6th

century (Punta des Patró), alongside the old-

est Ebusitan amphorae found in the area of

type 1.3.1.2. (ca. 525-450 BC) (Es Pedret de

Bóquer) (Hernández-Gasch 2009: 275 and

fig. 279). However, the specimens recovered

are always few for the oldest types of fine

ware and amphorae. The absence of ampho-

rae T. 1.3.2.3. is probably, on the one hand, a

result of limited excavations in some of these

sites and, on the other, the ritual character of

others (Son Mas, La Punta and Punta des

Patró).

1 31 31 31 3

This picture changed effectively in the 4th

century BC. Not only was there a gradual per-

meation of the amphorae T.8.1.1.1. through-

out the island, as the survey map shows (fig.

2a), but it occurred in growing numbers, as

the archaeological excavations also support.

The correction factor, when considering the

length of the amphorae production of succes-

sive types, does not affect this net increase.

The adjustment of gross figures by excavated

surfaces provides a better estimate for this

dynamic. For the coastal site of Puig de sa

Morisca in the west, interpreted so far as an

indigenous trade centre, the index raises to

0.08 (MNI 21), while for the subsidiary set-

tlement of Turó de ses Beies (c. 385 pub-

lished sq m) it is 0.005 (two individuals); for

the nearby funerary site of Túmul de Son Fer-

rer (c. 140 sq m) the index is 0.16 (MNI 23).

On the opposite side of the island, in the east,

the settlement of Ses Païsses, located rela-


tively away from the coastline, the index is

0.04 (MNI = 63). For the south-east settle-

ment of S’Hospitalet (c. 500 excavated sq m

until 1983) it accounts for 0.02 (MNI = 12).

In the centre of Majorca the settlement of

Son Fornés (c. 760 excavated sq m until

1988) shows also a similar index of 0.03

(MNI = 26).

The talaiots investigated in this area are

Cascanar (c. 153 sq m excavated) and Son

Fred (c. 84 sq m excavated). They reach in-

dexes of 0.01 (two individuals) and 0.02

(two individuals) respectively, although it is

worth noting that these were places that had

a peculiar use, probably not comparable to

true settlements. Similarly, the sanctuaries

of Son Mas (c. 400 excavated sq m) in the

north-west, and Punta des Patró in the north-

east, have very distinctive figures. The for-

mer has a low MNI (two or 10 individuals

depending on the sources), which gives in-

dexes of 0.005 or 0.025, while the latter (c.

185 excavated sq m) reaches 0.01 (MNI 2).

The nearby cemetery of Illa des Porros (ca.

255 excavated sq m) shows an index of

0.004 (one individual).

These figures alter the picture seen by the

gross numbers (NMI) reflected in the map

(Fig. 2a). Puig de sa Morisca on the west

coast appears to have twice the amphorae per

square meter than Ses Païsses on the north-

east area (0.08 and 0.04, respectively), while

the latter shows similar indexes to Son

Fornés in the centre of the island (0.03). The

last site investigated, Hospitalet Vell, a rela-

tively inland settlement in the east, also has a

low index (0.02), probably as a consequence

of the limitations on the published data as

current excavations have yielded new sam-

ples (Salas, pers. com.). The Túmul de Son

Ferrer, a funerary site related to Puig de sa

Morisca, stands out with a high index (0.15),


while the remainder of ritual places tend to

have low indexes between 0.02 and 0.01 or

even lower.

Finally, contexts that can be dated in the ana-

lyzed period are extremely meagre. In Son

Fornés the only context published so far that

seems unequivocally dated to the 4th century

is the level II2 of a house named HPT1. This

level represents the last use prior to the first

abandonment and contains some sherds of

Ebusitan amphorae and a patera of the same

origin of the type 2.6.e (Palomar 2005: 121).

This bowl is probably inspired in an Attic

black-glaze prototype (Sparkes and Talcott

1970: 137-138 and 303, pl. 9, n. 949) dated

to 500-325 BC (Fernández, Granados 1980:

39-40). In another building (HPT4) some

contextualised specimens of T.8.1.1.1. were

identified. However, in this case these were

the only imports unearthed (Palomar 2005:

128-129).

1 51 51 51 5

On the summit of Puig de sa Morisca, be-

tween the years 1997 and 2000, a tower was

excavated. The paving preparation of this

tower yielded Attic black-glaze pottery, spe-

cifically two sherds belonging to the rim of a

kylix, apparently from mid 5th century BC,

and to the rim and handle of a single handle

bowl (Quintana, Guerrero 2004: 254-255).

Close examination of the latter sherds showed

that it belonged to the type 744-763 (Sparkes

& Talcott 1970) and hence has to be dated to

500-300 BC.

Occupation levels inside the tower were dated

to the 4th century BC and show a diversity of

items that requires close examination. Repre-

sentative types include the Punic-Ebusitan

amphorae T.8.1.1.1. (MNI = 13), although

there are amphorae from the Iberian coast

(two individuals) and Massalia (one individ-

ual) (Quintana, Guerrero 2004: 255-256).

Other ceramic types are represented by two


Punic-Ebusitan incurving rim bowls similar

to some samples found in Eivissa/Ibiza, and

dated to the end of the 5th century and first

half of the 4th century BC and in the second

half of the 4th century BC, respectively. A

plate and mortar of Ebusitan origin were

also found, alongside part of the rim and

handle of a cooking pot, probably Cartha-

ginian in origin.

In Ses Païsses, a room was abandoned at the

end of the 5th century BC, as indicated by

the discovery of a complete Castulo Cup

and sherds of two Ebustian amphorae of the

type 1.3.2.3. (Sanmartí et al. 2002: 115).

Among the quantified contexts for the 4th

century BC found in an open air area of this

site, the imported ware is only 3% (by MNI)

and 6% (by number of sherds) with respect

the total amount of pottery recovered. Am-

phorae represent 67% and 83%, respec-

tively. T. 8.1.1.1. reaches 94% of all frag-

ments, while one sherd of Iberian amphorae

and one other of Greco-Italic amphorae were

also found. A 33% of individuals and a 17%

of sherds belong to fine and common ware.

In fact, there are two individuals produced in

ὙBŜM/Ebusus and another one in the Iberian

coast (Sanmartí et al. 2002: 116).

The figures calculated in the same study for

the 4th century BC contexts from the sanctu-

ary of Punta de Patró for imported goods

range from 10.4 to 21.6%, depending on

MNI counts or fragment numbers. The over-

riding production by MNI is the Ebusitan

amphorae (36.4%), followed by the Iberian

amphorae (18.2%). Sherds of Central

Mediterrenean Punic, Massalian, Greco-

Italic and Corinthian (B type) amphorae were

also recovered. Among the fine and common

wares, there are a fragment of an Attic lamp,

a sherd of black-glaze ware of non deter-

mined origin and some sherds of Ebusitan


pottery (Sanmartí et al. 2002: 109).

On the islet of Na Guardis, on a level prior to

the construction of the facilities recorded,

T.8.1.1.1. amphorae are associated with two

Ebusitan plates (Lamboglia 21/25) (Guerrero

1984: 209) and PE 22 amphorae (375-50/225

-200 BC) with an Ebusitan jug of the type Eb

-69 (Guerrero 1997: 44).

The picture resulting of the excavated con-

texts clearly shows two different aspects that

could not be noted by the mapping of finds

analysed earlier. On the one hand, on the

coastal sites a higher variability of products

can be distinguished. Among the amphorae,

apart from Punic-Ebusitan specimens, there

are some Iberian, Massalian, Central Medi-

terranean Punic, Greco-Italic and even Co-

rinthian sherds. With respect to other ce-

ramic productions other than Attic black

glaze pottery, imitations from ὙBŜM/Ebusus

can be found, alongside common ware of

1 71 71 71 7

Ebusitan, Carthaginian and Iberian origin. On

the other hand, in the centre of the island a

significant restriction of products, with a clear

Ebusitan origin, is noted. The extraordinary

limitation of these contexts might hide a

slightly diverse reality. However, goods from

rare places (such as Massalia and Corinth) or

luxury products (such as Attic black glaze)

are not found in the excavated or surveyed

sites at the centre of the island.

Discussion

Theoretical models

From the 9th to the 6th century BC, Phoeni-

cians established a network of settlements in

the Western Mediterranean.4 This seems to

obey, at least in the beginning, to a trading

network in the Mediterranean (Delgado 2008)

which allowed Phoenicians in the Far West

access to minerals, specifically copper and

silver, and later on to farming products (e.g.

Alvar 1999, López Castro 2008). However,

4 Some finds in Huelva were used to argue for an oriental presence as far back as the 10th century BC (Mederos 2006). However, these findings have proved controversial (Moreno Arrastio 2008: note 47) and most of the authors have showed caution regarding this fact, such as Blázquez (2007: 65), Delgado (2008: 22), González, Serrano, Llompart (2008: 63) and Wagner (2008: 11).


according to Delgado it seems that they in-

teract differently depending on the choice of

territory. In Western Andalusia they settled

in Tartesic indigenous villages, where they

established direct trading, while in Eastern

Andalusia they settled in uninhabited places.

In fact, these seem to be ports of call rather

than places where trading took place with

indigenous populations.

In order to explain different types and stages

in the contacts between Phoenicians and in-

digenous societies several models have been

set up to define Phoenician trade.

In the far Western Mediterranean, and more

specifically in the Iberian Peninsula, the sys-

tems of trading between Phoenicians, and by

extension Punics, and local communities

have been studied by different authors.

However, since the 1990s, two groups have

been defined by distinct historiographical

trends. There is an initial line of research

that stresses the Phoenician element, while

the indigenous one takes up a second posi-

tion as seen in Alvar (1999) or López Castro

(2000). Both authors present a model of trade

that evolved over time into a different type.

Alvar (1999) names them Non Hegemonic

Contact Mode and Systematic Contact Mode,

while López Castro (2000) calls them Aristo-

cratic Trade and Maqom or Emporic Trade.

The second line of research establishes a big-

ger role for the indigenous element in the

trading frame (e.g. Aubet 1994; Ruiz Galvez

1998; Arruda 2002; Vives-Ferrándiz 2005).

These researchers agree with postcolonial

statements which have been applied to ar-

chaeology elsewhere (Van Dommelen 1998,

Gosden 2004). In this case, the indigenous

elites would interact with Phoenicians as

equals. The latter would seek to establish

their relations with some specific societies

with enough organization and technological


capabilities to allow access to the trading

flow (Vives-Ferrandiz, 2005).

Authors dealing with the colonial phenome-

non have frequently used terms such as

“colonialism” or “colonization” to refer to

the same historical facts, as Vives-Ferrandiz

(2005) points out. However, while the first

one is specifically found in the Anglo-Saxon

bibliographies, the second one is used mostly

in South European countries, mainly by

French, Spanish and Italian authors, who

tend to avoid the word “colonialism” as it is

reminiscent of current colonial situations.

Dietler (2010: 12) recognises that this term

has become an omnipresent concept in social

sciences, bringing together a broad consen-

sus around its importance, but he considers

that there is little agreement about a precise

definition.

We need to make a distinction between the

words “colonialism” and “colonization” as

1 91 91 91 9

they are not used in the same way. Following

Dietler (2009: 21-22), when referring to

“colonization”, we express a situation of po-

litical domination imposed by external agents

over a specific territory and people. On the

other hand, “colonialism” is used to indicate a

body of projects and practices of control car-

ried out in asymmetrical power relations be-

tween communities alongside with the cul-

tural and social processes derived from them.

For the island of Majorca, Guerrero (1981,

1984, 1997 and 2004) was the only researcher

that specifically focused on colonial issues,

describing a tribal indigenous society struc-

tured around chiefdoms (1997: 275-277).

These would not be a direct consequence of

the contact with Ebusitan traders, although

these contacts would lead to intensify some

trends previously observed. Thus, chiefdoms

would increase their coercive power; social

differences, hierarchy and forms of social de-


pendence would also deepen or arise

(Guerrero, 1997: 303). This picture has been

criticised not only from a theoretical point

of view but also from the data available in

Majorca (Lull et al.1999: 68). Guerrero

(1997: 304) explicitly considers centre-

periphery dialectics as a basic tool in the

analysis of colonial processes. He also un-

derstands, as some economists previously

(Amin, 1975, 1976 apud Guerrero 1997),

that colonization implies unavoidably an

asymmetrical relationship between two cul-

tures determining an unequal trade. Guer-

rero also asserts, following Wagner (1993),

that different scale of use values for ex-

changed goods results in deep relations of

inequality.

However, recently and contrary to this the-

ory, postcolonial archaeology has criticised

these unilateral processualists schemes

which see the indigenous compound as be-

ing totally passive in the colonial process. It

has also shown how value scales differ be-

tween colonizers and local communities (e.g.

Krueger, 2008). Thus, for those receiving

unattainable products in their own social en-

vironment reinforces their own power. The

exchange becomes, from their point of view,

totally fair and balanced.

In the last ten years, Guerrero has applied the

exchange models developed by Alvar (1999)

and López Castro (2000) for the colonial dy-

namics of the Iberian Peninsula seen previ-

ously in the interpretation of the Majorcan

case (Guerrero et al. 2002; Guerrero, 2004).

Hence, the chronology and nature of contacts

between Phoenicians who settled in the

neighbouring island of Ibiza/Eivissa, and in-

digenous communities in Majorca would

have two distinct moments.

The first period, characterised by the so-

called “aristocratic exchanges”, would have


taken place between 850 and 400 BC. The

exchange of gifts is presumed to have in-

volved only the upper classes in these socie-

ties. However, the starting date is highly

problematic as it does not match with the

chronology for the oldest sites in the island

of Ibiza/Eivissa. Thus, the initial settlement

on the island is considered to be located in

the site of Sa Caleta c.700 BC, although

some possible exchange may have occurred

between traders and local communities in the

8th century BC (Ramon 2005, 2007). The

cemetery of ὙBŜM/Ebusus has been dated to

the 6th century BC. Among the four radio-

carbon dates, one (UtC-11186, 2711 ± 38)

calibrated at one sigma has a calendar date of

895-820 Cal BC (Fernández, Costa 2004:

328). Although this high date remains unex-

plained, it is totally discordant with the pro-

posed chronology for the cemetery itself.

Finally, this early date is also three centuries

2 12 12 12 1

older than the first imported archaeologically

finds detected in Majorca (Hernández-Gasch

2009).

The second phase would have developed be-

tween the 4th century BC up to the Roman

conquest of Majorca in 123 BC. This has

been called in some instances a “Full coloni-

zation” (Guerrero 2004) and it is based on an

emporia trade with some relationships of

power (Guerrero 2004: 171). At this moment,

three different aspects would be established

to complete a colonial frame: Conscription of

mercenaries to the Carthaginian army, foun-

dation of Ebusitan bases on the coast and, fi-

nally, a territorial control and exploitation of

strategic resources such as the salt marshes in

south Majorca.

This overall view was shared by a number of

researchers dealing with the colonial subject,

namely the school of the University of the

Balearic Islands (e.g. Quintana, 2000;


Quintana, Guerrero, 2004; Calvo et al.

2009). It is worth noting this last work, since

while accepting the aristocratic and the em-

poria/maqom phases it puts forward the pos-

sibility of more action on behalf of the na-

tives in the foreign exchange, particularly

with ὙBŜM/Ebusus. This can be seen in the

analysis of an indigenous settlement (Turó

de ses Beies), which is seen as an incoming

centre for imported goods located in the

West of the island, similar to the Ebusitan

one in Na Guardis in the south. However,

some other authors disagree on this interpre-

tation and interpret the remains as an indige-

nous farmstead (Salvà, Hernández-Gasch

2009). The aristocratic and emporia/maqom

model has only recently been contested by

some members of the school of the Univer-

sity of the Balearic Islands.5

Back in the eighties, Mayoral (1983 and

1984) also dealt with the colonial impact. In

his work, he stated that imported goods

(beyond ceramics, such as vitreous paste

necklaces and bronze figurines) were related

to a cultural adaptation process between Pu-

nic and native populations. The latter would

be in a position of inequality and their adap-

tation would proceed through relations of

power, embodied in new needs and debts

(Mayoral 1984: 1306). Thus, as we saw ear-

lier, the relationship would clearly be of ine-

quality and an outstanding control of the

colonizer over the colonized would have ex-

isted. A different point of view has recently

been put forward by analysing the indige-

nous context in relation to the cargo of the

shipwreck of Cala Sant Vicenç in Majorca

(Hernández-Gasch 2009). In this work, after

considering all the items recorded in the

Balearic Islands that can be dated between c.

525 and 450 BC, it is argued that a Greek

trade in the north of Majorca existed together

5 García Rosselló, 2010.


with an equally incipient Phoenician ex-

change in the south of the island. A number

of changes in the social, ideological and eco-

nomic life of the indigenous communities

seemingly occurred in the same period

(Hernández-Gasch 2009: 284). Finally, an

active role for the indigenous societies to

create the conditions that attracted the exoge-

nous element is explicitly assumed. At the

same time, it has been interpreted that these

communities used foreign luxury good to

reinforce social, economic and political

changes. However, this analysis centres on a

short period of time and it does not deal with

the consequences or the relationships that

developed with foreign and local populations

in later phases.

From village to village …

The absence of a territorial occupation of the

Balearic Islands by Punic populations is an

archaeological and a historical fact. Even the

2 32 32 32 3

Ebusitan enclave on the islet of Na Guardis

has to be considered a seasonal settlement

(Guerrero 1997: 126), occupied during cer-

tain periods when the sea was opened up to

shipping and trading routes. Among the islets

facilities we have stores and an iron work-

shop (Guerrero 1997: 76) and thus Na

Guardis is interpreted as a redistribution cen-

tre and as a place to control the nearby salt

marshes (Guerrero 1997: 249).

In the absence of a territorial occupation the

local communities had to take an active role

redistributing imported goods and, as it would

seem, the direct contact between Ebusitan and

the Balearic people only took place in settle-

ments relatively close to the coast. In this re-

spect, the large quantities of amphorae in

these coastal sites and the decreasing

amounts found inland suggested by the data

from archaeological surveys and excavations


presented earlier support this idea. The pres-

ence of fine ware in coastal sites goes also

in this same direction.

However, there is little evidence to ac-

knowledge whether the traders arrived to the

coastal settlements or whether trading ac-

tivities were performed in the landing sites.

The high concentration of amphorae on the

Es Trenc beach would support the latter. In

contrast, in Puig de sa Morisca, exchanges

could have been made in the settlement it-

self, located in a promontory only 800 m

from the coastline. This site has distinctive

morphological features with respect to other

indigenous villages, such as an acropolis

dominated by monumental elements like

walls and towers which added prestige. Fi-

nally, the recruitment of mercenaries, testi-

fied by Greek and Roman sources, does not

fit with a trade system based only on the

shore, away from settlements. In contrast, it

points to closer relations between locals and

foreign populations that would have required

much knowledge and some confidence be-

tween both parties. In the last decades, it has

been argued that most of the imported prod-

ucts by the Balearic people most likely re-

spond to wages for the mercenaries sent

abroad (Guerrero 1989: 107; Gornés et al.

1992: 19; Lull et al. 2001: 74).

Thus, the oldest intervention of Balearic

sling-shooters is documented in Selinus and

Himera as far back as 409 BC and in Akra-

gas in 406 BC (Diodorus of Sicily, XIII, 80,

2). In this respect, it is worth noting that am-

phorae T.1.3.2.3. and some Attic black glaze

ware (kylikes, Castulo cups, and bolsals)

might have arrived during this period and

could have been part of the wages for those

first mercenaries. On the other hand, if some

of them arrived previously these could act as

trust gifts, to establish agreements and hence


prepare the levies themselves.

The next war where Balearic sling-shooters

are mentioned is at Eknomon in 311 BC and

Gela in 311/310 BC. Perhaps sources are in-

complete but, in any case, it is doubtful that

during almost the entire century wine am-

phorae didn´t arrive to Majorca. The

T.8.1.1.1. amphorae is dated from 400 to 300

BC and it is unlikely that the bulk of them

had arrived at the end of the century, espe-

cially when we have some black glaze speci-

mens dated to the first half of the 4th cen-

tury. As a result, either the mercenaries inter-

vened in other conflicts not recorded by the

ancient sources, the levies were made at any

time or there were other goods involved in

trade operations between Balearic and Punic

people.

Land transportation was by no means a mi-

nor issue. Although Phoenicians and Punics

used horse chariots in war (Blázquez 1999:

2 52 52 52 5

122) and merchant chariots dragged by oxen

appear in Assyrian reliefs in the 8th century

BC (Gómez de Caso 2005: fig. 3), there are

no data for either the Ebusitan or the Balearic

populations. In this respect, while horse in

faunal indigenous contexts is always low, cat-

tle reach between 11 and 18% of the total re-

mains during the second Iron Age in Majorca,

slightly less than for the previous period

(Hernández-Gasch, Ramis, Rosselló 2011:

129).

Transportation by cart could be feasible in

tracks on a flat terrain between the Marina of

Llucmajor (southern maritime lands) and the

Pla de Mallorca (the agricultural land of the

centre of the island). Moreover, the design of

the Ebusitan amphorae handles, extremely

small, seem adapted to thread a string and

they could have been carried by pack animals

or, using a trunk, they could have been trans-

ported on the shoulders of two people, as the


Roman iconography shows by later ampho-

ral models (Thomas-Vallon and Vallon de

Montgrand 2006).

In any case, it is clear that it is the coastal

communities that first receive imported

goods. It is worth noting that luxury fine

ware is only recorded in sites located rela-

tively close to the sea. Thus, communities

highly exposed to the Ebusitan contact

would retain diacritical elements and this

could have operated in two ways: towards

the lower classes in an increasingly divided

society and towards inland villages that

would not have direct dealings with the Pu-

nic people.

… but which ones?

Distribution maps and quantification does

not offer a sufficient insight into understand-

ing which sites could act as distributors of

the goods. Hence they have been catego-

rized, taking into consideration the ones that

offer materials from the analysed period.

However, some important settlements lack-

ing these products need to be included as

they were most likely operational at that

time. The absence of finds undoubtedly re-

sponds to insufficient archaeological surveys

and lack of excavation, as we could recog-

nize, in our visits to these sites during the

writing-up of this work, some rim sherds of

T.8.1.1.1. amphora.

Categories have been established according

to dwelling types or ritual (or specifically

funerary) character and their monumental

entity as follows:

1.1. Settlements surrounded by walls. Taking

into account that walls are dated to

the end of the first Iron Age or the

beginning of the second Iron Age,

these villages show a large popula-

tion in that period.


1.2. Settlements with no walls. Although

some of them, known as ceremonial

centres, have talaiots and tumulus

dated back to the first Iron Age, the

appearance of imported goods shows

continuity in the use of the sites.

However the activities held and the

population using these places was

probably reduced, as they were not

surrounded by walls.

2. Isolated talaiots. Whenever they have been

excavated, besides functions of terri-

torial control and as a landmark of

the territorial boundaries of the settle-

ments in Talaiotic times, some pre-

sent buildings attached to them show-

ing a residential use.

3. Isolated structures with no defined func-

tion and sites with no structures on

surface (detected only by the pres-

ence of pottery). In both cases their

2 72 72 72 7

nature is unclear, but undoubtedly

these were places either used by small

groups of people or for short periods

of time. In any case, they cannot be

considered true villages.

4. Caves / Sanctuaries / Isolated tumulus.

Communal places where some rituals

were presumably performed, some of

them with a specific funerary use.

Available data for each site has been col-

lected. However, most of them have not been

or are hardly excavated, resulting in insuffi-

cient information. Furthermore, these sites

have suffered over the centuries from various

forms of destruction which might hide their

classification. Limitations in the archaeologi-

cal survey also result in some gaps in the

documentation. Thus, some large, originally

Talaiotic villages (Initial Iron Age period)

were inhabited until Republican times or even

the Early Imperial period, as in the case of


Els Antigors and Es Pedregar, but they lack

materials for the 4th century BC. A prelimi-

nary visit to these sites in the course of this

research allowed the authors to locate two

rim sherds of T.8.1.1.1. at each location.

In the resulting image we can see a concen-

tration of sites of first category (1.1 type) in

the south and south-west part of the island

(fig. 6).

The topography around the cape Blanc area

is characterized by cliffs, which restricts the

supplies to the south-west group via a

unique place: Cala Pi, located at the end of

the homonymous torrent. In the east end of

this area there is a strip of coast line

(between S’Estanyol and Sa Ràpita) where

unloading would also be feasible. These

places could have been used occasionally,

despite the lack of archaeological finds.

However, the south-west group seems sub-

sidiary to the southern one. In this area, there

are many more places where unloading

would be easier (Es Trenc, Es Dolç, Es

Carbó and Es Caragol beaches) and, on the

east side of Ses Salines cape, Cala Màrmols

at the end of a torrent of the same name and

at Cala s’Almonia. Some of these places are

in fact high concentration cores of T.8.1.1.1.

amphorae (Es Trenc beach and the triangle

formed by Punta des Baus, Sa Talaia Grossa

and Es Rafal des Porcs/Es Favassos, located

less than 2 km from Cala Màrmols and Cala

s’Almonia).

From these receiving areas, distribution to

the centre of the island was organised. The

amphorae dispersal shows a “tongue of

wine” towards the interior of the island from

the coastline (fig. 2a). This is even clearer

with respect to the Ebusitan wine in the 3rd.

century BC (fig. 5). The site mapping shows

a low number of first range settlements


between the strong south-west group and the

villages of the Pla de Mallorca. Thus, the

contacts most likely did not operate in a con-

tinuous chain from site to site to the centre of

the island, as such a chain of sites of the

same category does not exist, but from settle-

ments located in the south and/or the south-

west directly to the villages of the central

group. The distance between such groups

and the central one is around 35 and 25 km,

respectively. This range is perfectly reach-

able by draft animals guided by intermediar-

ies. A foot day’s journey has been calculated

for prehistoric contexts in 27-32 km (Ruiz-

Gálvez 1992: 96).

The intensity of such redistribution could be

relatively low. From 1975 to 1988, 10% of

the settlement of Son Fornés was excavated.

During these campaigns 26 rim sherds of

T.8.1.1.1. were recorded. Considering a uni-

form distribution in the village, a MNI of

2 92 92 92 9

260 amphorae could be preserved. As this

type was produced for a century, the arrival

rate would have been of 2.6 amphorae per

year. These speculative figures can be re-

stricting when figuring out the significance of

this redistributive trade. Transportation at this

scale would not have been a major issue for

indigenous or foreign people in charge of the

redistribution of wine to the inner villages.

These exchanges were probably infrequent

and took place at special times but distance

was not an obstacle, as seen earlier. These

special moments might be the levies of mer-

cenaries, as argued before.

Conclusions

To answer the question we posed at the out-

set, we can conclude that a model change did

not exist towards a Maqom or Emporia ex-

change and that a term such as colonization

appears as totally inappropriate to describe

the Ebusitan activity in Mallorca. In fact, not


only is there no place in the Balearic archi-

pelago that could be considered a colony,

but the trading dynamics did not suffer a

change in their nature (only in quantitative

terms) most likely until the 2nd century BC,

when the international scenario around the

Far Western Mediterranean Islands had dra-

matically changed.

As for the period analysed, in the second

half of the 5th century a change seems to

have occurred with respect to the trading

dynamics observed previously (Hernández-

Gasch 2009). Wine started to penetrate

inland for the first time (fig. 2a),6 although

communities living closer to the coast re-

tained large quantities of wine and the total-

ity of the imported fine ware (fig. 3a). How-

ever, it was in the 4th century when a major

change in terms of distribution coverage and

quantity of goods happened, keeping higher

proportions of amphorae in coastal settle-

ments (fig. 4), as even corrected figures of

MNI by excavated surfaces show. Luxury

wares also remained attached to the sites lo-

cated by the sea as did the amphorae of ex-

otic origins. Thus, according to archaeologi-

cal contexts from the 4th century, Ebusitan

common ware also reached villages in cen-

tral Mallorca together with amphorae from

ὙBŜM/Ebusus. Therefore, despite wine be-

ing the prevalent product to hit Mallorca for

the whole period under study, fine ware

seems to be a diacritical element between

coastal and inland communities together with

the amount of received wine. Moreover, dif-

ferent indigenous political realities become

apparent rather than a uniform one. The

coastal communities unquestionably had a

direct contact with the Ebusitan people and

so, they would have asked for more distin-

guishing products, such as wine from other

places and luxury wares. These products

6 Taking into account this evidence, bronze figurines dated from the end of the VIth century or the first half of the 5th century recovered in the centre of Mallorca with any scientific care could have been travelling to their final destinations in later periods, although their introduction in the island is coherent with the late archaic period contacts (Hernández-Gasch 2009: 276).


might have been used by some individuals or

groups competing in an increasingly com-

plex society that started sending abroad

armed young men as mercenaries. Inner

communities lacking most probably from

this direct contact with foreign populations

and being less exposed to a foreign culture,

were not as demanding and, in fact, they had

no need for such luxury products. Goods re-

distributed to the inner settlements were

most likely in the hands of indigenous

coastal groups, as the amount and the variety

of products, together with the categorization

of sites (fig. 6), suggest. The communities

living in the south-west and especially in the

far south of Majorca, where density, size or

monumental appearance of the settlements

are apparently larger, surely played a major

role in redistributing products to the Pla de

Mallorca. In this respect, the Ebusitan base

of the islet of Na Guardis was most likely

3 13 13 13 1

acting as a support place, but it does not seem

a necessary condition for the high amphorae

concentration in the triangle around the Punta

des Baus or even the Es Trenc beach, as the

journey from Eivissa to all these places essen-

tially does not differ (probably just a day).

Finds in the east of the island, the north bays

or the Tramuntana mountains cannot be in

any case linked to the activity carried out in

places such as Na Guardis or the indigenous

site of Puig de sa Morisca, but they have to be

ascribed to Ebusitan people directly serving

these places.

With respect to the products given in ex-

change for the imported luxury goods, live-

stock or cured meat have sometimes been

suggested, although it seems unlikely that a

mixed economy with no signs of specializa-

tion could provide these surpluses

(Hernández-Gasch et al. 2002 and 2011). In

this respect, it is worth noting that prehistoric


silos are rarely found in Majorca but, on the

other hand, are frequent and sometimes

quite large in the Catalan area during the

Iberian period and earlier (Asensio et al.

2002).

Although there was an Iron workshop in Na

Guardis, evidence of raw mineral collecting

by the Ebusitan people are even scarcer as

well as in later periods (Guerrero 1989). The

supposed camps for exploiting salt marshes

were mainly in operation from the 1st to the

3rd century AD. Finally, mercenaries, as it

has been pointed out by several archaeolo-

gists, were possibly a major factor in the

exchange with the Punic people.

The progression of this impregnation of

wine to the island, along with other lesser

products, clearly appears as a phenomenon

started by the inshore communities and

linked to the foreign populations and later

followed by the inner ones. The dynamics

began in the 6th century, probably as a pe-

riod of exploration of resource capabilities. It

was gradual, but strengthened in the 4th cen-

tury when the amount of wine and the com-

munities involved in the exchange network

increased considerably. The need for merce-

naries was probably responsible for this fact,

together with the local elites need for having

wine.

Big amounts of amphorae have been linked

in the Iberian Peninsula to complex societies

starting a process of hierarchical differentia-

tion (Sanmartí 2005; Sanmartí et. al. 2009).

While this process in that area was notice-

able with large quantities of amphorae T.

1.3.2.3., through the exchange of cereals

stored in silos at certain points of the Catalan

territory, in the Balearic Islands the exchange

occurred during the following century when

the Carthaginians fought against the Greek

polis in Sicily. In the Iberian case, it has been


argued that goods were distributed by emerg-

ing groups in communitarian feasts to gain

prestige and the support of the people. A

similar phenomenon could have occurred in

the Balearic Islands during the second Iron

Age, as those emerging groups have been

recognized in some cemeteries (Hernández-

Gasch 1998). They were most likely respon-

sible for leading the construction of village

walls and sanctuaries (Hernández-Gasch

2009), alongside with organizing and boost-

ing mercenaries’ recruitment. The spread of

a wine culture could have been designed as a

way of gaining favours around such danger-

ous enterprises as foreign wars beyond the

island.

3 33 33 33 3

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Victor M. Guerrero and

Manel Calvo for allowing us to study the

specimens of Puig de sa Morisca and Túmul

de Son Ferrer and for also granting permis-

sion to publish these new data. We also thank

Guy de Mulder and Magdalena Salas for hav-

ing given us information on materials of Son

Ferrandell and S’Hospitalet Vell, respec-

tively, and to Susan Gray and Dylan Cox for

the corrections on the original and final draft.

Finally, we want to express our recognition to

William H. Waldren (1924-2003) for encour-

aging some young researchers years ago to

study the archaeological materials of Son

Mas.


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Classical Authors and Texts

Diodorus of Sicily: Bibliotheca Historica


Fig. 1. Map of the Iberian Peninsula and the Balearic Islands. Numbers refers to Majorca (1) and Ibiza/Eivissa (2).

Figure 1

Fig. 2 (above). Amphorae dispersal of the types 1.3.2.3. and 8.1.1.1., dated between 450 and 400 BC and 400 and 300

BC, respectively. Dot size according to MNI. Data obtained by archaeological survey. 1. Ca na Bàssera, 2. Son Perot-

Es Bosquets, 3. Can Verd, 4. Son Veny, 5. Son Fortuny, 6. S’Alqueria, 7. S’Olivar Vell, 8. Camí de Morella, 9. Pla de

Son Forners, 10. Sa Vinya des Metge, 11. Son Catiu, 12. Es Fornets, 13. Sa Torrota, 14. Ses Penyes Rotges, 15. Sa

Vinya-Son Sastre, 16. Son Perot, 17. Sa Barrala, 18. S’Alqueria Fosca, 19. Es Bosquet, 20. Son Gil de Dalt, 21. Sa

Talaia, 22. Capocorb Vell, 23. Gomera, 24. Can Moger, 25. Cas Frares, 26. Es Pedregar, 27. S’Àguila d’en Quart, 28.

Es Figueral, 29. Sa Gruta, 30. Taiet, 31. Es Puig Blanc, 32. Puig des Moros, 33. Galiana, 34. Sarrià, 35. Son Oms Vell,

36. Sa Sínia, 37. Cas Jai, 38. Bóquer, 39. Pedruixella, 40. Sa Figuerassa, 41. Son Balaguer, 42. Can Moragues, 43.

Rafal des Porcs-Es Balç, 44. Rafal des Porcs-Es Favassos, 45. Sa Talaia Grossa, 46, Es Meià, 47. Son Baró, 48. Binifat,

49. Campaments d’explotació de la sal, 50. Sa Vinya, 51. Putxet d’en Font, 52. Es Picó, 53. Rafal Llinàs-Na Mera

Petita, 54. Antigors, 55. Puig de sa Morisca.


Fig. 2 (below). Amphorae of the type 1.3.2.3. for comparison (1) (Ramon 1991) and specimens found in Puig de

sa Morisca (2), Túmul de Son Ferrer (3) and Puig des Moros (4) (Aramburu 2004). Amphorae of the type

8.1.1.1. for comparison (5) (Ramon 1991) and rims found in Puig de sa Morisca (6-8), Túmul de Son Ferrer (9)

and Ses Païsses (10) (Quintana 2006).

Figure 2


Fig. 3 (above). Fine ware dispersal between 425-350 and 350-300 BC or, indistinctively, between ca. 400-300 BC. Dot

size according to MNI. Data obtained by archaeological survey and excavation. 1.Pollentia, 2. Sa Punta, 3. Gotmar, 4.

Illa des Porros, 5. Sa Cova, 6. Ses Païsses, 7. Son Carrió, 8. Puig d’en Canals, 9. Na Guardis, 10. Son Taixaquet, 11.

Puig de sa Morisca, 12. Cova des Moro o de sa Font (Dragonera), 13. Son Mas.

Fig. 3 (below). Attic black glaze pottery, from Son Mas, of the type Lamboglia 21 (1 and 3), Bolsal –Lamboglia

42 Ba- (2), Skyphos –Lamboglia 43- (4), decorated sherd of red figures (5) and Attic black glaze fragment of a

handle (6). Attic black glaze Skyphos of the type 744-763 from Puig de sa Morisca (7) and Kylix (8), Bosal –

Lamboglia 42- (9) and Lamboglia 21/form 2770 of large (10) and small size (11) from La Punta (Cerdà 2002).

Figure 3


Fig. 4. Amphorae amount for the types 1.3.2.3. (450-400 BC) and T.8.1.1.1. (400-300 BC). Dot size according to MNI.

Data obtained by archaeological excavation. 1. Puig de sa Morisca, 2. Son Ferrer, 3. Turó de Ses Beies, 4. Son

Ferrandell, 5. Son Mas, 6. Son Fred, 7. Cascanar, 8. Son Fornés, 9. Punta des Patró, 10. Illa des Porros, 11.

S’Hospitalet Vell, 12. Ses Païsses.

Figure 4


Fig. 5. Amphorae dispersal of T.8.1.2.1. and T.8.1.3.1, indistinctively. These types are dated between 300 and

250 BC and 250 and 200 BC, respectively. Data obtained by archaeological survey.

Figure 5


Fig. 6. Penetration routes and receiving and distributing cores. Sites according to referred classification (1.1 and

1.2, 2, 3 and 4 site types). 1. Ca Na Bàssera, 2. Son Perot-Es Bosquets, 3. Can Verd, 4. Son Veny, 5. Son Fortuny,

6. S’Alqueria, 7. S’Olivar Vell, 8. Camí de Morella, 9. Pla de Son Forners, 10. Sa Vinya des Metge, 11. Son

Catiu, 12. Es Fornets, 13. Sa Torrota, 14. Ses Penyes Rotges, 15. Sa Vinya-Son Sastre, 16. Son Perot, 17. Sa

Barrala, 18. S’Alqueria Fosca, 19. Es Bosquet, 20. Son Gil de Dalt, 21. Sa Talaia, 22. Capocorb Vell, 23. Gomera,

24. Can Moger, 25. Cas Frares, 26. Es Pedregar, 27. S’Àguila d’en Quart, 28. Es Figueral, 29. Sa Gruta, 30. Taiet,

31. Es Puig Blanc, 32. Puig des Moros, 33. Galiana, 34. Sarrià, 35. Son Oms Vell, 36. Sa Sínia, 37. Cas Jai, 38.

Bóquer, 39. Pedruixella, 40. Sa Figuerassa, 41. Son Balaguer, 42. Can Moragues, 43. Rafal des Porcs-Es Balç, 44.

Rafal des Porcs-Es Favassos, 45. Sa Talaia Grossa, 46. Es Meià, 47. Son Baró, 48. Binifat, 49. Pollentia, 50. Sa

Vinya, 51. Putxet d’en Font, 52. Es Picó, 53. Rafal Llinàs-Na Mera Petita, 54. Antigors, 55. Puig de sa Morisca,

56. Sa Punta, 57. Gotmar, 58. Illa des Porros, 59. Sa Cova, 60. Ses Païsses, 61. Son Carrió, 62. Puig d’en Canals,

63. Son Taixaquet, 64. Cova des Moro o de sa Font (Dragonera), 65. Son Mas, 66. Son Ferrer, 67. Turó de Ses

Beies, 68. Son Ferrandell, 69. Son Fred, 70. Cascanar, 71. Punta des Patró, 72. S’Hospitalet Vell, 73. Son Fornés.

Figure 6

When wine slowly impregnated the island of Majorca: Punic-Ebusitan trade and local communities...

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