Drawing upon Attribution and Self-Efficacy theories of motivation, I examine the dynamics of student engagement in the subject of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) at the academic and non-academic school levels in Germany. Following the continuing low levels of motivation in the subject as confirmed by several studies, I will consider how students can be encouraged to learn with persistence, higher levels of self-regulation and success in the future.

Introduction: a Vignette

As an Australian parent with a teaching background, I am

interested to learn what other parents think regarding their

children learning English as a Foreign Language at our local

school, situated within the German state of Saxony. This interest

led me to note some comments made during a parent information

night, where the generally poor results in this subject were aired

with frustration by the home room teacher, a veteran of thirty

years service. She exhorted parents to “Speak with your children

in the English that you have. Show them it's important and that

they can do it too!” This exhortation was met however with

silence. Many of these parents have not studied at a tertiary

level and certainly none have pursued English studies. How fair

was this request from the teacher? Could it in fact be counter-

productive to motivating students?

Levels of motivation in English language learning: a context of

mixed messages

The question which this evening raised is the following: does

the lack of motivation within this class point of a broader

malaise affecting EFL classrooms across Germany? Are levels of

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motivation related to a particular school system? Is there within

the microcosm of this class a range of demotivating factors which

need to be addressed?

In order to consider these questions regarding student

motivation, one must first contend with the paucity of research in

the German literature. The National Foundation for Educational

Research, in their internationally-based thematic probe of learner

motivation, examined the output of research in Germany. Allowing

for some bias towards the publication of research in English, the

authors of the report note that the bulk of work was conducted in

the USA, Australia and the UK (Lord, et. al., 2005, p76). From

the German Federal Ministry of Education, the sole policy

direction ascertained is one of improving the quality of overall

instructional practices, which should subsequently boost levels of

student motivation (Lord, et. al., 2005, pp52-3).

A second international study comparing student perspectives of

language learning was conducted by the British Council focusing on

4000 English learners and 80 teachers in Bulgaria, the

Netherlands, Spain and Germany (Taylor, et. al. 2013). In this

comparison, peer pressure was found to have the least impact upon

individual levels of motivation in Germany (Taylor, et. al. 2013,

p12), although German educators rated their quality of teaching

practices most lowly (Taylor, et. al. 2013, p13). Here we can

begin to surmise that the importance of English in instrumentalist

terms within German society as having an impact upon classroom

dynamics (Coleman,1995, cited in Lanvers, 2013, p4). In addition,

the perceptions of teachers in their role as exponents of English

could be an indication of introspective comparisons with native

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speaker fluency (Ushioda, 2008, p150).

The most notable and accessible domestic study of motivation

and achievement is the “Deutsch Englisch Schülerleistungen

International” (DESI) study which seeks to complement the PISA

studies. This research stems from the gathering of written and

audio-visual data at the beginning and again at the end of grade 9

across 219 Schools (Gymnasium, Mittelschule, Hauptschule)

involving approximately 11,000 students in the academic year

2003/4 (Wagner, Helmke and Rösner, 2009, p9). In conjunction with

surveys and testing along with video analysis, DESI attempts to

measure 15 competencies including listening skills and text

construction in the areas of English and German, supplementing the

international PISA focus on Mathematics and Science. For the

purposes of this examination of student motivation in EFL through

DESI data, it would be useful to consider these results to gauge

which factors affecting student engagement with foreign language

learning.

Section 1.5.1-2 of DESI provides the first ever and largest

scale of direct questioning on motivation in Germany, in this one

off project which ran from 2001-2008 (Wagner, Helmke and Rösner,

2009, pp50-54). Twelve questions were asked specifically relating

to student motivation. The rating scale ranged from: 1 =

strongly disagree, 2 = somewhat disagree, 3 = somewhat agree and 4

= strongly agree. Students were asked whether they would

discontinue English if given the option at the beginning of Year 9

and again at the end. The findings remained constant over time,

which was above “somewhat agree” (average 3.14, 3.12). The result

was marginally lower for German (2.83, 2.96). Students also

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reported that English is an important subject (3.30) although

there seemed to be a disconnect between effort and achievement,

with the median value of 3.36 for the statement “It is a waste of

time to study for English.” This mixture of positive and negative

messages is consistent with the finding that English is considered

generally as a “necessary evil” (2.89). Students appeared to

accept the weight of external pressure exerted upon their

application to the subject, with varying levels of engagement.

Considering that the sample size of 4,673 includes all three

tiers of schooling, it becomes important to consider how the two

non-academic school types fare in terms of motivation generally

and in English specifically. An analysis of the three levels of

schooling found that listening skill results indicated the largest

disparity in achievement. The Gymnasium (academic stream)

significantly outperformed the Hauptschule (lowest schooling level

finishing at grade 9) with the Middle strand (also non-academic,

finishing grade 10) performing moderately well (Helmke et. al.,

2008). While these results are unsurprising, the report did find

that teachers tended to use more German in instruction at the two

lower levels, indicating both a reduction of aural language input.

This assumes that linguistic demands as being beyond the student's

capacity in this subject.

Another analysis of the DESI data (Klieme et. at., 2008,

pp248-9) demonstrated that the clear differences in student

motivation could be grouped according to the tripartite division

of schooling, with the academic school stream demonstrating higher

levels of motivation than the other two tiers. This strict

division of achievement / motivation levels within the German

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system requires further analysis; when only 30% of students in the

Hauptschule struggle to meet the lowest standards set for German

and English, and the Middle school stream attains the A2 (late

beginner) level in English after seven years of instruction

(Klieme, p2, 2008), the dynamics of motivation need to be

considered as a matter of urgency.

Motivation and overview of general trends in theory

For the purposes of this study, the definition of learner

motivation shall follow Coles and Werquinn (2005) being:

“...a range of an individual's behaviours in terms of the way

they personally initiate things, determine the way things are

done, do something with intensity and show perseverance to see

something through to the end.” (cited in Lord, et. al., p89)

Theories of motivation are many and diverse. One trend is to

see these theories in terms of dichotomy (van der Aalsvoort et.

al., 2013). The following trends have been distilled from meta-

data reports on this topic: Motivation as a feature of a

particular lesson / task-cycle versus life-long learning;

intrinsic versus extrinsic (or as early SLA theorists preferred

integrative / instrumentalist motives): assessment which motivates

or demotivates and finally, performance (i.e. ego-orientated)

versus learning (i.e. mastery-orientated) motivation (Lord, et.

al., 2005, pp97-101). Eccles and Wigfield (2002) surveyed general

theories of motivation according to those focused upon expectancy

(self-efficacy theory is situated here), reasons for engagement,

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those theories that fuse expectancy and value constructs

(including attribution theory) and social-cognitive theories of

motivation. In addition one could note that there has been an

increasing interaction between SLA motivation theorists and those

in developmental psychology (Ushioda and Dörnyei, 2012, p397),

with both attribution and self-efficacy theories being placed

within the situated-cognitive branch of motivation study.

Nevertheless, theories of motivation within the domain of SLA

struggle with the complexity of the dynamic and highly personal

nature of language learning and impact of the social environment

in analysing motivation (Ushioda and Dörnyei, 2012, p399).

Very recent research based upon the Dynamic Self theory within

SLA moves towards issues of identity formation linking both

integrative and instrumentalist motivations (Pawlak, 2012). It is

posited here that students no longer connect English with a

particular language community, rather adopting an “international

posture” (Yashima, 2002, p57 cited in Ushioda, 2008), as they

incorporate this global linguistic commonality into their ideal or

possible 'selves'. This theoretical tack moves motivation into

the realms of agency within the socio-political discourse.

However, research parameters within this dynamic theory are

incredibly difficult at this stage to establish and design.

Whilst acknowledging the attractiveness of pursuing the latest

theoretical standpoint in analysing the dynamics of motivation,

this study will consider the attribution and self-efficacy

theories afresh. It will be contended that there remains some

useful elements within these two theories which can be utilised,

thereby assisting teachers and students in their daily struggles

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with motivation. Secondly, the role of emotion in motivation as

more fully developed in Weiner's work, addresses the relatively

recent admission that emotion requires more attention within SLA

motivation theory (Bown and White, 2010).

Attribution Theory and Motivation: from the general to the SLA

domain

When a student first encounters a 'task' in language learning

and receives feedback or a grade, an affective and cognitive

response ensues, determining both immediate and future actions.

The student begins to consider the grounds for the result, or

attributions, asking whether these attributions may change in the

future. One comprehensive theory takes this tendency to quantify

the nature of personal agency within a particular context and

attempts to define the dimensions of motivation to facilitate

improvements in future outcomes. This theory, based upon the

initial work of Atkinson (1964, cited in Weiner, 1985), Rotter

(1966, cited in Weiner, 1985) and Kelley (1977, cited in Weiner,

1985) shall be, for the purposes of understanding the dynamics of

student motivation, examined below.

Attribution theory is a grand theory of motivation which

claims relevance for all domains of endeavour where generally

unexpected results arise (Weiner, 2010, p29). Following Kelley,

Weiner defines the 'attributer' as much more than a passive

observer of their immediate evaluation, as the purpose of

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theorising the causes for failure, under performance or unexpected

success is borne of a desire to master both the Self and the

situated environment (Weiner, 1985, p548). Here one could note the

parallel concept within Dörnyei's SLA motivation theorising of the

'ideal' or 'dynamic' self (Dörnyei, 2009, cited in Lanvers, 2013,

p3). Attribution theory therefore takes the notion of qualified

agency as its foundation, which nevertheless links effort to

result, underscoring the moral aspect of responsibility. In this

way, Weiner builds upon the assertion of Triandis that there is a

transcultural interest in ability and effort for success (1972,

cited in Weiner, 1985, see also Salili, Maehr and Gilmore, 1976

for an Iranian contextual study) in order to claim

generalisability across cultures. Using the same logic, one could

argue that this concept supports inter-domain application.

At the same time, it is vital to separate control from intent,

as intent alone cannot determine agency (Weiner, 1985, p554).

Weiner considers the intrapersonal dimension of causal attribution

as being akin to a 'scientist' who simultaneously compares an

outcome with previously held expectations, feeling the emotional

consequences of (non)attainment which acts as a signifier of value

(Weiner, 2000, p2).

Weiner's theory of Attribution: the three dimensional taxonomic

space

In order to understand what is generally a painful and perhaps

quickly suppressed response concerning disappointing results,

Weiner applies the use of 'a three-dimensional taxonomic space'

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which maps the intersection of three causal properties for the

purposes of outcome evaluation (Weiner, 2010, pp31-2, Weiner,

2000, pp4-5). The first dimension is the 'locus' of cause. Here,

the attributer considers those factors which are either internal

or external in relation to themselves. Internal factors may

include the perceived aptitude in a certain domain, personality,

health and so forth. External factors can be institutional in

nature, dependent upon the teacher's actions and attitudes, school

organisation, competency benchmarks, and values exerted by

friends, family and the wider community.

The second causal dimension is that of stability. Here a

cause is charted for its duration and fluctuation, with certain

factors lending themselves to volatility. The level of effort

expended and interest fluctuates not only from task to task, but

also within the task-cycle. Task difficulty may also vary within

the subject domain, or across the teaching staff. Health and

general emotional well-being also contribute to fluctuations in

results. In contrast, some institutional practises remain stable,

such as standardised testing or perhaps even teacher's

expectations regarding achievement and behaviour.

The final dimension is that of controllability. Here a

dichotomy is charted, spanning the chasm between volition and

chance. Volition can be described here as intent or the

willingness to act. Taken together, students can attribute

success and failure to factors within or outside their control in

a variety of combinations.

The danger for motivation arises when causes for failure are

attributed as being 'stable', as this dimension leads to

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entrenched low expectations. An 'expectancy shift' is required to

encourage students to persevere in the face of difficulty, when

students themselves become convinced that there are factors

subject to fluctuation such as task difficulty, level of

application or emerging ability (Weiner, 2010, p31). Self-

efficacy theory (discussed below) explores how this 'shift' can be

fostered within the 'expectations' aspect of this theoretical

construct.

The dimensions of attribution are also significant at the

interpersonal level, be it the peer group, teachers, parents and

significant others. The process of attribution is repeated as

interested parties tender their evaluations to the student in a

'godlike manner' (Weiner, 2000, p9). The prevalence of the

protestant work ethic (Weber, 1958) within German society frames

(non)achievement within the moral sphere, resulting in both

cognitive/affective reactions imposed upon the student. Whether

these external influences support or undermine the student's sense

of agency becomes critical to any improvement in motivation.

Integrating Affect and Self-Efficacy within Attribution Theory

Emotion within the field of SLA motivation theory is receiving

more attention as a variable to be explored along with identity

and social dynamics (Dörnyei, 2005, Ushioda, 2007 cited in Bown

and White, 2010, p335). Following Vygotsky's concept of Perezhivanie

(Vygotsky, 1994, pp338-9, cited in Lake, 2013, p116), which

describes the fusion of personal emotional and intellectual

experiences, the crude division of the cognitive from the

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affective into separate domains does not fit the experience of

acquiring a new language and resulting new mode for self-

expression (Vygotsky, 1934/87, p282 cited in Mahn and John-

Steiner, 2002, Bown and White, 2010).

Weiner (2010, p33) builds upon this understanding of the

intricate relationship between thoughts and feelings within his

general theory of motivation, describing both the impact of

immediate emotional as well as moderated responses after a period

of reflection and feedback. Two classes of emotions are ascribed

to correspond to internal 'Actor' and external 'Other'

attributions for (non)achievement (Harek and Weiner, 2010).

Internally based emotions include: pride based upon effort or

ability; shame or guilt based upon lack of application or

perceived ability; hopelessness stemming from either task-

difficulty or low ability concerns, and gratitude based upon

success due to an external benevolent factor such as a supportive

teacher (Harek and Weiner, 2010, pp185-6). This last instance is

significant for understanding Vygotsky's concept of emotional

scaffolding within his Zone of Proximal Development theory (Mahn

and John-Steiner, 2002). The emotional responses from the 'Other'

are particularly relevant for this treatment are sympathy and

anger (Harek and Weiner, 2010). Sympathy is insidious in nature,

as it implies the stabilised inability of the student to achieve,

leading to lower expectations and a trend towards stagnation or

decline (Weiner, 2000, p13). Anger can be attributed to both a

lack of application or external factors which cannot be

immediately influenced, such as institutional practices,

conflicting cultural values, power relations, discouraged teachers

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or socio-economic contexts.

This theory deals primarily with perceived attributions,

influenced in turn by the tendency to deceive oneself to maintain

self-worth. This 'hedonic impulse' (Harek and Weiner, 2010, p190)

ascribes failure to stable factors beyond one's control, whereas

success is usually ascribed to effort or ability, or conversely to

luck where a student suffers from a low academic self-concept

(Schunk, 1981 cited in Zimmerman, 1995, Gist and Mitchell,1992).

When tackling student motivation, emotions are the significant

signpost for causal attribution, as well as indicating the

student's possible reception to feedback and future decision-

making, and as such must be considered by the teacher in analysing

motivation.

Self-efficacy supports attribution theory as it describes the

mechanism required for the 'expectation shift' to occur for

improved student motivation. Bandura's work contributes to the

exploration of this instability required in Weiner's framework for

student motivation. Perceived self-efficacy can be defined as:

“...[those] beliefs in one's capabilities to organize and

execute the courses of actions required to manage prospective

situations.” (Bandura, 1995, p2)

It is therefore fundamental for motivation to have domain specific

confidence, applied to a specific task. Self-efficacy is perhaps

the most significant indicator for persistence in the face of

difficulty, moving beyond the first impulse through to strategy

development, adaptation and the ongoing management of emotions as

one progresses towards a particular goal such as language

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acquisition.

Bandura (1995, p3) argues that self-efficacy can be developed

through a series of mastery experiences which are not

unproblematic but ultimately successful, to develop the resilience

necessary to persevere in the future. In addition, modelling and

peer examples can foster 'vicarious experiences' (p3) which

encourage students to see a pathway towards skill and knowledge

acquisition. The value of this concept is the modelling of

experimentation, errors and reconsiderations, not just a polished

product at the end. This is vital for students' language

development. A previous over-emphasis on accuracy (Korrektheit)

is being slowly superseded by the communicative turn (Sächsicher

Lehrplan, 2004). In this way, room for mistake-making is seen as

a positive development and not a halt to learning. Further,

socially mediated persuasion via caring feedback and encouragement

which is realistic but high in expectations has been show to boost

self-efficacy (Bandura, 1995, p4, Poehner and Lantolf, 2010, p318,

2010). This exchange through language use as a socially mediated

competency, emerges through ongoing interaction and feedback,

opening up a communicative space whereby anxiety can be broken

down (Christie, 2013, p11). The fourth source of self-efficacy is

that of affect (Bandura, 1995, p5). The emotional state of the

student is considered here as a separate factor, almost as a

disposition. As I noted above, the role of emotions is more than

a psychological state, as it informs and influences all cognitive

activities, fluctuating with different contexts and demands. In

addition, entrenched patterns of failure/disaffection can

influence every thought regarding a particular subject or context.

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This state of ongoing demotivation requires a significant

disruption of previously stable beliefs regarding expectations

held towards the particular domain of knowledge.

Analysis of the DESI study through the lens of Attribution theory

Having established significant concerns regarding student

motivation in English as a Foreign Language within Germany,

especially influencing the two non-academic tiers of schooling

(Klieme et. al., 2008), an application of the three-dimensional

taxonomic space in attribution theory to this large scale research

project (Wagner, Helmke and Rösner, 2009) yields specific insights

into the dynamics of student motivation.

From the outset it is important to remember that the three

dimensions of attribution theory (locus, stability and

controllability) are helpful but not absolute in their

descriptions. This typology assumes a dynamic interplay between

the internal/external, can problematise the notion of the

'uncontrollable' and is supposed to destabilise 'stability'

wherever possible. It is there that a 're-attribution' process

ultimately needs to take place (Weiner, 2010, p35).

Beginning with the 'internal' locus, DESI (2009) reports that

students have a stable belief in the importance of English for

their futures (3.30, p53) and that consist effort should lead to

acceptable (C-D average) results (p60). This reflects the

societal view of English as the language of globalisation, which

is seen as unavoidable for economic prosperity individually. There

is however an entrenched belief that a special talent or aptitude

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is required for success (3.11, p65), consistent with separating

the effort expended with results reached (3.25, p65). Significant

resources and effort are applied to the teaching of English, with

the compulsory introduction of this subject from the third grade,

culminating in its status as one of the main subjects

(Hauptfächer) from grade 5. It is then included in the key subject

grade average, for any transition between the Mittelschule and the

Gymnasium for the grade 7 school recommendation

(Bildungsempfehlung). Despite the weigh of importance afforded

English as a Second Language, the level of achievement in this

subject remains for the majority of students stubbornly ordinary,

hence the belief that effort without a linguistic talent is wasted

effort. This is further supported by the highest agreement value

(3.40, p67) for the statement 'In this subject I am a hopeless

case', which remained constant between the beginning and end of

grade 9, irrespective of learning outcomes achieved over the year.

With this apparent perception of stable, uncontrollable

factors contributing to lower achievement, it follows that

controllable, internal and unstable factors include inconsistent

strategy use (pp47-48), a lack of reflection even as textbooks

include questionnaires at the end of units (p46) and temporary

spurts of effort in the face of high stakes testing (p54).

Without the use of a 'mastery methodology', students do not

develop the strategies of successful language learners, as they do

not understand the causes of underachievement. The notion of fixed

intelligence inherent in the school divisions influences both

teachers and students regarding attributions for failure. Well

intentioned unit reviews are afforded lip-service in reality by

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teachers and met with scepticism by students. Pushed for time,

the reflection required for incisive analysis goes missing,

undercutting the potential for powerful learning and ironically

stalling the pace of learning in the classroom.

Here it is important to note one critical assumption in

Weiner's work, namely that 'aptitude' is uncontrollable and

stable. This draws upon an 'entity' view of intelligence, which

views evaluation merely as a measure of ability rather than a step

in a process towards mastery (Dinger and Dickhäuser, 2013, p40,

Stipek and Gralinski, 1996, p398). What ensues are inconsistent

and inappropriate strategies for failure avoidance on the part of

students sharing this view of intelligence (Dinger and Dickhäuser,

2013, p46, Dweck, 1986 cited in Stipek and Gralinski, 1996, van

der Aalsvoort et. al., 2013 ), in addition to displays of

insidious sympathy or acceptance of 'learned helplessness' by

teachers setting up assessment goals (Rattan, Good and Dweck,

2011). Teachers unwittingly contribute to the demotivation of

their students when they falsely attribute non-achievement to lack

of aptitude to the exclusion of contextual factors or their own

pedagogical decisions (Rattan, Good and Dweck, 2011, p738).

Exacerbating the situation in Germany is the early streaming

of students after the 4th grade into academic and non-academic

schools (in most states, in Berlin separation begins at the 7th

grade) through the mandatory 'Bildungsempfehlung' based upon grade

averages in three subjects. The entire school system is based

upon an entity view of intelligence, viewing stability in

performance as being predictable from the age of 9. Studies by

Becker and Lauterbach (2010), Freitag and Schlicht (2009), and

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Entorf and Lauk (2008) all demonstrate that the early age of

division exacerbates educational disadvantage, whilst figures from

PISA 2009 (Tables 2.4 and 2.10) indicate significant overlaps in

achievement between the three school systems, to the extent that

10% of Hauptschule (lowest school) students outperformed those

from the Gymnasium level in PISA testing. In critiquing this

assumption towards 'aptitude', the case for moving this internal

factor from the uncontrollable to the controllable / unstable

dimensions lends considerable power to Weiner's thesis as a whole.

Critical self-reflection would be encouraged if all students

had an 'incremental' view of intelligence/aptitude, supported

systemically as well as personally, emphasising the role of effort

and persistence for achievement. Teachers in all school levels

have to re-access how the current system tries to restrain the

potential of their students to conform to an outdated system.

Such a system allows just over half its school population to exit

after the 10th grade and does not meet the demands of this era, or

offer the necessary flexibility within the school tiers for those

students who are 'late bloomers'.

Moving to the 'external' locus to frame factors affecting

student motivation, controllable and stable factors shall first be

assessed. Questionnaires filled in by parents as part of the DESI

study indicate a moderate parental interest in English per se

(2.22, p36), but parents are either unable or unwilling to help

with specific homework tasks, such as translating songs (1.49,

p36) or with internet research involving English texts (1.66,

p36). Eleven questions measuring perceived confidence to support

children exhibited low to moderately low values, with a median of

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1.94 (p36) for the 4455 parents surveyed across all school levels.

It is possible that this lack of confidence and support has a

significant effect on motivation, with possible attributions

echoing the Vignette above, believing languages a matter of

aptitude or intelligence, thereby reinforcing an entity view of

learning which reinforces low expectations in their children. One

critical step to redress this fallacy could be to provide parent

evenings to explore the nature of language acquisition and to

challenge the dispositional view of intelligence (here described

as being sprachbegabt).

In terms of peer comparison, a moderately high number of

student respondents indicated consistently that English was 'more

difficult' for them (3.02, 3.04, p66) and that they were 'slower'

(2.98, 3.10, p66) to complete tasks, indicating generally low

class-based expectations. This phenomena is symptomatic of a

performance-based approach where end results prevail over a

process-orientated approach. It seems that peer modelling or

collaborative work arrangements do not have a significant impact

upon motivation, with little movement in values across the 12

month period, also indicating an individualist and more

theoretical approach to language learning.

The last key variable considered stable, external and

controllable is that of class organisation. Again allowing for

the impact of systemic structures which of course frame and limit

how teachers plan their classes, students perceive the English

classes on offer as moderately 'boring' (2.94, p54), receive as

homework the completion of more complex tasks such as the C-Test

tasks (2.26, p137), reading comprehension (2.90, p138) and the

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composition of texts (3.02, p139), in a context with demonstrably

low parental interaction. Classes focusing on practising

different forms of speech and the moderation of discussions were

held occasionally (2.44 and 1.83 respectively, p206) with little

use of modelled speech strategies (1.64, p206). Klieme's summary

report (2008, p6) found that students almost never self-corrected

due to rapid teacher intervention. This demonstrates the distance

between the expert teacher and novice students. Further, a

transmission approach with a limited range of pedagogical

strategies supports the fact that barely half of all student

utterances were considered 'free' in construction. In summary,

students are beholden to low expectations by teachers in class,

but given difficult tasks to complete outside it.

Feedback on results is commonly given by teachers in the host

language (3.13, p205) with discipline (2.85) personal comments

(3.13), organisation (3.04), grammar explanations (2.98) and those

struggling in the subject (2.80) being highlighted as requiring

German language usage. The use of German particularly in

organisation, feedback and to selected students seems

counterproductive, indicating both a loss of authentic language

use opportunities outside the textbook as well as singling out

students as being 'less able'. It would not be unreasonable to

assume that a student considered weak would engage in disruptive

behaviour, not follow directions, ignore grammar explanations and

be resistant to teacher feedback. In such cases, easily found in

the Hauptschule and Mittelschule tiers, the subtext of language

reinforces a toxic 'stability of inability', which is the

antithesis to building up a history of master learning towards

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increased competence over time.

The final dimensional space to be considered is that of

external, stable and uncontrollable factors for student

motivation. Structural factors and societal norms not only frame

practices at the school and class level, they can be modified or

transformed. Following Giroux and McLarens' (1986) exhortation to

teachers to not merely replicate the wider power structures beyond

the school, there are examples of this bottom-up agitation

heralding systemic changes. One such instance was a North Rhine

Westphalian school's implementation of new ICT policies, beyond

established state guidelines (Deutsche Welle, 03.05.2013) to

improve learning and not co-incidentally, motivation. Within the

current system, teachers can and do promote mastery in the

communicative classroom. More teachers have also recommended

record numbers of students for the Gymnasium level, to the extent

that the Saxony Education Department has lifted the grade average

required for entry from 2.5 to 2.0 (paragraph 6, Sächsisches

Staatsministerium für Kultus, 2012). One teacher (pers. comm.

Anon, January 27, 2015) admitted modifying grade averages to allow

students entry to the highest school level, if she believed their

intellectual potential to be greater than currently measured by

formal testing. Such educators fly under the radar within the

current arrangement. Increased legal challenges to the

'Bildungsempfehlung' are seeing many Gymnasiums bursting with

over-enrolments, while the other two levels are seen as 'second

best' across society generally.

One question not asked in the DESI study concerns the overall

structure of the tripartite school system. The imposition of

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three different streams with little cross-over or transitioning

between them (Freitag and Schlicht, 2009) communicates to

Hauptschule students generally that they are academically

'hopeless cases'. What motivational maxims for these (and to a

lesser extent, the Mittelschule students) can transcend a system

which has already judged them at the end of grade 4, putting a

projected ceiling on their capabilities? Attribution theory

argues for a destabilising of as many elements as possible,

including giving teachers the freedom to consider students without

these limitations, setting higher expectations and intervening

strategically to move students towards this 'expectancy shift',

resulting in perseverance and instilling hope through mastery

experiences. More project and task based work, a greater emphasis

on transcultural competencies in relating, less acontextual

grammar drills and deductive teaching, a constructivist approach

to the use of ICT and the exploration of this new language in

identity formation can start to redress this imbalance in the

classroom, towards the needs and interests of students.

Conclusion

The fundamental goal of attribution theory for motivation is

to activate and nurture an 'expectancy shift' in students, thereby

building up a series of successes via appropriate but challenging

mastery goals. English as a Foreign Language language is a

double-edged sword. It is both the medium as well as the product

of language. In this sense, a student is always 'becoming' an

English speaker, both on their own terms as they see relevant

21

within their identity, as well as in negotiation with structures

which define English proficiency benchmarks (Ushioda, 2008, p150).

This 'becoming' can be easily undercut by feedback that success

depends upon intelligence and accuracy. It is therefore essential

for motivation for teachers to organise task-cycles that support

emerging competencies with flexibility, encouraging agency and

persistence in a safe space. More can be done here in terms of

dynamic assessment (Christie, 2013, Poehner and Lantolf, 2010) and

creative writing (Zhao, 2010, Mahn and John-Steiner, 2002) as a

'becoming-Self' to increase self-efficacy and foster more accurate

attributional analyses. That task is made all the more problematic

for approximately half of all students in Germany who find

themselves placed within non-academic schools with lower

expectations for achievement. This structural dimension impacts

all subject areas (Weiner and Hareli, 2010, p191, Helmke, et. al.,

2008, Ushioda, 2008, p158, Lamb, 2007) and is exacerbated by the

perceived difficulty of learning English by both staff and

students. Despite the high status attributed to this language in

wider German society and the many connections to contemporary

youth culture, poor motivation still appears to restrict learning

outcomes in English as a Foreign Language, particularly within the

two lower tiers of schooling within Germany.

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