The Congress of vienna - Berkeley Model United Nations

Berkeley Model United Nations

The Congress of vienna

BERKELEY MODEL UNITED NATIONS 1BERKELEY MODEL UNITED NATIONS 1

WELCOME LETTER Greetings esteemed delegates. My name is Andrew Reynoso and I am exhilarated to serve as

head chair for the Congress of Vienna this year! I am a sophomore studying physics at UC Berkeley.

My academic interests include political science, modern history, and quantum gravity (though I do

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games (I truly hope we’ve had an update on the Breath of the Wild sequel by the time you’re

reading this). On a more serious note, I selected these topics because I am increasingly alarmed by

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repression in Europe is of critical importance today. So without further adieu, I will introduce my

wonderful vice-chairs and we can begin our journey into the genesis of the modern world.

Justin Qu is a junior studying Computer Science, Economics, and Design Innovation

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documentaries, gaming, or doodling. Justin wishes all delegates the best of luck and looks forward

to seeing everyone at the conference.

Nadia Kazempoor is a freshman studying Political Science at Cal, hopefully to one day work

abroad in International Law. Nadia was born and raised in Huntington Beach, California and fully

believes in SoCal supremacy. In her free time, she enjoys reading, fashion, photography, art, and

researching obscure historical topics like the Congress of Vienna. Nadia is stoked to see the complex

debate to take place in this committee and can’t wait for BMUN LXIX! Please feel free to reach out

with any questions, concerns, or if you just want to talk!

Sincerely,

Andrew Reynoso

Head Chair, Congress of Vienna

BERKELEY MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2

Preface For the sake of absolute clarity, our dais does not condone many of the actions taken both at

the Congress and after its conclusion. The aim of this committee is not to revere such acts, but to

study a crucial moment in history from the perspective of those who held power.

As we stand amid a wave of democratic recession and economic disillusion the vantage point

of an autocrat must be understood; our dais hopes you will use this opportunity to examine the

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modern world.

Due to the breadth of content this topic covers, the synopsis has been atypically structured.

It consists of three parts; part one will cover the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars (1789-

1814), part two will cover the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815), and part three will examine its

aftershocks (1815-1856).

Note that Part III is optional but recommended reading, whereas Part I and Part II are

required. Each question to consider pertains to Topic A or Topic B; please read the position paper

guidelines for further clarity on how to prepare for each topic.

We are excited to explore this topic with you and cannot wait for BMUN LXIX. Make sure to

prepare and good luck.

Part I: Revolution and Empire (1783-1814)Section Background On occasion, history accelerates. The French Revolution was such an acceleration. It is a

contender for the most critical, complex, and contested subject in modern history. As historian

François Furet wrote, “The revolution does not simply ‘explain’ our contemporary history; it is our

contemporary history” (Furet 3). This event is thus beyond the scope of our paper to properly

explore, but a cursory understanding is necessary to grapple with the proceedings at Vienna.


The Enlightenment The Enlightenment was a philosophical movement whose roots lie in humanism developed

in the Southern Renaissance. In essence, though the northern renaissance had a more immediate

effect by sparking the Protestant Reformation , the southern renaissance introduced a more radical

idea by shifting emphasis from the desires of deities to the desires of humans (Salmon & Champion).

As summarized by historian Yuval Harari “Theist religions focus on the worship of gods. Humanist

religions worship humanity” (230). Humanism was built upon by 17th century thinkers who gave way

to the Enlightenment. Writers including Locke, Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau constructed

new modes of contemplating the origin of government, its relation to the people, and the structure

it should assume. Those unfamiliar with the Enlightenment can turn to this video for further context:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NnoFj2cMRLY.

Such ideas failed to manifest in any major continental power for some time; absolutism -

the belief that a monarch’s power was absolute and often seen as ordained by God - remained

dominant. This would begin to change in 1789 (Furet 3).

Anxiety in France (1783-1789)Historians frequently debate the roots of the French Revolution and the proper reference

frame with which to examine it (Furet 1). A myriad of causes and a cursory exploration of reference

frames will be presented.

It is critical to note that revolutions are not a common avenue of expressing grievance; they

are fairly rare, extreme reactions that only succeed under special circumstances. A useful framework

here is one proposed by political scientist Skocpol, who argues that powerful revolutions emerge

when “imperial states become caught in cross-pressures” (Skocpol 233), i.e. multiple factors

intertwine to create a revolutionary opening.

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insolvency, crippled by massive debt and worsened by crop failures (The Editors…”French

Revolution”). Additionally, the French nobility had been weakened alongside the birth of a merchant

class (Furet 36). Such causes are often cited by proponents of a marxist interpretation (marxism for

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which frames the French Revolution as a class struggle between the nobility and the merchant class -

or bourgeoisie - amid the country’s transition to a capitalist economy (Furet 13).

Alternatively, one may view the nobility’s decline as a gateway for the philosophes to serve

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world, and the void left by the nobility allowed them to dramatically mold political culture (Furet 37),

thus eroding absolutism and opening the door for revolutionary action. This interpretation is a part

of the revisionist model, shorthand for work that counters the marxist view. There are also those who

argue problems arise when picturing the uprising as a series of causes and effects, since many of the

events which occurred during the revolution were independent from its causes (Furet 22).

Further interpretation is beyond the scope of this paper. Our attention now shifts to the

events of the revolution and the empire that succeeded it.

The Revolution (1789-1799)Initial Phase (1787-91)

Economic hardship demanded increased revenue. A body titled the Ancient Assembly was

hence called to formulate avenues of taxation in 1787; nothing meaningful resulted, so the Estates

General - a legislative body which represented distinct classes of French society - were scheduled to

convene and address long standing issues (Marcuse). In the time that followed discontent saturated

the political atmosphere, which caused 1788 King Louis XVI to make certain concessions, such as

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represented nobility and clergy (300 delegates per estate) and the Third Estate spoke on behalf of

everyone else (600 delegates) (The Editors… ”French Revolution”).

The body became divided over the issue of voting, in this case whether to measure votes

by head count or by estate. This controversy led the Third Estate to proclaim itself the National

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meeting hall, the estate reconvened in a tennis court on June 29th and made the famed ‘Tennis

Court Oath’: they would not disband until France had a new constitution (Marcuse).

Louis XVI conceded to various demands, and though he saw the Estates General renamed


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greatly exacerbated tension, so as soldiers entered Paris, citizens armed themselves and stormed the

Bastille - an infamous fortress turned state prison (“The French Revolution”). The spark was lit, and

Europe would never be the same.

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Cahiers de doléances’ (grievances written by the three estates) most ubiquitous demand was that

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traditional legitimacy (Furet 42). This oddity is explored by modern historians and further research

into the subject is encouraged.

Regardless, from July to August the Great Fear consumed France; peasants assaulted noble

manors throughout the country while the Enlightenment incarnate was written in the form of The

Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, subsequently issued by the assembly (Marcuse).

Louis XVI refused to sign it and was soon ripped from his palace in Versaille and taken to the capital

by a Parisian mob (The Editors...”French Revolution”). Vast reforms followed: the nobility was

abolished and a new constitution sanctioned in 1791 which divided the country into segments run by

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Storming of the Bastille (Houël)


further poisoning his image at a dangerous time (“The French Revolution”).

The Birth of an Empire and the Reign of Terror (1792-94)

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on Austria and Prussia to supposedly spread the revolution; defeats were suffered and the royal

family was ultimately blamed, with some validity. The recently established Legislative Assembly also

collapsed, resulting in thousands of executions, and a National Convention was elected in its place

to rewrite the constitution once more. On January 21, 1793, the Convention charged Louis XVI with

treason and executed him via guillotine (Marcuse).

War raged alongside counter-revolutionary movements within France. The chaos demanded

a strong executive, so the Convention created the Committee of Public Safety in 1793 consisting

of twelve men, largely controlled by Maximillian Robespierre, who commanded France for roughly

a year. The Committee took extreme measures referred to as the Reign of Terror; between 14,000

and 40,000 supposed counterrevolutionaries were executed, until Robespierre’s extremism was

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condemned (“The French Revolution”).

Execution of King Louis XVI (Sieveking)


War of the First Coalition (1793-97) and a Coup d’etat (1799)

French radicalism and expansionary appetite were not received kindly. In February of 1793,

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aided by gifted generals such as Napoleon Bonaparte and a powerful army fueled by French

nationalism, victories began to emerge (Marcuse). France seized territory, and in 1795 Spain, Prussia,

and Holland capitulated, followed by Sardinia in 1796 and Austria in 1797 (The Editors...2020).

Unfortunately, the peace would be short lived (Roberts).

Meanwhile, the new constitution, written by the National Convention, established a third

government titled the Directory, which represented a victory for a bourgeois republic (research

Montagnards and Girodins for more context). Plagued by instability amid constant warfare, it was

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devastating event that caused two million deaths (Bernstein). On the other hand, it may be more

accurate to claim the revolution had just begun.

Napoleon’s Reign (1799-1814) Napoleon’s years as First Consul were relatively quiet on the military front. Most of his impact

stemmed from the Napoleonic Code, a body of legal documents rooted in the Enlightenment whose

remnants still exist in France today (Roberts). Napoleon eventually crowned himself emperor in 1804,

thereby reestablishing monarchy. Meanwhile, the French occupation of areas in Germany and Italy

which Austria had previously possessed drove the empire to declare war in 1805, sparking the War of

the Third Coalition; it was followed by several campaigns, each yielding more territory for Napoleon

(Roberts). Midway through 1812, Bonaparte was at the height of his power, dominating almost all of

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seas, Napoleon foolishly elected to invade Russia. Completely unprepared for the brutal terrain and

the advantages of his opponent, Bonaparte’s incursion yielded over 500,000 deaths of French and

allied soldiers; Russia and Prussia quickly allied against France, and on June 4, 1813 Napoleon made

a fatal mistake by arranging an armistice at Plesswitz instead of pursuing his enemies to a certain

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of Paris.”).

Europe - 1812 (The Editors…’Treaties of Paris’)

An Episode from the Russian Campaign (Charlet)


Key Actors Enlightenment thinkers, especially Rousseau, molded political culture in France such that

its climate became hospitable for change; Louis XVI’s inability to manage rising anxieties allowed

revolutionary fervor to grow, and his execution sparked fear in the hearts of monarchs across

the continent; Robespierre’s reign poses thorny questions about the revolution; and Napoleon’s

conquests would further spread Enlightenment ideals (though under the constraints of empire)

throughout Europe, while also spawning enough anti-French sentiment to galvanize coalitions

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Napoleon’s downfall formed ties between major players at the Congress. Klemens von

Metternich (Austria), Alexander I (Russia), Frederick William III (Prussia), Castlereagh (Britain),

and even Prince Talleyrand (France) would all begin their relationships in an effort to overthrow

Napoleon, all while making problematic decisions therein that would complicate negotiations in

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Past Intergovernmental Response The War of Spanish Succession (1701-1714) may be foreign; for our purposes, the main event

of this war was the treaty that resolved it: the Peace of Utrecht (1713-1714). A crucial aspect of this

treaty was how it planned to preserve peace by constructing what is referred to as a balance of

power system initially headed by France and Austria (Ghervas “What was the Congress of Vienna?”).

The nature of this system and its relation to the Viennese settlement is discussed further in section

two, but it should be somewhat apparent that French expansion, particularly under Napoleon,

destroyed the tenants of this political system (Ghervas). Delegates at Vienna would be tasked with

replacing it.

International Actions and ResponseTreaty of Chaumont (1814) Castlereagh, a leading British diplomat, convinced the powers of the sixth coalition to sign

a formal agreement titled the Treaty of Chaumont (1814). Europe had grown to view Napoleon’s


presence as a perpetual threat and hence could not leave him as emperor of France; thus, one of

the treaty’s key provisions was that no party make a separate peace, binding them all to war until

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agreement: that France be returned to its borders of 1792, Spain and Portugal be restored to their

ruling families, Switzerland be independent, the city-states of Italy be made free from France, that

Holland should grow along with a barrier in Belgium, and the erection of a political system to ensure

the independence of smaller states within Germany; details regarding Italy and Germany were not

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Treaty of Fontainebleau (1814) A slew of battles tore away at Napoleon’s hold on power, eventually resulting in his

abdication; Alexander I - Tsar of Russia - began negotiations without communicating with his

allies, and completed the Treaty of Fontainebleau with help from Prince Talleyrand, a former aide

of Napoleon. It guaranteed the emperor an island in the Medietteran, Elba, along with a pension

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pair worked to reinstate the Bourbon dynasty through an unconstitutional maneuver: Talleyrand

convinced the remnants of the Legislative Chamber in Paris to vote for Napoleon’s removal from

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coalition started to show.

Treaty of Paris (1814) On May 30th, Portugal, Sweden, Britain, Russia, Austria, and France signed the Treaty of

Paris (1814). The deal was fairly generous; France retained some territory it had conquered, with

its borders reversed back to those of 1792, while also recovering certain overseas colonies (The

Editors… “Treaties of Paris”). Some were pleased with the agreement; Britain garnered islands in the

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of Lombardy and Venetia, the independence of Switzerland, and the strengthening of Sardinia as

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Prussia was displeased, as despite gaining territory it failed to attain the entirety of Saxony in

east Germany, a region desired for defense, even though it endured a disproportionate amount of

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197).

All told, the fate of countless territories was unclear and a vast array of bureaucratic issues

remained unresolved; perhaps most importantly, the question of how to proceed in a Europe marred

by death, the collapse of the Utrecht system, and the violent eruption of the Enlightenment hung

in the air. A secret article in the Treaty of Paris provided for a meeting in Vienna to address the

outstanding issues; months later, delegates across the continent arrived in Austria expecting the

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Case StudiesCase 1: The Committee of Public Safety

The Committee of Public Safety, created by the National Convention in April 1793 and later

reformed in July, nominally stood as a security mechanism to quell the chaos erupting against the

new republic. In reality, the committee held tremendous power in all branches of the government,

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committee, throughout the various iterations, included Maximillien Robespierre, Georges Danton,

and Lazare Carnot. The committee, initially led by Danton, was designed to prevent counter-

revolutions like the War in the Vendée, which began a month prior. The committee played a small

role in the expulsion of the Girondins, which had a falling out with the Montagnards and the rest of

the Jacobins (a radical club which espoused republican ideals) in the National Convention. After the

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was ousted and his supporters, the Dantonists, were equated with religious extremists and counter-

revolutionaries, and thus sent to the guillotine (Public Safety).

By 1794, the committee was a tool for Robespierre to eliminate any dissent. The Law of 22


Prairial, enacted by the committee in June of 1794, allowed the prosecution and encouraged the

reporting of slander or corruption of the revolutionary movement, along with banning the right

to a defense counsel or to call witnesses for anyone accused of being a counter-revolutionary. If

found guilty, the only sentence was death. The Reign of Terror, “both in the form of the guillotine,

and in the variety of repressive episodes raging over the civil war, sporadic assassinations, and the

spontaneous massacres perpetrated by revolutionary crowds” (Goldstone 710) as pushed to new

extremes as Robespierre manipulated the committee to do his bidding . Seemingly at the height

of its power, the committee quickly dissolved; Robespierre fell from grace, leading to the eventual

repeal of many of the changes enacted by the committee.

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after the collapse of the Directory. The consulate’s new government was run by three parliamentary

bodies: the executive Council of State which drafted bills, the Tribunate which debated without

voting on the bills, and Corps Législatif, which voted without debating on the bills. From the

structure of Napoleon’s government and his ‘election’ to First Consul, it is clear he was careful to

dress his ascension under the veil of democracy. While there technically were two other consuls

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Prise du palais des Tuileries (Duplessis-Bertaux)


power in his hands (Roberts).

��}�Ìi�i`�Àiv�À��Ü>Ã�>�Ã��i�>VÌi`�Õ�ìÀ��Ã�Ài�}�°� >«��i��½Ã�wÀÃÌ�}À�Õ�`�LÀi>��}�

reform was the Concordat of 1801; this agreement allowed for the return of the Catholic Church as

the majority church of France and the reconciliation between Catholics and the revolutionary state.

Perhaps his most notable achievement followed in 1804: the Napoleonic Code, the civil code used

in France and in territories he later conquered, modernized the archaic system of feudal laws and set

>�«ÀiViì�Ì�v�À��ìÀ��i}>��V�`�wV>Ì��°�/�i�V�ì�«À��L�Ìi`�ÃiVÀiÌ��>ÜÃ�>�`�«À�Û�ì`�«À�ÌiVÌ��

from ex post facto laws (Willsher).

Another important societal contribution from Napoleon during his time as First Consul was

the creation of a new educational system with an emphasis on secondary education and science over

religious studies (Roberts). Research institutions also received more funding under Napoleon, and

education was overhauled to somewhat resemble our current educational system, with three stages

of primary, secondary, and post-secondary learning (Williams).

It is easy to see why a primary goal in Vienna was the prevention of a second French Empire.

Despite his authoritarian bent and swift consolidation of power, Napoleon remained true, at least on

the surface, to the Enlightenment and steered France towards liberalization. This duality was feared

by the great powers; Napoleon, who led France with an iron grip while remaining in sync with the

revolutionary pulse, seemed a contradiction (Willsher).

At the same time, the French Emperor was willing to risk the deaths of hundreds of thousands

in hopes of extending his empire. The decision to invade Russia was wildly detested by advisors,

yet he pursued it anyway, resulting in the death of half a million soldiers. All told, through a callous

conscription machine Napoleon drafted 2.5 million men, one million of which never came home

(Bernard and Popkin). Both the French people and the peoples he conquered began to resent

��]�Ü��V��v��i�Ìi`�Ì�i�>��>�Vi�Ì�>Ì�ÕÃ�iÀi`��Ã�`�Ü�v>��°��ÕÀ��}�Ì�i�w�>��Üii�Ã��v�Ì�i�-�ÝÌ��

�>��Ì��]�À>Ì�iÀ�Ì�>��>L`�V>Ìi��>«>ÀÌi�«À��}i`�V��y�VÌ�Õ�ìÀ�Ì�i�`ÕL��ÕÃ�Li��iv��i�V�Õ�`�ÌÕÀ��

the tide with a single victory.

Napoleon eventually returned after Fontainebleau; some welcomed him, and some did not

(Roberts).


Questions to ConsiderTopic A

Question 1: Key actors within the sixth coalition made several errors which would complicate their

task at Vienna. What, in your opinion, was the most severe? Could it have been remedied?

Question 2: 7�>Ì��Ã�>�y>Ü��Ì�i�1ÌÀiV�Ì�-ÞÃÌi�]��À�� ÕÀ�«i>��Ài�>Ì��Ã��Ài�}i�iÀ>��Þ]�Ì�>Ì�>�`i`�

Napoleon’s temporary subjugation of the continent?

Topic B

Question 3: You are Louis XVI in 1787. With the aid of foresight, what are at least two actions you

would take to prevent the revolution?

Question 4: To what extent must a government appease the desires of its people? Do you believe

your answer to be temporally consistent? If not, account for the change.

Works CitedBernard, François, and Jeremy David Popkin. “Conscription.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 10 July 2020, www.britannica.com/place/France/Conscription.

Berstein, Richard. “The French Revolution: Right or Wrong?” The New York Times, 18 Jul. 1988, https://www.nytimes.com/1988/07/10/books/the-french-revolution-right-or-wrong.html.

Duplessis-Bertaux, Jean. Prise du palais des Tuileries. 1793, Palace of Versailles, Versailles.

Furet, François. Interpreting the French Revolution. Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Ghervas, Stella. “What was the Congress of Vienna?” History Today, vol. 64, no. 9, 2014. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/what-was-congress-vienna.

Goldstone, Jack A. “Reinterpreting the French Revolution.” Theory and Society, vol. 13, no. 5, 1984, pp. 697–713. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/657247.


Harari, Yuval N. Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind. Harper, 2015.

Houël, Jean-Pierre. The Storming of the Bastille. 1789, Bridgeman Art Library, Paris.

Marcuse, Harold. “The French Revolution: Phases and Dates.” THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: PHASES AND DATES, marcuse.faculty.history.ucsb.edu/classes/4c/frrev.h96.htm.

Roberts, Andrew. “Why We’d Be Better Off If Napoleon Never Lost at Waterloo.” Smithsonian Magazine. Smithsonian Institution, 01 June 2015. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/we-better-off-napoleon-never-lost-waterloo-180955298. Salmon, John Hearsey McMillan, and Timothy C. Champion. “The Northern Renaissance.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 4 Feb. 2020, www.britannica.com/topic/history-of-Europe/The-northern-Renaissance.

Sieveking, Georg Heinrich. The Execution of King Louis XVI. 1793.

Skocpol, Theda. “States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China.” Comparative Politics: Classic and Contemporary Readings, edited by Dickovick, J. Tyler, and Jonathan Eastwood, Oxford University Press, 2017, 220-226.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Committee of Public Safety.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 11 May 2020, www.britannica.com/topic/Committee-of-Public-Safety.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “French Revolution.” 15 May 2020, www.britannica.com/event/French-Revolution.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Napoleonic Wars.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., https://www.britannica.com/event/Napoleonic-Wars/France-and-northern-Europe-1809-12

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Treaties of Paris.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 23 May 2020, www.britannica.com/event/Treaties-of-Paris-1814-1815.

“The French Revolution.” PBS, Public Broadcasting Service, www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/adams-french-revolution/.

Williams, L. Pearce. Science, Education and Napoleon Isis, vol. 47, no. 4, 1956, pp. 369-382. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/226629.

Willsher, Kim. “Cruel Despot or Wise Reformer? Napoleon’s Two Faces go on View.” The Guardian.


Guardian News and Media, 02 Sept. 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/03/napoleon-exhibition-museum-france-modern-civilisation.

<>��ÞÃ��]�Ƃ`>�°�,Ì�iÃ��v�*i>Vi\�/�i��>��v� >«��i��>�`�Ì�i��}ÀiÃÃ��v�6�i��>°��>À«iÀ�Perennial, 2007.

Part II: A Meeting in Vienna (1814-1815)Section Background

The Congress of Vienna is a pivotal moment in western history that would lay the foundation for

decades of peace, turmoil, revolution, and repression. The delegates faced staggeringly complex questions

in the aftermath of the French revolution and empire; it is all the more frustrating that so many arrived

unequipped to answer them. Top diplomats embarked on a victory lap post-Fontainebleau, touring cities

��Ì�i��i��}�Ì�>vv�À`i`�LÞ� >«��i��½Ã�`�Ü�v>��<>��ÞÃ��Óä{®°�/�i�«À�Vii`��}Ã�>Ì�6�i��>�ÜiÀi�Ã��>À�Þ�

>LÃ�ÀLi`�LÞ�iÝViÃÃ]�>Ã�L>�µÕiÌÃ]�L>��Ã]�>�`�>vv>�ÀÃ�V��ÃÕ�i`�>�Ã�}��wV>�Ì�«�ÀÌ��v�Ì��i�Ã«i�Ì��Ì�i�

Austrian capital (The Editors…”Congress of Vienna.”) We will emphasize moments when the Congress of

Vienna functioned as it was designed: deciding the fates of territories, contemplating the ancien régime, and

responding to an unforeseen military attack.

Key Terms Formal knowledge of political science is useful for studying the outcomes of the Viennese

settlement; such knowledge will be peppered throughout, but some terms should be established

(The Editors…”The Congress of Vienna”)


early on.

• Balance of Power:�/��Ã�ÌiÀ��Ã�ìw�i`�`�vviÀi�Ì�Þ�LÞ�Ã��i�ÃV��>ÀÃÆ�Ì�i�ìw��Ì��Üi�Ü��ÕÃi��Ã�

as follows: a system wherein the power exercised by states is balanced by the power held by in

states (Schroeder).

• Hegemonic Power: In contrast to Balance of Power, a system of hegemonic power is under the

direction of a single force; note that this does not mean a single ÃÌ>Ìi]�LÕÌ�À>Ì�iÀ�>�Õ��wi`�i�Ì�ÌÞ�

that could comprise several (Schroeder).

• Constitution and Constitutionalism:�Ƃ�V��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��Ã�>�Ã��}Õ�>À�`�VÕ�i�Ì�V�`�wi`®��À�>�ÃiÀ�iÃ�

�v��>ÜÃ�Õ�V�`�wi`®�Ü��V��`�VÌ>Ìi�Ì�i�ÃÌÀÕVÌÕÀi��v�>�}�ÛiÀ��i�ÌÆ�V��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��>��Ã�]�>Ã�Üi�Ã�>��

ìw�i��Ì]�ÀiviÀÃ�Ì��Ì�i�iÝ�ÃÌi�Vi��v��À�Li��iv��>�V��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��Ü��V��«�>ViÃ�ivviVÌ�Ûi��ÌÃ��

government power (Waluchow).

• Liberal: In the context of the Enlightenment, liberal denotes the belief that governments should

be minimized and focused on protecting basic individuals rights, though which ‘individuals’

Enlightenment thinkers may reference often varies (Girvetz and Dagger).

• Ancien régime: This term refers to the regime or system that predated the French Revolution;

it is often used in reference to traditional legitimacy (frequently meaning monarchical or

ecclesiastical) and encompasses many aspects of civilization (Furet 3).

• Pacted Transitions: There are many ways that an autocratic state can transition to democracy.

One such way is through an agreement between select moderate members of authoritarian

regimes and pro-democratic groups; one advantage of such a transition for an autocrat is that

they partially set the new terms, and can thus reorient the system to their liking (Encarnación 1).

• Transition by Revolution: In theory, democracy can emerge from revolution; in practice, this is

exceedingly rare (Ryan 1). One should consider whether the French Revolution (even ignoring its

eventual end at the hands of Napoleon) meets this criteria.

Key ActorsIn our committee, all delegates have one vote; in Vienna the reality was far different. A limited

number of powerbrokers decided the outcome of a congress that attracted tens of thousands,

«iÀ�>«Ã�iÛi��i��Õ�`Ài`�Ì��ÕÃ>�`�<>��ÞÃ��Óxx®°


First, there was Alexander I, Tsar of Russia. Having been essential in overthrowing Napoleon,

he entered Vienna in a position of power; he was eager to claim Poland, and this pursuit quickly

became dangerous, nearly sparking another continental war . The Tsar was accompanied by many

advisors, among which were Graf Karl Robert von Nesselrode and Andrey Razumovsky. Also

��ÃÌÀÕ�i�Ì>�� >«��i��½Ã�`�Ü�v>��Ü>Ã�*ÀÕÃÃ�>]�Ài«ÀiÃi�Ìi`�V��iyÞ�LÞ�`i�i}>ÌiÃ��>À��ƂÕ}ÕÃÌ�6>��

Hardenberg and Wilhelm von Humbodlt, who were also frequently in contact with Emperor Frederick

7��>��Æ��>Û��}��ÃÌ��>�Þ�Ã��`�iÀÃ��Ì�i�w�>��Ì�Ã��v�Ì�i� >«��i��V�7>ÀÃ�>�`�Üi>ÀÞ��v�Ì�i�

power imbalance between the allies, Prussia came to the Congress primarily hoping to enlarge its

population via the acquisition of Saxony, though its delegates expressed other interests which will be

`�ÃVÕÃÃi`�<>��ÞÃ��Ó{£®°

ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�Ü>Ã�V��iyÞ�Ài«ÀiÃi�Ìi`�LÞ��i�i�Ã�Û��iÌÌiÀ��V�]�>�V��ÃiÀÛ>Ì�Ûi�`�«��>Ì�Ü��

«ÕÃ�i`�v�À�ƂÕÃÌÀ�>��ÌiÀiÃÌÃ��Ì>�Þ�>�`��yÕi�Vi��ÛiÀ�Ì�i�vÕÌÕÀi��iÀ�>��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��Ü��i�

frequently butting heads with Alexander, especially during the Polish-Saxon crisis. Friedrich von

Gentz accompanied him, often acting as the Congress secretary, along with Baron Johann von

7iÃÃi�LiÀ}�/�i� `�Ì�ÀÃo»��}ÀiÃÃ��v�6�i��>®]�<>��ÞÃ��{Óx®°

France clawed its way into the inner circle through the cunning and tenacity of Charles

Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord, Alexis de Noailles, and Emmerich Jospeh de Dalberg, who, serving

as the delegates of a defeated power, primarily worked to restore French standing in Europe while

advancing French interests through the principles of legitimacy and adherence to international law

<>��ÞÃ��ÓÇÓ®°�À�Ì>��Ü>Ã�Ài«ÀiÃi�Ìi`�«À��>À��Þ�LÞ�6�ÃV�Õ�Ì�>ÃÌ�iÀi>}�]�7��>��>Ì�V>ÀÌ]��>À�iÃ�

Stewart, and the Duke of Wellington, who exchanged positions with Castlereagh in February. Having

been locked out of the continent as a result of French expansion, Britain entered Vienna hoping to

reestablish themselves in European affairs and restructure Europe so as to prevent a second French

�«�Ài�<>��ÞÃ��ÓÈÓ®°

The other powers present were represented by a wide array of men, such as Pedro de Sousa

Holstein, representing Portugal, and Pedro Gomez Labrador representing Spain, both of whom sought to

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Unfortunately, this collection of plenipotentiaries already accumulated a notable amount of

baggage, much of which stemmed from actions taken during the downfall of Napoleon. Some of

these grievances would manifest in hot-headed reactions and further complicate proceedings; such


��i�ÌÃ�«i««iÀi`�Ì�i�wÀÃÌ�VÀ�Ã�Ã�Ì�>Ì�v>Vi`�Ì�i��}ÀiÃÃ�<>��ÞÃ��Î{ä®°

Polish-Saxon Crisis The ‘Congress of Vienna’ was not an assembly; it consisted of thousands of princes

and politicians from across Europe hoping to sway events ultimately decided by a few actors.

Communication proceeded indirectly through gossip, since leaders often utilized insider knowledge

>Ã�v�`ìÀ�v�À�y�ÀÌ��}�Ü�Ì��Þ�Õ�}�Ü��i��Ü��Ì�i��`�Ã«iÀÃi`�Ì�i��v�À�>Ì��<>��ÞÃ��ÎäÓ®°�/�i�

ìÌ>��Ã��v�«À�Vi`ÕÀi�>Ài��Ì�Ã�}��wV>�Ì�v�À��ÕÀ�«ÕÀ«�ÃiÃÆ�Ü�>Ì�Ã��Õ�`�Li��Ìi`��Ã�Ì�>Ì��>�Þ�VÀ�Ì�V>��

meetings occurred between a handful of plenipotentiaries, completely disconnected from the rest of

Vienna (The Editors…”The Congress of Vienna”).

7�>Ì�V>�i�Ì��`��>Ìi�`�ÃVÕÃÃ��v�À�Ì�i�wÀÃÌ�viÜ��Ì�Ã�ÜiÀi�µÕiÃÌ��Ã�Ài}>À`��}�

Poland and Saxony, with Russia and Prussia eyeing each territory respectively. This quickly became

problematic. Much of the fear surrounding this issue stemmed from the actions of Tsar Alexander I,

>�«iVÕ��>À�w}ÕÀi�Ü��Û�iÜi`��Ãi�v�>Ã�>��LiÀ>��Ã>Û��À�ìÃ«�Ìi�>VÌ��}�>Ã�>��>ÕÌ�VÀ>Ì�<>��ÞÃ��Î£È®°�

Alexander was dedicated to his project of establishing a kingdom of Poland under Russian rule,

Ü��V��V>ÕÃi`�ÃÕV��vÀ�VÌ��Ì�>Ì�>`Û�Ã�ÀÃ�V>ÕÌ��i`��>}>��ÃÌ�Ì�i�ì�>�`�<>��ÞÃ��Î£x�£È®°

Castlereagh rejected the proposal due to British concerns that Russia would eventually reclaim

i>ÃÌiÀ��ÌiÀÀ�Ì�ÀÞ�Ì�>Ì��>`�Lii��>VµÕ�Ài`�LÞ�ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�>�`�*ÀÕÃÃ�>�<>��ÞÃ��Î£x®°��À>�Vi�>�`�ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�

ÜiÀi�Ã��>À�Þ�Üi>ÀÞ]�>Ã��iÌÌiÀ��V��Ü>Ã�>ÛiÀÃi�Ì��Ì�i��yÕi�Vi�,ÕÃÃ�>�Ü�Õ�`�}>��ÛiÀ��iÀ�>��>�`Ã�

along with territory Austria might eventually seize, while France feared a Russian-run Polish state

Ü�Õ�`�`À�Ûi�vÕÀÌ�iÀ�ì�>�`Ã�vÀ��ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�>�`�*ÀÕÃÃ�>]�Ì�iÀiLÞ�iÀ�`��}�L>�>�Vi�� ÕÀ�«i�<>��ÞÃ��

325). Prussia was less weary. Due to Russian aid amid the Napoleonic Wars, Emperor Frederick

believed he owed his throne to Alexander and was extremely hesitant to stand against the tsar’s

«�>�Ã�<>��ÞÃ��Ó�Ó®°�*ÀÕÃÃ�>��>`��ÌÃ��Ü��ÃÌ��v�ì�>�`Ã]�`À�Ûi��>À}i�«>ÀÌ�LÞ�V��ViÀ��ÛiÀ��ÌÃ�

smaller population relative to other powers; it called for the acquisition of Saxony along with a host

�v�>Ài>Ã�ÃÕV��>Ã�Ì�i�V�ÌÞ��v��>��â]�Ü��V��V��y�VÌi`�Ü�Ì��Ì�i�/Ài>ÌÞ��v�,i�`�£n£Î®�Ã�}�i`�LÞ�ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�

>�`�Ì�i��}`��v�>Û>À�>]�Ü�iÀi��ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�«À��Ãi`�ÌiÀÀ�Ì�À�iÃ�Ì�>Ì�*ÀÕÃÃ�>��Ü�ìÃ�Ài`�<>��ÞÃ��

267).

This is an appropriate point to consider the following: offensive realism and defensive realism.


Offensive realism is a political theory which stipulates that international relations exist in perpetual

anarchy which therefore incentives states to pursue power as a mode of security (Rendall). Defensive

realism argues that expansion creates antagonism and yields high risk in the international arena that

could be detrimental to a state’s standing; therefore, maintaining equilibrium is the optimal strategy

(Rendall).

Ƃ�`�Û�Ã��v�À�i`�LiÌÜii��Ì�i�wÛi]�>�`�>�VÀ�Ã�Ã��i`°�"�� Ûi�LiÀ�£ä]�,ÕÃÃ�>��Ã��`�iÀÃ�

yielded Saxony to the Prussian military, demonstrating that Alexander could use military might

��ÃÌi>`��v�`�«��>VÞ�Ì��Ã�>«i�Ì�i�V�ÕÀÃi��v�iÛi�ÌÃ�<>��ÞÃ��Î{ä®°��VÕÀÀi�Ì�Þ]�À�Ì�Ã��«ÕL��V�

opinion pushed Castlereagh further against these developments. The upshot was a secret alliance

signed between Austria, France, and Britain, who estimated their combined forces exceeded what

,ÕÃÃ�>�>�`�*ÀÕÃÃ�>�V�Õ�`�V��iVÌ�Ûi�Þ�ÃÕ��LÞ�£ää]äää��i��<>��ÞÃ��Î�Î®°

Thus it seemed a second Balance of Power system in the mold of Utretch was on the verge of

construction, but fortunately cooler heads prevailed and a deal was struck. Alexander was awarded

his Polish state and in return gave the territory of Galicia in east Germany to Austria while also

yielding land to Prussia; Prussia attained forty percent of Saxony but also garnered vast territory in

Westphalia and along the Rhine. Castlereagh was keen on ensuring Prussia’s end of the settlement,

as he believed Prussia could act as a barrier against French expansion in tandem with the newly

constructed kingdom of Netherlands (The Editors…).

Jewish Rights and the Slave Trade

The Slave Trade (Biard)


While not particularly discussed at Vienna, the subjects of slavery and European Jews warrants

investigation in this paper. Issues of human rights were more pervasive than one might expect (Vick

40). Public opinion in Britain had strongly turned against the slave trade, forcing Castlereagh to

>V��Ü�i`}i�Ì�i��ÃÃÕi�Liv�Ài��Ã�ì«>ÀÌÕÀi�<>��ÞÃ��{££®°�Ƃ�iÝ>�ìÀ½Ã�ÃÕ««�ÀÌ��>ì�>�`�ÃVÕÃÃ��

possible, though there was backlash. Castlereagh suggested the creation of a committee to examine

the trade; Pedro de Sousa Holstein and Pedro Gomez Labrador objected, as Portugal argued that only

colonies with slaves need participate and Spain claimed that abolition could not come at the expense

�v�Ã�>Ûi��Ü�iÀÃ��V��>��ÌiÀÀ�Ì�ÀÞ�<>��ÞÃ��{£Ó®°�-��i�>À}Õi`�À�Ì>��Ü>Ã��«�Ã�Ì��Ì��Õ`}i]�

since the empire had accumulated a number of slaves such that ending the practice came at no cost.

Ultimately, though largely ineffectual, the eight powers of Russia, Spain, Portugal, Britain, France, Austria,

Prussia, and Sweden signed a declaration stating that the African Slave Trade was horrifc and that all

Ã�}�>Ì�À�iÃ�ìÃ�Ài`�Ì��ìÃÌÀ�Þ��Ì�<>��ÞÃ��{£Î®°

Meanwhile, plenipotentiaries Hardenburg and Humboldt attempted to secure rights for Jewish

Germans. Humboldt even suggested that a clause guarantee them some security, though the request

��`ÕVi`��>Õ}�ÌiÀ�<>��ÞÃ��{Ç�®°�/�i��ÃÃÕi�Ü>Ã�Ìi�«�À>À��Þ�`�ÃÀi}>Àì`�>�`�Ü�Õ�`��Ì�i�ÀÞ®�Li�

concluded at the German Diet, which will be detailed later. Though some advances were made such as

the recent constitution of the Netherlands which promised religious equality for Jews and Christians (Vick

12), it should be apparent that these efforts did not effectively counter European anti-semitism.

Eastern Concerns� ƂÌ��ÌÃ�«i>�]�Ì�i�"ÌÌ��>�� «�Ài�Ü>Ã�>�Û>ÃÌ�>�`�«�ÜiÀvÕ��ÃÌ>Ìi�Ì�>Ì�iÝiÀV�Ãi`��yÕi�Vi�>VÀ�ÃÃ�

continents; from humble beginnings as a Turkic tribe, it gradually grew to overthrow the Byzatine

Empire by conquering Constantinople in 1453. The Ottomans then reached achievements in art,

tolerance, technology, prosperity, and political stability that put Europe to shame (Blakemore). It was

a marvel at the dawn of the modern world.


(Blakemore)

However, after failing to conquer Vienna in 1683, the empire began its centuries-long decay

�>�i��Ài®°� ÕÀ�«i�ÃÌ>ÀÌi`�Ì��V�>�}i�Ì�i�}>�i]�vÕi�i`�LÞ�ÃV�i�Ì�wV�>�`��`ÕÃÌÀ�>��ÀiÛ��ÕÌ��Ã�

alongside political reimaginings (though as we have seen, the process was not smooth); these

developments chipped away at an empire once on the bleeding edge of innovation (Blakemore). By

1814, the Ottoman Empire was already a shadow of its former self; considering this, it may not seem

surprising that the eastern power was not offered a seat in Vienna (Blakemore). In reality though, it

�>ÀÀ�Ü�Þ�Ü>Ã�<>��ÞÃ��{£x®°

To their credit, the major powers were increasingly distressed by Russian acquisition in the

Balkans and sought to invite a plenipotentiary from the Sultan in hopes of stymying further advances,

but Alexander’s rejection of the proposal ended any expectation for Ottoman representation; the

Tsar went further, demanding he be declared a protector of Orthodox Chrisitians within the Ottoman

�«�Ài�>�`�}>À�iÀ�Ì�i�>ÕÌ��À�ÌÞ�Ì��ÌiÀÛi�i��Ì�i�À�Li�>�v�<>��ÞÃ��{£x®°�/��i�ÃÕÀi�Ì�i�"ÌÌ��>�Ã�

held no sway over the Congress of Vienna, the tsar ordered his ambassador in Constantinople to

suggest that they engage with the Viennese settlement in some capacity, which instantly sparked

suspicion from the Sultan, as he would never trust a plan proposed by a Russian representative

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/�i�"ÌÌ��>�½Ã�iÝV�ÕÃ��vÀ��«À�Vii`��}Ã��ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�Ü�Õ�`�«À�Ûi�Ì��Li�>�vÕ�`>�i�Ì>��y>Ü�

that crippled European aims of ending war, as although Alexander I would exert some restraint

in pursuing middle-eastern territory, nothing ensured that a future tsar would follow suit (Ghervas

“What was the Congress of Vienna?”).


Division in Italy

Italy - 1814 (“Index…”)

The Italian peninsula post-Napoleon proved an intricate puzzle; with the Congress preceding

�ÌÃ�Õ��wV>Ì��LÞ��ÛiÀ�wÛi�`iV>`iÃ]�V��y�VÌ��}�V�>��Ã�>�`��ÌiÀiÃÌÃ�«i««iÀi`�iÛiÀÞ�>Ài>°��À>�Vi�

>�`�ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�ÜiÀi�>VÕÌi�Þ�>Ü>Ài�Ì�iÞ�V�Õ�`�iÝÌi�`��yÕi�Vi��Ì��Ì�i�«i��ÃÕ�>Æ��ÜiÛiÀ]�/>��iÞÀ>�`�

and his allies were negotiating with one hand tied, as any sign of French expansionism would send

the Congress reeling. Additionally, certain arrangements were already settled by the Treaty of Paris

(1814), such as Austria’s acquisition of Lombardy-Venetia (Blinn 3). Thus, the French delegates

stuck to their guiding principles: presumed allegiance to the ancien régime and international law.

Talleyrand’s top priorities were the restoration of Ferdinand IV to his throne in Naples and the

prevention of Austrian dominion in the Italian kingdom of Sardinia (Blinn 2).

Ferdinand of the sicilian bourbon family saw his reign ended by Bonaparte’s forces and his

replacement in the Emperor’s brother-in-law Joachim Murat in 1808; despite Napoleon’s abdication,

Murat was removed from his throne, and in fact no general treaty addressed the fate of Naples

(Blinn 3). Thus, relations with Murat varied: France sought his deposition; Britain had signed an

Armistice; Prussia and Russia were largely ambivalent; and Austria had made multiple treaties, even

promising Murat 400,000 new citizens to be extracted from the Papal States (Blinn 4). Despite this,

most believed Murat must be overthrown, yet therein lay the problem; Metternich and Castlereagh

feared any attempt to reduce Murat’s standing would cause him to rally a nationwide revolt against

the Congress, which would not only disrupt Austrian and French interests in the region but also

fundamentally reshape the European dynamic (Blinn 5).


Nationalism, in brief, is a creed that emphasizes the interest of one’s nation (Miscevic). This

term is often misunderstood because a nation is not synonymous with a state. In essence, a state

�Ã�>�ÌiÀÀ�Ì�ÀÞ�Ü�Ì��ìw�i`�L�Õ�`>À�iÃ�Õ�ìÀ�Ì�i�V��ÌÀ��v�>�Ã��}�i]�Vi�ÌÀ>��«�ÜiÀÆ�>��>Ì��Ã�>�

group which shares a common political and cultural identity (Miscevic). The intersection of the two

is a nation-state - a state that is home to a nation (Miscevic). Hence, it is possible for nationalism

Ì��iÝiÀÌ��yÕi�Vi��ÛiÀ�>��>Ài>�Ü��V��Ã��Ì�Õ��wi`�Õ�ìÀ�>�Ã��}Õ�>À�}�ÛiÀ��i�ÌÆ�ÃÕV��>��iÝ>�«�i�

was fomenting in Italy, as movements for Italian pride and the prospect of an Italian state gained

momentum (Reinerman 14). Austria feared what may happen if they recklessly activated it (Blinn 5).

While Naples was the most notable Italian issue, several other challenges faced the Congress,

including Sardinia’s incorporation of Genoan territory, the union of Switzerland and Geneva, as well

as the fate of the Duchy of Parma. Parma in particular posed a thorny problem, since Napoleon’s

wife Marie-Louise had been promised the territory as part of the generous settlement reached in

Fontainebleau (Blinn 3).

Labrador and Talleyrand were extremely averse to this; Spain had an axe to grind due to its

history with Parma, as it yielded the duchy to Napoleon in exchange for Tuscany (renamed Etruria)

which was subsequently captured by the French amid during the War of the Fourth Coalition

<>��ÞÃ��ÓxÈ®°�-«>��Ü>Ã�Ü��}�Ì��L��V��->À`��>½Ã�«�>�Ã�Ì��>LÃ�ÀL��i��>��ÌiÀÀ�Ì�ÀÞ��«iÃ��v�

placing the former Queen of Etruria on the throne of Parma. Austria resented this, for its aspirations

to dominate the peninsula would be disrupted if Marie-Louise lost Parma; coupled with the fact that

Emperor Francis had married his daughter to Napoleon, it was clear the empire would not yield

easily. Thus, Austria retained Papal territories as leverage, placing the pope’s representative Cardinal

Consalvi in a delicate position, especially since he required Austrian arms to force Murat from the

*�«i½Ã��>�`��v�Ì�i��>ÀV�iÃ�<>��ÞÃ��ÓxÇ®°

The German Question� �*À��À�Ì��ÌÃ�Õ��wV>Ì��£nÇ£]��iÀ�>�Þ�iÝ�ÃÌi`�>Ã�>�V��iVÌ��v�ÃÌ>ÌiÃ�Ü�Ì��Û>ÀÞ��}�ì}ÀiiÃ�

of independence; though the title details none of its attributes, a semi-loose union of German

provinces called the Holy Roman Empire reigned in Central Europe for over a thousand years before

>��Ài�V��V��µÕiÀ�À½Ã�Ì�Õ�ìÀ�ÕÃ�iÝ«>�Ã��w�>��Þ�ÌÕÀ�i`��Ì�Ì��`ÕÃÌ°�Ƃ��`�Ì�i�7>À��v�Ì�i�/��À`�


Coalition, Napoleon established the Confederation of the Rhine - a satellite state consisting of

German powers - and proclaimed the abolition of the Holy Roman Empire (Cavendish). In addition,

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countless lost and gained territory under Bonaparte’s reign; with Napoleon exiled, hundreds arrived

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Germany - 1814 (“Index…”)

Groundwork for the reconstruction of Germany had already been laid by the Treaty of Paris

(1814); the major powers of Europe decided that every German state (a category which comprised

ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�>�`�*ÀÕÃÃ�>®�Ã��Õ�`�V�iÝ�ÃÌ��>�viìÀ>Ì��V>«>L�i��v�ìvi�`��}��ÌÃi�v�<>��ÞÃ��Ó{£®°��>�

fashion similar to Italy, German nationalism began to brew in areas almost unilaterally at the mercy

�v�Ì��Ãi�Ü��>`��ÛiÀÌ�À�Ü�� >«��i��Æ�Ì�i��>��À�«�>ÞiÀÃ�ìV�ì`�>�Õ��wi`��iÀ�>��ÃÌ>Ìi�Ü>Ã��Ì�

an option they were willing to consider, but that a new political system in the mold of a federation

Ü�Õ�`�Li�LÕ��Ì��ÃÌi>`�<>��ÞÃ��Ó{£®°

A federation is a union of states which have some central government, but largely operate

independently; those familiar with American history can refer to the Articles of Confederation as an

example (Heslop). A new constitution would be tasked with successfully restructuring Germany after

the upheaval of the Napoleonic Wars. Austria was abdicating a certain degree of power in Germany,

but Metternich and Francis knew this was necessary since stronger territories would not accept


ƂÕÃÌÀ�>½Ã�v�À�iÀ��yÕi�Vi�<>��ÞÃ��Ó{Ó®°

Wide disagreement erupted regarding what government the constitution should construct

and which rights - if any - it should guarantee. Humboldt and Hanoverian representative Count

Münster believed that basic civil liberties, perhaps in a bill of rights, should be protected in

Ì�i�V��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��]�>�`�>Û>À�>��>`�ÀiVi�Ì�Þ�>`�«Ìi`�>�V��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��`iÀ>Ìi�Þ��yÕi�Vi`�LÞ�

Enlightenment principles (Vick 21). These impulses eventually came against strong opposition in the

v�À��v��iÌÌiÀ��V�]�Ü��Ü�Õ�`�Ü�À��Ì��Ì>�i��iÀ�>�Þ��>�Û>ÃÌ�Þ�`�vviÀi�Ì�`�ÀiVÌ��<>��ÞÃ��x{ä®°

Further sharpening the German question’s thorns was the resistance of states such as Bavaria

and Württemberg who - after reveling in newfound power following the Napoleonic Wars - were not

willing to see recent gains stripped away. Bavaria engaged Prussia in the press; the two ran articles

in newspapers such as the Hamburg Correspondenten seeking to alienate the other among the

general populace (Vick 21-22). Meanwhile, the King of Württemberg, Frederick I, engaged in brutal

repression to secure his hold on power, and would depart midway through the Congress to engage

��>�«��Ì�V>��>�iÕÛiÀ�Ü��V��Ü>ÀÀ>�ÌÃ��ÌÃ��Ü��iÝ«��À>Ì��Ü�Ì��>��Õ«V��}�V>Ãi�ÃÌÕ`Þ�<>��ÞÃ��

435).

A German Committee and Congress were later established, both of which achieved minimal

results; in fairness though, progress was notably disrupted when an interesting piece of news

reached the Congress of Vienna: the island of Elba was empty (Roberts).

International Actions and Response The lion was loose. Napoleon covertly sailed across the warm waters of Southern Europe

and reached the coast of France by the 1st of March (Roberts). A few days later, word regarding his

iÃV>«i�Ài>V�i`�6�i��>]�Ãi�`��}�`i�i}>ÌiÃ��Ì��>�Ì>��Ã«��<>��ÞÃ��{{{®°

There is some disagreement as to why Napoleon elected to embark on a campaign

post-Fontainebleau. Some posit he was impelled to return following the apparent failure of his

replacement, Louis XVIII; the king was arguably incapable of steering the new France, thus Napoleon

was determined to relieve the monarch of his duties (Roberts). Others offer a different perspective.

Several plots to assassinate Napoleon fomented as he idly sat in Elba, and if an assassination failed


Ì��w��Ã��i�Ü>Ã�V��w`i�Ì�ƂÕÃÌÀ�>�Ü�Õ�`�iÛi�ÌÕ>��Þ�Û��>Ìi�Ì�i�/Ài>ÌÞ��v��Ì>��iL�i>Õ�>�`�

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Talleyrand promised delegates that if Napoleon reached France his countrymen would not be

receptive. He was wrong. Napoleon entered France with 600 men; he began the Battle of Waterloo

with over 100,000. Upon arrival Louis XVIII sent soldiers to capture Napoleon, but they abandoned

their king and backed the fallen emperor once they came into contact (Roberts).

Napoleon Returns from Elba (Steuben)

Napoleon continued to accumulate soldiers as he neared Paris, even proclaiming “Soldiers

of the 5th of the Line, look at me! If there is one among you who would shoot his General, his

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capital, allowing Napoleon to leisurely recommence his rule; having suffered catastrophic defeats,

��>«>ÀÌi�Ü>Ã�>�v>À�Ü�ÃiÀ��>��Ì�>��Ì�i��i}>��>��>V�Ü��LÀ>âi��Þ�VÀ>Ã�i`��Ì��,ÕÃÃ�>��Þ�Ì��w�`�

��ÃV�Ü�>L�>âi°��i�ÃÌÀ�Ûi�Ì��vÀ>�i��Ã�ÀiÌÕÀ��>Ã�>��>ÌÌiÀ�Ã�}��wV>�Ì��Þ�Ì��Ì�i��Ài�V�]�Ì��>VÌ��Ã�

including abolishing the slave trade to appease his neighbor to the north, and motioned to establish

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However, the spirit of Chaumont had not faltered; there was no scenario in which Europe

would allow the man who brought the continent to its knees another opportunity. The Congress

hastily issued the ‘Vienna Declaration,’ stating that Napoleon had now “delivered himself up to

public vengeance,” thus foregoing negotiation (Roberts). War was inevitable but much remained


incomplete, so the Congress of Vienna got its act together and hurriedly moved to conclude what it

V�Õ�`�Liv�Ài�Ì�i�w�>��v>Vi��vv�Ü�Ì�� >«��i��<>��ÞÃ��{Èx�ÈÈ®°

The Federal Act (1815) With Waterloo on the horizon, delegates knew a constitution - even a preliminary one - had to

be written to ensure German states could successfully enter battle. A German Congress convened

in late May to settle the issue, yet its impact was trivial and many topics were postponed until the

German Diet’s meeting in Frankfurt. Metternich wisely announced the Final Act of the Congress

would be completed on June 9th, thereby setting a deadline for the constitution’s completion

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pervasive in German sentiment (Vick 39), so after months of chaotic discord the document was

completed, or at least its skeleton was.

The Federal Act created a coalition of four free city-states and thirty-seven princes under

the direction of a Federal Diet located in Frankfurt; the Diet was granted authority to draft soldiers,

declare war, and modulate disagreements, yet the government lacked an executive organ and

vi`iÀ>��V�ÕÀÌ�<>��ÞÃ��{nä®°��Ì�Ü>Ã�V�i>À�Ì�>Ì�Ì�i�V��ÃÌ�ÌÕÌ��ÀiµÕ�Ài`�vÕÀÌ�iÀ�>ÌÌi�Ì��]�Ü��V��Ì�

would eventually receive. Austria garnered the title of presidency of the Diet and would play a vital

À��i��Ã�>«��}��iÀ�>�Þ½Ã�vÕÌÕÀi]�Ì��Õ}��Ì��iViÃÃ>À��Þ�v�À�Ì�i�LiÌÌiÀ�<>��ÞÃ��x{ä®°

The Final Act (1815)� Ƃ�`�VÕ�i�Ì��v�£Ó£�>ÀÌ�V�iÃ�Ü>Ã�ÜÀ�ÌÌi��Ì�i�w�>��`>ÞÃ��v�Ì�i��}ÀiÃÃ�ÃÕ��>À�â��}�Ì�i�

major agreements reached during the months spent in Vienna. In addition to previously mentioned

settlements, the following agreements were detailed: Norway was exchanged from Denmark

to Sweden, Switzerland attained a new constitution, Sardinia garnered Genoa, the Papal States

were returned to the Pope, and Marie-Louise was awarded the Duchy of Parma (The Editors…).

�iÛi��«�i�ÌÃ��Ì>�Þ��>`�Ã��«��wi`�Ì�i�µÕiÃÌ��v� >«�iÃÆ��ÕÀ>Ì�>L>�`��i`�Ì�i�«�ÜiÀÃ��v�

Europe and joined Napoleon’s cause, marching north to combat Austrian forces. As a result, the

Sicilian bourbons would resume their reign in Naples, a massive victory for Ferdinand IV (The


Editors…). Most signed, though some such as Labrador and Cardinal Consalvi (representative of the

Pope) did not, as Consalvi was distressed over the loss of former territory such as the city of Ferrara

>�`��>LÀ>`�À�Ü>Ã�Õ��>««Þ�Ü�Ì��Ì�i��ÛiÀ>��Ì>��>��>ÀÀ>�}i�i�Ì�<>��ÞÃ��{nx�È®°

� /�i�6�i��iÃi�-iÌÌ�i�i�Ì�Ü>Ã�w�>��Þ�Ài>V�i`°��i�i}>ÌiÃ��>`��>�>}i`�Ì��>ÛiÀÌ�>�Ü>À�LiÌÜii��

the allied powers; address a colossal array of questions, many of which are not detailed here; and

chart a course for the future of Europe. However, although the thunder of the French Revolution was

V��w�i`�Ì��Ì�i�«>ÃÌ]�Ì�i�ÃV>À��Ì��ivÌ�Ü�Õ�`��iÛiÀ�v>`i°��Ì��>Ã�LiV��i�>�V��V�i�v�À�ÃV��>ÀÃ�Ì��Ài�>À��

that there is no end of history, but it may be worth noting, as François Furet wrote, that “For the

same reasons the ancien régime is thought to have an end but no beginning, the revolution has a

birth but no end” (Furet 3). A case study will explore how the Congress responded to this paradigm

shift, but it will be up to you to decide whether it took the right path when you begin to write

solutions.

Moreover, the Congress of Vienna committed a miscalculation that would come to plague

European politics: rather than considering interests of territories, the major powers largely conducted

affairs internally, thus fanning resentment and creating problematic political relations (The Editors…).

Concluding SettlementsNapoleon was unequipped to combat the massive forces mounting against him; a brutal

battle at Waterloo ensued, and the French forces could not maintain their ground. One-hundred

ÌÜi�ÌÞ�Ì��ÕÃ>�`�`�i`�>Ã�>�ÀiÃÕ�Ì��v�Ì�i�V>�«>�}��<>��ÞÃ��£n{®°

The Battle of Waterloo (Saddler)


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There would be no second generous settlement: Napoleon was exiled to the South Atlantic island

of St. Helena, over a thousand miles from the nearest coast in Africa, and died in 1821, most likely of

stomach cancer (Chamberlain).

� /�i�i>Ãi�Ü�Ì��Ü��V�� >«��i��Ãi�âi`�*>À�Ã�`�`��Ì�ÀiyiVÌ��`�Þ��À>�Vi°��iÃ«�Ìi�

Talleyrand’s best effort to argue that Louis XVIII and his government had nothing to do with

��>«>ÀÌi½Ã�ÀiÌÕÀ�]� ÕÀ�«i½Ã�«>Ì�i�Vi��>`�Lii��iÝ�>ÕÃÌi`°�/�i�>��iÃ½�Ài>VÌ��Ü>Ã��Ì�Õ��wi`Æ�

À�Ì>��Ü>Ã��i��i�Ì]�Ü�iÀi>Ã�*ÀÕÃÃ�>��>Þ��>Ûi�ÃÕ}}iÃÌi`��Ài�V��«>ÀÌ�Ì��<>��ÞÃ��xä£®°��À>�Vi�Ü>Ã�

ultimately forced to yield two-thirds of land it seized between 1790 and 1792, pay 600 million francs

in war reparations alongside another 200 million (later reduced by half) to fund the construction of

i�i�Þ�v�ÀÌÀiÃÃiÃ��ÌÃ�L�ÀìÀ]�>�`�w�>�Vi�>�ÃÌ>�`��}�>À�Þ��v�£xä]äää�>��i`�Ã��`�iÀÃ�Ü��Ü�Õ�`�

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� Ƃ��Ì�iÀ�/Ài>ÌÞ��v�*>À�Ã�£n£x®�Ü>Ã�Ã�}�i`�� Ûi�LiÀ]�w�>��â��}�ìÌ>��Ã��ivÌ�Õ�V�i>À��Ì�i�

Final Act. For instance, Charles Pictet, a representative from Geneva who sought to establish a link

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provinces at the behest of the King of Sardinia in order to strengthen the border between France

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Europe in 1815 (The Editors…”The Congress of Vienna”)


Alliances In September of 1815, Alexander wrote the text of the ‘Holy Alliance,’ a military union which

stipulated rulers had “acquired the conviction that it is necessary to base the direction of policy

adopted by the Powers in their mutual relations on the sublime truths taught by the eternal religion

�v��`�Ì�i�Ài`ii�iÀ»�<>��ÞÃ��xÓä®°��Ì�>�Ã��«�Ã�Ìi`�Ì�>Ì�Ì�i�Ì�Àii�`Þ�>ÃÌ�V�Ã�}�>Ì�À�iÃ�ÜiÀi�

divinely ordained (Ghervas “What was the Congress of Vienna?”); in other words, it was an absolutist

document harkening back to a pre-revolutionary Europe. Though leading diplomats were weary

of the treaty, Britain, Austria, and Prussia all elected to sign it in hopes of appeasing Alexander

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It may be tempting to view the Holy Alliance as a forceful attempt on the part of European

autocrats to repress Enlightenment ideals and reverse the clock of history; such an interpretation has

some validity. However, while the Holy Alliance was rooted in traditional legitimacy, it also charted a

course for a new era of secular politics. It referenced a Chrisitan God, but each sovereign member

represented a distinct sect of Christianity: Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant; the upshot is that the

pope, who had served as an adjudicator in European affairs for a millenium, saw his role severely

reduced (Ghervas “What was the Congress of Vienna?”). Positive or not, this went against tradition

and ushered in an arena of international relations distinct from previous affairs.

All told, the reference to absolutism proved to be problematic. For one, it allowed any tsar

to antagonize the Ottoman Sultan by virtue of his Muslim identity, something which Russia would

eventually take advantage of as it continued its campaign in the Balkans; additionally, it provided

�ÕÃÌ�wV>Ì��v�À�}�ÛiÀ��i�ÌÃ�Ì��LÀÕ>��Þ�Ài«ÀiÃÃ�Õ«À�Ã��}Ã�>�`�«�«Õ�>À�`�ÃV��Ìi�Ì]�Ü��V��Ü�Õ�`�V��i�

to dominate the continent (Ghervas “What was the Congress of Vienna?”).

Later that year, a pact more akin to the Treaty of Chaumont was also signed: the Quadruple

Alliance, an open-ended obligation which provided that if any member of the Bonaparte lineage

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529). Article VI of the document also stated that the four signatories should remain in contact via

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arrangements were markedly different from the Utrecht System that preceded them; the new

European order was no longer based on a balance of power, with an interim between wars serving as


an uneasy armistice, but rather on the hegemony of allied direction (Schroeder).

These two unions comprise what is frequently referred to as the ‘Concert of Europe.’ The

alliances were incredibly fragile from the start and operated under very informal procedure. The

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between states in a world where one could not be certain to favor offensive or defensive realism.

Recall that Austria, Britain, and France nearly went to war with their so-called allies midway through

the Congress, an outcome that was only narrowly avoided (Ghervas “Three Lessons of Peace”).

Thus, it should not be surprising that the Concert did not last, for its foundation bore many

cracks.

Case StudyCase 1: Constitutionalism at Vienna Thus far, it may be fair to argue that we have painted the Congress of Vienna as a conserative

congregation which arrived at a rather conservative settlement. In many ways, this is true; however,

the time has now come to explore how delegates at Vienna directly responded to the newfound

pervasiveness of the Enlightenment, as contrary to common portrayals there was an understanding

that Louis XVI, Robespierre, and Napoleon had changed the continent permanently (Vick 1). Hence,

one must study the legacy of constitutionalism at the Congress with great care, as there are many

V��y�VÌ��}�«�iViÃ��v�iÛ�`i�Vi�Ì��iÝ>��i°

On one hand, the Congress of Vienna coincided with one of the greatest waves of

constitution writing in European history (Vick 1). The previously discussed Federal Act is a notable

example, but many others warrant elaboration. As mentioned, the king of the Netherlands had

recently adopted a reasonably liberal constitution which promised religious liberties for both Jews

and Christians, though it retained robust monarchical authority (Vick 12). In 1814 Sweden proclaimed

a new constitution while acquiring Norway from Denmark, which guaranteed certain individual

rights in order to accommodate the desires of their new residents (Vick 12). France also enacted

a constitution following Napoleon’s initial exile which retained a monarchy while establishing a

bicameral legislature and rule of law (Vick 11-12).


Some scholars claim that the best lens through which to frame the Congress’s worldview

post-Fontainebleau is through that of Mountain Republicanism, wherein liberalism could exist where

it was deemed acceptable, typically determined by whether it subsisted there during the previous

decades (Vick 27). Presumably, plenipotentiaries were aware that vast portions of public sentiment

had begun to favor legal constitutions, especially in areas such as Germany (Vick 10), and that post-

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of the Legations, former Napoleonic territory transferred to the Papal States. Delegates realized

concessions were necessary since the populace had acclimated to two decades of constitutional

rule, and thus advised it be governed distinct from other regions controlled by the pope (Vick 14).

Even Metternich pressured the Vatican to adopt some liberal reforms; despite Consalvi’s resistance, a

common sentiment was expressed that the Legations required, in their words, “a different system of

government more analogous to the nature of the times” (Vick 15).

However, one must also survey the dark side of these concessions; although many delegates

acknowledged a paradigm shift had occurred, the attitude of many is possibly best described by

the model of reform-conservatism, in which the ancien régime was not disputed but amended so its

existence could continue (Vick 3). This approach is similar to a pacted transition toward democracy,

as opposed to transition by revolution.

Though the Vatican made some compromises, the Legations were largely reverted to

their governments prior to French expansion (Vick 16). Similarly, when the king of Württemberg

abandoned the Congress over his displeasure at the proceedings, he returned to kingdom and

instituted what seemed to be a liberal constitution complete with a representative body; however,

it was rapidly apparent that the king’s play had been to invite segments of society into the assembly

��Þ�Ì��V��«�iÌi�Þ�ÃÕL`Õi�Ì�i��>�`�iÃÌ>L��Ã��>��>LÃ��ÕÌ�ÃÌ�ÀÕ�i�<>��ÞÃ��{Îx®°

Moreover, the reform-conservative models were still a far cry from governments established

during the French Revolution, such as the National Assembly in France or the Parthenopean

Republic in Naples (Vick 18). Jacobinism, the ideological remnant of a famed French political

organization that saw its heyday amid the Reign of Terror, had taken radical ideas including non-

monarchical republicanism and violently erected governmental organs in their mold (The Editors…

”Jacobin Club”). In contrast, though describing the compromises reached as democratic transitions

helps cement the concepts at play, it obscures the fact that the constitutions established were


predominately undemocratic as states were still largely controlled by dynasties (Vick 13).

Thus, the ultimate question is as follows: did the decisions reached in Vienna and in the

subsequent years successfully adapt to the new paradigm? One may commend the reforms adopted

by the Congress, but one must also reconcile them with the recurring waves of violence that would

dominate European affairs for decades to come.

Then again, perhaps the roots were never political.


Question 1: Compare the Congress of Vienna to modern international summits. What aspects have

changed and which remain similar?

Question 2: Is state-expansion a logical reaction to the condition of international affairs, a risky

proposition likely to end in disaster, or somewhere in between? Do not limit the term expansion to

‘territorial expansion’.

Topic B

Question 3: What is at least one way in which you noticed the impact of the French Revolution on

the proceedings of the Congress?

Question 4: /��Ü�>Ì�iÝÌi�Ì�Ü>Ã�Ì�i�w�>��>VÌ��v�Ì�i��}ÀiÃÃ�>�V��ÃiÀÛ>Ì�Ûi�ÃiÌÌ�i�i�Ì¶

Works CitedBiard, François-Auguste. The Slave Trade. 1833, Wilberforce House, Hull, England.

Blinn, Harold E. “New Light on Talleyrand at the Congress of Vienna.” 2CEKƂE�*KUVQTKECN�4GXKGY, vol. 4, no. 2, 1935, pp. 143–160., www.jstor.org/stable/3633726.

Blakemore, Erin. “Why the Ottoman Empire Rose and Fell.” National Geographic, 6 Dec. 2019, www.nationalgeographic.com/history/reference/modern-history/why-ottoman-empire-rose-fell/.


Cavendish, Richard. “The End of the Holy Roman Empire.” *KUVQT[�6QFC[, vol. 56, no. 7, July 2006, https://www.historytoday.com/archive/end-holy-roman-empire.

Chamberlain, Ted. “Napoleon Death Mystery Solved, Experts Say.” National Geographic, 10 May 2020, www.nationalgeographic.com/science/2007/01/napolean-death-mystery-solved-news/.

Encarnación, Omar G. Labor and Pacted Democracy: Post-Franco Spain in Comparative Perspective. Comparative Politics, vol. 33, no. 3, 2001, pp. 337â355. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/422407Furet, François. Interpreting the French Revolution. Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Ghervas, Stella. “What was the Congress of Vienna?” *KUVQT[�6QFC[, vol. 64, no. 9, 2014. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/what-was-congress-vienna.

Ghervas, Stella. “Three Lessons of Peace: From the Congress of Vienna to the Ukraine Crisis.” United Nations. United Nations, n.d. https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/three-lessons-peace-congress-vienna-ukraine-crisis.

Girvetz, Harry K., and Richard Dagger. “Liberalism.” 'PE[ENQRÂFKC�$TKVCPPKEC, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 5 Feb. 2020, www.britannica.com/topic/liberalism.

Heslop, D. Alan. “Confederations and Federations.” 'PE[ENQRÂFKC�$TKVCPPKEC, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 1 Mar. 2019, www.britannica.com/topic/political-system/Confederations-and-federations.

“Index of /Itc/Mealac/Pritchett/00maplinks/Colonial/ostell1814”, Columbia University, www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00maplinks/colonial/ostell1814/.

Miscevic, Nenad. “Nationalism.” 5VCPHQTF�'PE[ENQRGFKC�QH�2JKNQUQRJ[, Stanford University, 15 Dec. 2014, plato.stanford.edu/entries/nationalism/.

Reinerman, Alan J. “Metternich, the Powers, and the 1831 Italian Crisis.” %GPVTCN�'WTQRGCP�*KUVQT[, vol. 10, no. 3, 1977, pp. 206–219. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4545802.

Rendall, Matthew. “Defensive Realism and the Concert of Europe.” 4GXKGY�QH�+PVGTPCVKQPCN�5VWFKGU, vol. 32, no. 3, 2006, pp. 523–540. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40072201.

Roberts, Andrew. “Why We’d Be Better Off If Napoleon Never Lost at Waterloo.” Smithsonian Magazine. Smithsonian Institution, 01 June 2015. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/we-better-off-napoleon-never-lost-waterloo-180955298.


Ryan, Jeffrey J. The Impact of Democratization on Revolutionary Movements. Comparative Politics, vol. 27, no. 1, 1994, pp. 27-44. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/422216.

Saddler, William. The Battle of Waterloo. 1815, Pyms Gallery, London.

Schroeder, Paul W. “Did the Vienna Settlement Rest on a Balance of Power?” The American *KUVQTKECN�4GXKGY, vol. 97, no. 3, 1992, pp. 683–706. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2164774.

Steuben, Charles Baron von. Napoleon Returns from Elba. 1818, Christie’s, London.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Congress of Vienna.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 2 June 2020, www.britannica.com/event/Congress-of-Vienna.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Jacobin Club.” 'PE[ENQRÂFKC�$TKVCPPKEC, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 7 May 2020, www.britannica.com/topic/Jacobin-Club.

Vick, Brian E. “Between Reaction and Reform.” In 6JG�%QPITGUU�QH�8KGPPC��2QYGT�CPF�2QNKVKEU�CHVGT�Napoleon, 233-77. Harvard University Press, 2014. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qdtc1.9.

Waluchow, Wil. “Constitutionalism.” 5VCPHQTF�'PE[ENQRGFKC�QH�2JKNQUQRJ[, Stanford University, 20 Dec. 2017, plato.stanford.edu/entries/constitutionalism/.

<>��ÞÃ��]�Ƃ`>�°�Rties of Peace: The Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna. Harper Perennial, 2007.

Part III: The Web Unravels (1815-1856)Section Background� 7�Ì�� >«��i��`ivi>Ìi`�v�À�Ì�i�w�>��Ì��i�>�`�Ì�i�V��ÃÌÀÕVÌ��v�>��i}i��V�ÃÞÃÌi��

completed, it seemed that Europe could now relish its well earned peace. There would not be a

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ÀiviÀÃ�Ì��Ì�i�£nääÃ�>Ã�¼Ì�i��}�Vi�ÌÕÀÞ½��À�¼Ì�i�Vi�ÌÕÀÞ��v�«i>Vi½�<>��ÞÃ��x{{®°�-��i�>À}Õi�Ì�>Ì�

such depictions mask the nature of Europe post-Vienna, and that the tranquility so often credited

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century to explore the effects of the Congress, and hope you pay attention to this portion while

writing solutions.

Key Terms:• Congress System: also known as the Vienna System or the Concert of Europe, the Congress

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established by France, United Kingdom, Austria, Prussia, and Russia. During times of great

turmoil and international tension, Great Powers could call for diplomatic conferences, a trend

persisted even after the end of the Congress System (“The Power of Peace Diplomacy”).

• Marxism:��>ÀÝ�Ã��Ã�>�ÛiÀÞ�`�vwVÕ�Ì�Ì�«�V�Ì��>««À�>V��`Õi�Ì��>�Þ�`�ÛiÀ}��}��ÌiÀ«ÀiÌ>Ì��Ã�

after Marx’s death. At the very least, Marxism is a critique of the capitalist structure in Europe

at the time. To understand Marxism, the concept of social class must be understood. For Marx,

European society was increasingly split between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the two

great ‘classes’ that oppose each other. A ‘class’ is united by not only common interest, but also

their status in capitalist society, dictated by whether or not they are in control of the means of

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v�ÀVi�Li��`�Ã�V�>��>�`�«��Ì�V>��V�>�}i°�/�iÃi��`i>Ã�>Ài��Ài�Ì��À�Õ}��Þ�yÕÃ�i`��ÕÌ��The

Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and published in 1848, whose

release coincided with a host of revolutions that swept almost every state on the continent.

Marxist works of this period fell in line with the popular sentiments of the day, including pan-

Germanism and a transition towards liberalization (“Marx-Engels Correspondence 1870”).

• Industrialization: while the end date of the First Industrial Revolution is still a debated topic, it is

commonly agreed that the process of early industrialization in Europe ended in the mid-1800’s.

The Industrial Revolution transformed sparsely-populated agricultural societies to those focused

on a few industrial and manufacturing cities. While it could be argued that increased levels of

education and literacy, facilitated by the industrial process of printing, amounted to a positive

change in the standard of living, the often-times horrendous conditions of cities and the poor

treatments of workers shortened life-spans and led to wide-spread malnourishment. This helped

spark political movements across the continent and can be associated with the advent of Marxism

in the German Confederation. It can also be argued that the dissatisfaction of the working class


with oppression, from not only aristocrats but also from capitalists, directly contributed to the

Revolutions of 1848 (Jones).

Key ActorsThe core personalities at play in this period include familiar faces, such as Klemens von

Metternich (Austria) and Alexander I (Russia), but also new arrivals like Louis Phillipe (France),

Napoleon III (France), and Nicholas I (Russia).

Louis Phillipe returned to France from his exile after the abdication of Napoleon and the start

of the Bourbon Restoration. He was sworn in as king in 1830, following the deposition and exile of

Charles X, the last king of the House of Bourbon, during the July Revolution (Charles X).

Louis Phillpe’s rule, known as the July Monarchy, ended in 1848 with the February Revolution

and was replaced by the French Second Republic. Napoleon III, leading the Imperialist party,

defeated the democratic republicans in the subsequent presidential election. Drawing upon the

conclusion of his term, with a constitutional ban on incumbents from seeking re-election, Napoleon

III staged the 1851 coup d’état, through which he established the Second French Empire with

himself as emperor (Reinerman).

Alexander I, following his death in 1825, was succeeded by his younger brother Nicolas I,

who inherited the titles of Emperor of Russia, King of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland. Nicholas

I would rule Russia for the next 30 years, overseeing costly territorial expansions, large-scale

industrialization, and a retreat towards reactionary policies (Ghervas).

The Fate of GermanyAfter the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire and the Federal Act, the newly established

German Confederation was held together by the Federal Assembly, which represented the member

states.


German Confederation (Putzger)

Unfortunately, this system only served to instill rivalries between the nation-states and crippled

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On 23 March 1819, German writer August von Kotzebue and aide to the tsar, was murdered

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Decrees. Freedom of movement was restricted, the police were granted additional authority,

censorship was dramatically increased, universities were given an inspector and classrooms were

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Metternich, keeping in mind the interests of Austria, held a series of ministerial meetings in Vienna

between November 1819 and May 1820, at the conclusion of which he produced a Final Act

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Collapse of the Congress SystemAt Aix-la Chapelle in 1818, it was decided that the allied troops lining French borders would

be withdrawn, and subsequently decided that France should be made a member of the Quadruple

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Some friction came from overseas. Spain’s submission to France amid the War of the


Second Coalition pitted it against Britain, the superior naval power on the continent, thus severely

weakening ties between Iberian powers and their colonies; meanwhile, Enlightenment ideas seeped

into Latin America, inspiring leaders to take up the cause of independence, though such ideals were

less pervasive than they had been in France (Kittleson and Lockhart). During the Napoleonic Wars,

Britain worked to hold the Spanish Empire together as Napoleon invaded Spain in 1805 to prevent a

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West-Atlantic ports, so it wielded its power to quietly ignore and somewhat foster the revolutionary

movement while also restraining Spain’s ability to stymie it (Blaufarb 15). It was a step away from

hegemony and toward balance of power.

Closer to home, disagreements about the nature of the Quintuple Alliance were increasingly

salient. With France a member its initial mission was obsolete. Alexander sought to further

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`�ÃÃÕ>`i`�`Õi�Ì��`�ÃÌÀÕÃÌ��v�Ì�i�ÌÃ>À�<>��ÞÃ��x{{®°��£n£n�Ì�i�>��iÃ�>}Àii`�Ì��v�À}��iÜ�«��Ì�V>��

arrangements; simultaneously, current disputes crescendoed. For example, Alexander sought to

wield the system to strengthen his pull in Europe, while Metternich viewed it as a means to protect

the ancien régime from liberal fervor. This shaped the issue whether or not to intercede in the case

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In 1820, Spain and Naples were struck by insurrection; both states saw their monarchs forced

to accept the more Enlightened Spanish constitution of 1812, which violated a treaty between

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and Britain grew apart from the eastern powers over the question of intervention, before 1821

brought developments that would kill the Congress System.

First, France turned ultra-royalist and stated its intention to intervene in Spain; second, a

revolution against the Turks erupted in Greece, which garnered Alexander’s support since it could

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Britain, and Austria all protested the tsar’s aims; a declaration was signed which denounced the

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549). Following this conference, the rift between the powers became unbridgeable and a schism

ensued. The Congress System - for all its ambition and innovation - was dead, though one could

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July Revolution (1830)The July Revolution, also known as the Second French Revolution, would eventually overthrow

Charles X and lead to the ascension of Louis Phillippe, whose reign is known as the July Monarchy.

Charles X was a deeply unpopular monarch. His initial policies were viewed as blatant efforts to

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down, introducing a proposal to censor reports from newspapers to the Chamber of Deputies, but

withdrew it due to overwhelming opposition. The increasing clashes between the liberal majority in

parliament and the ultraroyalist government exacerbated an economic crisis (Pilbeam 320).

Starting in 1827, harvests were consistently lower than average, resulting in a sharp climb in

prices (Pilbeam 322). This issue was worsened by protectionist policies, which levied heavy taxes

on produce to support large-scale producers while condemning consumers to high living costs.

Demonstrations were held in the hardest-hit regions, primarily in large industrial cities where food

prices soared (Britannica).

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and released the Address of the 221, a clear message against Charles X from the liberal majority in

parliament. In response, Charles X dissolved parliament and revised the Charter of 1814 to dissolve

the Chamber of Deputies, limited the political rights of business-owners, and called for a new

election. These changes were made public on July 26th and kickstarted the ‘Glorious Three Days’.

Paris was engulfed by an uprising that dwarfed the city’s contingent of troops (Berstein).

Battle Near City Hall (Bourgeois)


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Phillipe of the House of Orleans who led a constitutional monarchy (Charles X).

Italian Crisis (1831)Following the July Revolution in France, Metternich turned his eyes to Italy, where he believed

trouble would arise. As predicted, similar movements formed by secret society members of the

Carbonari spread across the Italian peninsula calling for a united Italian state. Francis IV, the Duke

of Modena, already planned on consolidating power in Northern Italy and made it clear to the

revolutionaries that he was not opposed to a united Italy. Two prominent Carbonari, Enrico Misley

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Austrian government knew of the movement and could use it as an excuse to send troops, he

ordered the Carbonari’s arrest (Hughes).

This did not stop the revolts spreading beyond Northern Italy and into the Papal States

(Reinerman 209). The rebellious Papal legations proposed a new state, the Italian United Province,

but their hopes were dashed when Pope Gregory XVI asked for Austrian aid, which Metternich was

eager to supply. Supporters of the rebellion looked to Louis-Phillipe, as the Party of Movement

(a popular liberal party) argued military intervention from Austria would provoke a response from

France. However, Metternich foresaw potential issues and redoubled his efforts to hold back Louis-

Phillipe from Italy; this, along with warnings that Austria would welcome war to prevent an Italian

revolution, prevented French support (Reinerman 210-212).

1848 Revolutions (1848-1850)The 1848 Revolutions, also known as the Spring of Nations, were a wave of uprisings and

insurrections that took hold of Europe in early 1848, leading to changes in regime and a response in

kind from reactionary forces.

The origins of the 1848 Revolutions can be traced to the agitations in the Italian peninsula,

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began in Sicily and revolts grew in Northern Italy, where Austrian forces were forced to withdraw


from Milan; at the same time, the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia declared war on the Austrian

Empire to take advantage of Metternich’s recent abdication. The Papal States and the Kingdom of

Two Sicilies did not commit to the effort since they believed Austria could not be defeated. This

became known as the First Italian War of Independence; it faded in the summer of 1849 as the tide

turned against the revolutionaries.

In February, the July Monarchy, led by Louis Phillippe, was overthrown and the French

Second Republic was established. The provisional government, which had quickly responded to the

unemployment crisis plaguing France with the creation of “National Workshops”, called for elections

to the assembly once the population settled down and the “right to work” had been addressed.

The assembly primarily consisted of relatively conservative politicians elected by a moderate base;

this was seen as a threat to democracy, so radicals stormed the assembly which frightened the

conservative majority and caused the closing of workshops for the unemployed across France. The

backlash from the closings sparked the June Days uprising, in which subsequently unemployed

workers began a failed insurrection.

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and the election of Napoleon III (the former emperor’s nephew), the exact fate that the Quadruple

Alliance hoped to avoid.

Trouble in Austria began with the resignation of Metternich, who was forced out by the Diet.

Ferdinand I tried to establish a more liberal-appearing government through new appointments, but

had little success in appeasing resentment. The Austrian Empire lacked a homogenous society, and

there existed several nationalist and secessionist movements prior to 1848; these ethnic divisions

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German-Czech split in Prague (Sperber).

The German Revolutions of 1848-1849, which began in March as loosely associated protests,

soon engulfed the Confederation. Revolutionaries called for pan-Germanism and fought the

autocratic nature of the system within member states. Although the strength of resistance varied,

the overarching calls from the working class to improve their standard of living echoed across the

confederation (Jones 510).

The revolutions failed to topple autocratic regimes, but ravaged the powers through disorder

and violence. One could state the Viennese-settlement thus struck the proper balance between


reform and conservation, yet one might argue autocrats adopted a dangerous level of risk in their

allegiance to the ancien régime that could have ended very differently.

Crimean War (1853-1856)Three decades after the Viennese-Settlement, imperialist expansion wrought another war. The

Ottoman Empire was targeted by President Napoleon III to concede rights for the Catholic church

in Palestine, a move that he believed would garner him support from conservatives to strengthen

his eventual coup d’état; Nicholas I protested this by sending a Russian mission to recover Greek

Orthodox rights (Lambert). The Ottomans chose to make concessions to both parties, hoping to

pacify the great powers (Lambert).

Though France lost interest in the Ottomans, Nicholas I planned to cut up the European

portion of the feeble Empire, which frightened Austrian and Britain (Lambert); Napoleon III joined

in support of the Ottoman’s defense to improve his diplomatic standing. Britain had an interest in

maintaining existing trade routes through Ottoman territory, especially those operated by the British

East India Company, while France sought revenge stemming from the catastrophic failure of its

Russian incursion in 1812 (Lambert).

Russia occupied the Danubian Principalities, a decision that jeopardized the Austrian’s

economic lifeline - the Danube (Lambert). France and Britain anticipated a peaceful resolution, but

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demand for Russian withdrawal from the Danubian Principalities, which expired without response

(Lambert). Thus began what delegates in Vienna had hoped to prevent: a general European war

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Charge of Light Brigade (Woodville)

Massive battles between the allied force and Russia ensued, including the siege of Sevastopol

and the battle of Balaclava. Over the winter of 1854, France and Britain were joined by Sardinia,

hoping that their involvement would ensure backing for the expulsion of Austria from Italy (Lambert).

The war continued through 1855, marked by several victories for the allies in the Baltics, Black Sea,

and primarily Crimea (Gherva).

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politicking of a Prussian Prime Minister begot a series of carefully calculated wars that resulted in

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of power system wherein peace was maintained insofar as states were afraid to stray from it (Barkin).

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resembled the Napoleonic Wars.

Then again, there was no true equal to the horrors of the Great War in Europe, at least until

1939 (Mayne and Parker).

International Actions and ResponseTreaty of Paris (1856)

In the spring of 1856, the powers involved in the Crimean War met at the Congress of Paris


and signed the Treaty of Paris, which returned southern Bessarabia and the mouth of the Danube to

the Ottomans. Geographically, the Black Sea was marked as neutral territory, closed to all warships

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under international guarantee, rather than Russian guarantee. From a surface evaluation, this treaty

cemented the total loss of Russia, which had effectively been pushed back in the war on all fronts.

However, it is important to note that Alexander II, who inherited the throne from Nicholas I in 1855,

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from Caucasus to the Baltics. Russia entered into negotiations hoping to maintain as much power it

could in the region, and walked away with Sevastopol and other southern Crimean territories, which

was not a total loss (Lambert).

Case StudyCase 1: Britain in 1848

As waves of revolutions rocked European powers, Britain remained largely free from unrest.

There may not be a single reason why Britain was spared, but it is important to consider that Britain’s

constitutional monarchy was very liberal in comparison to autocratic regimes at the time. Most British

publications mostly saw the revolutions as an inevitable result of the status quo (Nelsson).

The claim that there were no revolutionary movements in Britain during 1848 is incorrect. The

Chartist movement, which began in 1832 advocating for voting rights of the working class and other

liberal reforms, sent their last petition to parliament in April of 1848 (Jones). The petition supposedly

had over 8 million signatures, which sparked concern of widespread protests in the streets. However,

fears were overblown as only 20,000 amassed for a rally and were quickly dispersed by soldiers.

The British government deputized 25,000 land-owners in preparation for severe unrest, an obvious

overreaction. The movement perished without achieving any of its immediate goals (“The Chartist

Movement”). The other notable social unrest in Britain in 1848 was the Young Irelander Rebellion, a

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y>�i`��>Ì��>��ÃÌ�Ãi�Ì��i�ÌÃ°��ÜiÛiÀ]�Ì��Ã�ºÀiLi��»�L��Ã�`�Ü��Ì��>�Ã��À��Ã��LiÌÜii��Ì�i��À�Ã��


Constabulary and members of the Young Irelander movement, with little casualties on both sides

(Rynne 106).

Reform triumphed over revolution in Britain. The British had the foresight to enact liberal

reforms before social movements gained traction, an example of which is the Reform Act of 1832,

passed by a conservative government responding to demands to overhaul the electoral system. It is

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the working class that may have prevented revolutionary action; those seen as the most radical

and militant group were the Irish, who were crushed by the Great Famine and had the deepest

connections to the violent faction of the Chartist movement. One can imagine that a British Chartist,

a self-envisioned diligent, working-class man, would see himself better than the Irish, who were

portrayed by papers as drunken, lazy, and disorderly (Swift).

Perhaps it was mere luck that Britain was one of the few nations in Europe spared from

the Revolutions of 1848. Perhaps it was a forward thinking political system. Perhaps it was ethnic

division. Perhaps it was all three, or some discordant union of elements we have not considered.

History is not a multiple choice examination; it is a complex tapestry of interweaving threads that

tell the past and present of our story. And on occasion, history reverses. Our immediate future may

bear more resemblance to this era than we expect. Our hope is that you examine the parallels to

our world and interrogate your predispositions as you chart your own course for a post-Napoleonic

Europe.


Question 1: The 19th century is often referred to as a century of peace; examining the period

between 1815 and 1856, do you agree with this assessment? If so, explain why. If not, explain, and

argue why the nineteenth century may have garnered this perception.

Question 2: Could the powers of Europe preserved the Congress system, or was its collapse

inevitable given the Viennese settlement?


Topic B

Question 3: The chaos fueled by revolutions largely failed to topple autocratic regimes; does this

mean Europe’s response to the new paradigm was successful?

Question 4: Some argue these revolutions were fueled by industrialism, while others argue they

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responsible for the uprisings that occurred post-Waterloo.

Works CitedBarkin, Kenneth. “Otto Von Bismarck.” 'PE[ENQRÂFKC�$TKVCPPKEC, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 26 July 2020, www.britannica.com/biography/Otto-von-Bismarck.

Blaufarb, Rafe. “The Western Question: The Geopolitics of Latin American Independence.” 6JG�#OGTKECP�*KUVQTKECN�4GXKGY, vol. 112, no. 3, 2007, pp. 742–763. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40006669.

Berstein, Richard. “The French Revolution: Right or Wrong?” The New York Times, 18 Jul. 1988, https://www.nytimes.com/1988/07/10/books/the-french-revolution-right-or-wrong.html.

Bourgeois, Amédée. Prise de l’Hôtel de Ville. 1831. Le Pont d’Arcole, 28 Juillet 1830, http://collections.chateauversailles.fr/#de30a15c-d360-47b3-9556-e25f898efc9f

“Charles X.” Palace of Versailles, 29 Oct. 2019, en.chateauversailles.fr/discover/history/great-characters/charles-x.

Ghervas, Stella. “Three Lessons of Peace: From the Congress of Vienna to the Ukraine Crisis.” United Nations. United Nations, n.d. https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/three-lessons-peace-congress-vienna-ukraine-crisis.

Hughes, Steven. Pepe, Gugliemo. www.ohio.edu/chastain/ip/pepe.htm.

Jones, Gareth Stedman. “The Mid-Century Crisis and the 1848 Revolutions: A Critical Comment.” Theory and Society, vol. 12, no. 4, 1983, pp. 505–519. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/657387


Kittleson, Roger A., and James Lockhart. “The Independence of Latin America.” 'PE[ENQRÂFKC�Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 23 Jan. 2019, www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/The-independence-of-Latin-America.

Lambert, Andrew. “History - The Crimean War.” BBC, BBC, 29 Mar. 2011, www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victorians/crimea_01.shtml.

“Marx-Engels Correspondence 1870.” Marxists Internet Archive, www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/letters/70_09_01a.htm.

Mayne, Richard J., and N. Geoffrey Parker. “The Great War and Its Aftermath.” 'PE[ENQRÂFKC�Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 4 Feb. 2020, www.britannica.com/topic/history-of-Europe/The-Great-War-and-its-aftermath.

Nelsson, Richard. “1848: Europe’s Year of Revolution – from the Archive.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 18 May 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/world/from-the-archive-blog/2018/may/18/1848-year-of-revolution-archive

Pilbeam, Pamela. “The Economic Crisis of 1827-32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France.” The Historical Journal, vol. 32, no. 2, 1989, pp. 319–338. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2639604.

Putzgers, Frederich. Deutschland 1815 bis 1866. 1902. Historischer Schul-Atlas, https://archive.org/details/fwputzgershistor00putz

Reinerman, Alan J. “Metternich, the Powers, and the 1831 Italian Crisis.” Central European History, vol. 10, no. 3, 1977, pp. 206–219. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4545802.

Rynne, F., ‘Young Ireland and Irish Revolutions’ in French Journal of British Studies, vol. XXII, no.3 (2017), pp. 105-23.

Sperber, Jonathan. “Echoes of the French Revolution in the Rhineland, 1830-1849.” Central European History, vol. 22, no. 2, 1989, pp. 200–217. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4546146.


Swift, Roger. “The Outcast Irish in the British Victorian City: Problems and Perspectives.” Irish Historical Studies, vol. 25, no. 99, 1987, pp. 264-276. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/30008542.

“The Chartist Movement.” UK Parliament, UK Parliament, www.parliament.uk/about/living-heritage/transformingsociety/electionsvoting/chartists/overview/chartistmovement/.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “July Revolution.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 20 July 2020, www.britannica.com/event/July-Revolution.

“The Power of Peace Diplomacy between the Congress of Vienna and the Paris Treaties 1919.” United Nations, United Nations, www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/power-peace-diplomacy-between-congress-vienna-and-paris-treaties-1919.

Woodville, Richard Canton. The Charge of Light Brigade. 1895, National Army Museum, London.

<>��ÞÃ��]�Ƃ`>�°�,�ÌiÃ��v�*i>Vi\�/�i��>��v� >«��i��>�`�Ì�i��}ÀiÃÃ��v�6�i��>°��>À«iÀ�Perennial, 2007.

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