Sanguo zhi 31 (Shu 1) Biographies of Liu Yan and Liu Zhang

©William Gordon Crowell 2005

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Record of The Three Kingdoms: The History of Shu

Fascicle One: “The Two Shepherds Liu”

Chen Shou

Translated by William Gordon Crowell

Translator’s Note: This translation was prepared as part of a project to translate Chen Shou’s Sanguo zhi and Pei Songzhi’s commentary. Regrettably that project had to be discontinued. Portions of the project were published in Robert Joe Cutter and William Gordon Crowell, Empresses and Consorts: Selections from Chen Shou’s Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi’s Commentary (Honolulu, 2001). Thinking that some may find the unpublished material useful, I have decided to make this and two other completed chapters from the “The Book of Shu” section available via Academia.edu. I want to acknowledge the comments and contributions of Professor Cutter and of the participants of a translation workshop hosted Fall, 2004 by the Department of East Asian Languages and Literature, University of Wisconsin-Madison. Responsibility for deficiencies is all mine. WGC

{865} Liu Yan 劉焉, appellative Junlang 君郎, had his home of record at

Jingling 竟陵 in Jiangxia 江夏.1 He was a descendant of the Han’s King Gong of

Lu 魯恭王.2 During the Yuanhe 元和 reign period (84-87) of Emperor Zhang 章 (r.

75-88), the benefice was changed to Jingling, and the cadet families made their

homes there.3

When Yan was young, he served in provincial and commandery positions.

SGZ31 (Shu)–2 © William Gordon Crowell 2005

Because he was a member of the imperial family, he was appointed gentleman-of-

the-household (zhonglang 中郎). Later, he left office to mourn his teacher, Duke

Zhu 祝公.A He retired to Yangcheng 陽城 mountain, where he accumulated

knowledge and taught.4 He was recommended as “capable and good” (xianliang 賢

良) and “sincere and upright” (fangzheng 方正) and was assigned to the Office of

the Minister over the Masses. He successively served as prefect (ling 令) of

Luoyang, inspector (cishi 刺史) of Ji province 冀州, grand administrator (taishou

太守) of Nanyang 南陽, director of the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), and grand

master of ceremonies (taichang 太常).

Yan observed that the administration of Emperor Ling 靈 (r. 168-189) was

deteriorating and that the imperial household was faced with many problems, so he

proferred an opinion:

Inspectors and grand administrators pay bribes to gain office, and they

plunder and exploit the people until they are at odds with their leaders

and rebel. You can select important subjects who have reputations for

purity to be ranking regional officials, and they can calm and pacify

the entire nation.

Liu Yan secretly hoped to be made shepherd at Jiaozhi 交阯 because he wished to


escape the troubles of the period, but his opinion was not adopted.5 Palace

attendant (shizhong 侍中) Dong Fu 董扶 of Guanghan 廣漢 privately said to Yan,

the capital is going to fall into chaos. The astral field of Yi province 益州 has the

aura of the son of heaven.”6 When Yan heard what Fu had to say, his attention

shifted to Yi province.7

It happened that the tax collection of Inspector of Yi Province Xi Jian 郤儉

was so vexatious that word of spread far and wide,B and when in Bing province 并

州 Inspector Zhang Yi 張壹 was murdered and in Liang province 涼州 Inspector

Geng Bi 耿鄙 was also murdered, Yan’s plan could be carried out.8

He was sent out to be commissioner to inspect the army (jianjun shizhe 監軍

使者) and concurrently shepherd of Yi province, was enfeoffed as Marquis of

Yangcheng, and was going to arrest Jian and punish his crimes.C Dong Fu also

asked to be appointed chief commandant of the dependent states for the western

region of Shu commandery (Shu jun xi bu shu guo duwei 蜀郡西部屬國都尉).

Prefect of the Great Granary (tai cang ling 太倉令) Zhao Wei 趙韙 left his office,

and they both accompanied Yan.

A Your servant Songzhi notes: Duke Zhu refers to Minister over the

Masses (situ 司徒) Zhu Tian 祝恬.9


B Jian was Xi Zheng’s 郤正 grandfather.10

C {866} The Xu Han shu [Continued Han History]11 says: At this time

Liu Yu 劉虞 had You province 幽州, Liu Yan had Yi province, Liu

Biao 劉表 had Jing province 荊州, and Jia Cong 賈琮 had Ji

province. Yu and the others were all gentlemen of pure reputation

throughout the empire, and some had been chosen from among the

various high ministers and masters of writing to serve as ranking

regional officials. Each held office according to his original rank. By

ancient regulations, [there was] a postal carriage drawn by a team of

three horses and spread with vermilion for the curtains.12

Your servant Songzhi notes: Following the death of Emperor Ling,

righteous armies arose. Sun Jian 孫堅 killed Inspector of Jing

Province Wang Rui 王叡. Subsequently, Liu Biao became inspector of

Jing province. This was not at the same time as Liu Yan.

The Han Lingdi ji 漢靈帝紀 [Annals of Emperor Ling of the Han]

says: “The emperor summoned Yan into audience, gave him

instructions on policy, additionally bestowed rewards on him, and


appointed Yan to be inspector of Yi province:13 ‘Former inspectors Liu

Jun 劉雋 and Xi Jian are avaricious and given to excess, and their

exactions were notorious. The people are without a means of

livelihood, and their laments fill the countryside. When you arrive,

take them into custody and apply the law as a demonstration to the

people. Do not allow this to leak out. If the ulcer bursts, it will bring

disaster to the state.’ Yan received his orders and left. Because the

roads were impassable, he remained in the eastern part of Jing

province.”

D Chen Shou’s Yibu qijiu zhuan 益州耆舊傳 [Biographies of the

Elders of Yi Region] says: “Dong Fu, apellative Maoan 茂安. In his

youth, he studied with teachers and became versed in several classics

simultaneously. He was fond of the Ouyang 歐陽 school of the Shang

shu 尚書14 and also served the invited scholar (pin shi 聘士) Yang

Hou 楊厚 (72-153) and thoroughly investigated prognostication

texts.15 Subsequently, he went to the capital and visited the Academy.

He returned home to expound and teach, and his disciples came from

afar. In the first year of the Yongkang 永康 reign period (167/168)

there was a solar eclipse. An edict called for recommendations of the


capable and good and sincere and upright and examined them on the

successes and failures of the government. Eastern Supporter (zuo

pingyi 左馮翊) Zhao Qian 趙謙, and others recommended Dong Fu.

Dong did not come because of illness. While still far away from

Chang’an, he submitted a sealed memorial, then pleading that his

illness was severe, he returned home. He was appointed ten times by

the chancellor’s office, an official carriage was sent to summon him

three times, and he was repeatedly recommended as capable and good

and sincere and upright, as an erudit, and as a possessor of the Way

(you dao 有道), but he never went. His reputation became extremely

distinguished.

General-in-chief He Jin submitted a memorial recommending

Dong Fu, which said: ‘Dong embodies the virtues of You 游 and Xia

夏, 16and he transmits the teachings of Confucius. Internally he

cherishes the ‘eradicate and restore’ techniques of Jiao Yanshou 焦延

壽 [fl. 50 B.C.] and Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 [176-104 B.C.].17 Just

now Bing and Liang provinces are in turmoil, and the Western Jung

戎 are rebellious. You should specially order an official carriage to

summon him, treat him with exceptional courtesy, and devise and plan

superior strategies with him.’ Thereupon, Emperor Ling summoned


Dong Fu and appointed him palace attendant. At court he was praised

as a master scholar, and he was regarded with immense reverence. He

asked to be made chief commandant of dependent states (shu guo

duwei 屬國都尉) for Shu commandery. A year after Fu had gone to

his post, Emperor Ling died, and the empire fell into great chaos. He

subsequently left office and died at home at the age of eighty-two.

At the beginning, there were few people in Yi province who

could match Fu at advocacy and debate. Consequently, he was given

the nickname ‘Stops on Arrival,’ which meant that since none could

match him, when he arrived somewhere, conversation stopped. Later

Chancellor Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 (181?234) asked Qin Mi 秦宓 about

Fu's strengths. Mi replied, ‘Dong Fu praised even the slightest good

and disparaged the minutest evil.”18{866}

At this time in Yi province, the rebellious bandits Ma Xiang 馬相 and Zhao

Zhi 趙祗 declared themselves to be Yellow Turbans at Mianzhu 綿竹 prefecture.19

They gathered people exhausted by corvée and within a day or two they had

several thousand followers. First they killed the prefect of Mianzhu, Li Sheng 李

升. The minor officials and people joined together until they comprised over a

hundred thousand persons.20 Then they advanced to crush Luo prefecture 雒縣,21


attacked the capital of Yi province, killed Xi Jian, and reached Shu commandery

and Qianwei. Within a month they had reduced three commanderies.22 Ma Xiang

declared himself emperor, and his host numbered something over ten thousand.23

The provincial retainer (congshi 從事) Jia Long 賈龍 commanded several hundred

personal family soldiers on the eastern border of Qianwei,24 He mustered the

functionaries and people, obtaining more than a thousand people, and attacked Ma

Xiang and the others. After a few days,25 Ma and his followers were crushed and

driven off, and the provincial border was cleaned up and quiet. Jia Long then

selected functionaries and soldiers to welcome Liu Yan. Liu Yan moved the seat of

his administration to Mianzhu, where he pacified and took in those who had split

off {867} and rebelled. He strove to enact tolerance and kindness and secretly drew

up plans for rebellion.

At first, Zhang Lu's mother, because of the way of the revenants and also

because she had a youthful appearance,26 often came and went in Yan’s home.

Therefore, Yan sent Zhang Lu to be major overseeing justice (duyi sima 督義司

馬)27 posting him at Hanzhong 漢中.28 He cut the suspended roads in the valleys

and murdered Han envoys. Liu submitted a letter saying that the “Rice Bandits”29

had cut the road and that it could not be opened again. He also used some other

matter as a pretext to kill more than ten provincial strongmen including, Wang

Xian 王咸 and Li Quan 李權, thereby instituting severe punishments.E Because of


this, Grand Adminstrator of Qianwei Ren Qi 任岐 and Jia Long launched a

counteroffensive against Liu Yan. Liu Yan attacked and killed them.F

E The Yibu qijiu zaji 益部耆舊雜記 [Miscellaneous Chronicles of the

Elders of Yi Region] says: “Li Quan, appellative Boyu 伯豫, was

chief of Linqiong 臨邛. 30 His son was named Fu 福. See the Fu chen

zan 輔臣贊 [Encomia to Supporting Officials] of Yang Xi 楊戲 of

Qianwei.31

F The Yingxiong ji 英雄記 [Record of Heroes] says: Liu Yan raised

troops, but he did not join the rest of the empire in attacking Dong

Zhuo. He protected the province and preserved himself. The Grand

Administrator of Qianwei, Ren Qi, proclaimed himself general and

with the commandery retainer Chen Chao 陳超, he called up troops

and attacked Liu Yan. Yan attacked and destroyed them. Dong Zhuo

dispatched Minister over the Masses Zhao Qian to lead an army

toward the province.32 He persuaded Colonel (xiaowei 校尉) Jia Long

to lead his army back and attack Liu Yan. Liu Yan sent out the Black

Qiang 青羌 to battle with them and was thus able to destroy and kill

Jia Long.33 Ren Qi and Jia Long were from Shu commandery.


Liu Yan's ambition gradually increased, and he had more than a thousand

royal chariots and equipages made.34 Shepherd of Jing province Liu Biao

memorialized the throne that Liu Yan was acting like Zixia mimicking the

discourses of the sage at the Xi River.35 At the time Yan's son Fan 範 was the

general of the gentlemen-of-the-household of the left (zuo zhonglang jiang 左中郎

將), his son Dan 誕 was attending secretary preparer of documents (chishu yushi

治書御史), 36 and son Zhang 璋 was chief commandant of imperial equipages

(fengju duwei 奉車都尉). All were in service to Emperor Xian at Chang’an.G Only

his third son, Mao 瑁, 37 the major of a separate regiment, had been with Yan all

along.38 Emperor Xian sent Zhang to give explicit instructions to Liu Yan. Liu Yan

kept Zhang and did not send him back.H At the time, General Attacking the West

(zheng xi jiangjun 征西將軍) Ma Teng 馬騰 was bivouacked at Mei 郿 and

rebelled.39 Liu Yan and Liu Fan conspired with Ma Teng to lead troops in an attack

on Chang’an. Fan's plans leaked out, and he fled to Huaili 槐里. Teng was

defeated, and he retreated, returning to Liang province. Fan was soon killed, and

Liu Dan was thereupon arrested and punished.I,40 The families of Gentleman

Consultant (yilang 議郎) Pang Xi 龐羲 of Henan 河南 and Liu Yan had

intermarried, and Pang collected all of Yan's grandsons and led them into Shu.41 At

that point, Yan’s city was set afire by lightning and burned. His chariots and


equipages were completely destroyed, and the fire spread to the homes of the

populace. Yan moved his headquarters to Chengdu. He was distraught over his

sons and stunned by the uncanny disaster. In Xingping 興平 1 (194/195) ulcers

developed on his back, and he died. The high provincial official Zhao Wei and

some others ascertained Liu Zhang’s good nature and kindness.42 Jointly they

proposed to the emperor that Zhang be made inspector of Yi province. The

imperial decree thus made him commissioner for inspecting the army (jianjun

shizhe 監軍使者) and simultaneously shepherd of Yi province. Zhao Wei was

made general of the gentlemen-of-the-household for attacking the East (zheng

dong zhonglang jiang 征東中郎將) 43 and led a force to attack Liu Biao.J

G The Record of Heroes says: Fan's father Yan was shepherd of Yi

province. He sent none of what Dong Zhuo levied. So, Dong arrested

Fan and his brothers and locked all three in shackles at Mei Stockade.

A secret cell was made to incarcerate them.

H The Archival Epitome [Dian lue 典略] says: At the time Zhang was

chief commandant of imperial equipages and was in the capital. On

the pretext of illness, Yan summoned Zhang. Zhang himself

submitted a memorial to go see Yan. Yan then detained Zhang and did


not send him back.

I The Record of Heroes says: Fan fled from Chang’an to Ma Teng's

camp, and he requested troops from Yan. Yan had Colonel Sun Zhao

孫肇44 lead troops to help him. They were defeated at Chang’an.

J The Record of Heroes says: When Liu Yan died, his son Zhang

replaced him as inspector. It happened that at the same time Chang’an

appointed Hu Mao 扈瑁45 of Yingchuan 穎川 to be inspector, and he

entered Hanzhong. Aide-de-camp (biejia 別駕) of Jing Province Liu

He 劉闔 and Liu Zhang's generals Shen Mi 沈彌, Lou Fa 婁發, and

Gan Ning 甘寧 rebelled. They attacked Zhang unsuccessfully and

fled into Jing province. Zhang sent Zhao Wei to attack Jing province,

and he encamped at Chunren. The first word is pronounced like 蠢

[chun]; the second is pronounced with the initial of 如 [ru] and the

final of 振 [zhen].

Once [Liu] Zhang, appellative Jiyu 季玉, succeeded to Yan's position, Zhang

Lu grew increasingly arrogant and audacious. He was unwilling to submit to Liu

Zhang. Liu Zhang killed Zhang Lu's mother and his younger brother, which made


the two of them sworn enemies. Liu Zhang repeatedly sent Pang Xi to attack Lu,

who crushed him several times. Since most of Lu's private soldiers (buqu 部曲)

were in Baxi, Liu made Pang Xi grand administrator of Baxi, where he

commanded troops to defend against Zhang Lu.K Later, when there was a rift in the

goodwill between Pang and Liu, Zhao Wei marshalled his troops and moved

toward the interior, and multitudes scattered or were killed. This was all because

Liu Zhang lacked clear judgment and listened to the words of outsiders.L

Liu Zhang heard that Duke Cao was attacking Jing province and that he had

already pacified Hanzhong commandery.46 He dispatched Yin Pu 陰溥 of Henei 河

內 to offer respects to Duke Cao. Cao gave Liu Zhang the additional title of awe-

inspiring general (zhenwei jiangjun 振威將軍) and his elder brother Mao the title

of bandit-pacifying general (pingkou jiangjun 平寇將軍). Mao went mad and

died.M Liu Zhang again sent Aide-de-camp and Retainer Zhang Su 張肅 of Shu

commandery to deliver three hundred Sou troops47 from Shu and an array of goods

for imperial use to Duke Cao. Duke Cao appointed Su grand administrator of

Guanghan. Liu Zhang again dispatched Aide-de-camp Zhang Song 張松 to call

upon Duke Cao.48 Duke Cao at the time had already subdued Jing province and

driven off Liu Bei. He did not employ Song, and Song was angered by this.

It happened that Duke Cao's armies had suffered at the Battle of the Red

Cliffs, and many others had died from disease. Zhang Song returned and reviled


Duke Cao and advised Liu Zhang to sever relations unilaterally. Then he urged Liu

Zhang, “Liu ‘Yu Region’ [Liu Bei] is my lord inspector's close relative.49 You can

establish relations with him.” Liu Zhang approved it all, and he sent Fa Zheng to

establish contact with Liu Bei. Shortly after, he further ordered Fa Zheng and

Meng Da to send off several thousand soldiers to aid Liu Bei in his defense. Zheng

subsequently returned.50 Later Zhang Song again urged Liu Zhang, “Pang Xi, Li Yi,

and the various other generals throughout the province are all proud and arrogant

because of their achievements. They are getting ambitions beyond the province. If

you do not obtain the support of ‘Yu Region’ then enemies will attack from without

and people will attack from within. That is a certain route to defeat.” Liu Zhang

again followed his suggestion and sent Fa Zheng to invite the Former Sovereign.

Liu Zhang's master of records, Huang Quan 黃權, set forth the disadvantages of

such a course, while the attendant Wang Lei 王累 from Guanghan hung himself

upside down from the city gate as a remonstration.51 Liu Zhang was unwilling to

accept a single one of them, and he ordered the places along the way to supply and

wait upon the Former Sovereign. When the Former Sovereign entered the border, it

was though he were returning home. The Former Sovereign arrived north of

Jiangzhou 江州, and from Dianjiang 墊江 went by water to Fu 涪, 360 li from

Chengdu.52 This was in Jian’an 16 (211/212). Liu Zhang led over 30,000 foot and

horse, and with carriage curtains as dazzling as the sunlight, went forward to meet


with the Former Sovereign. {869} The officers and troops led by the Former

Sovereign came by turns and joyously feasted for over a hundred days. Liu Zhang

provided the Former Sovereign with supplies, let him attack Zhang Lu, and then

they parted.O

K The Record of Heroes says: Pang Xi had a long relationship with Liu

Zhang, and he had protected Zhang’s sons from difficulty.

Consequently, Liu Zhang treated Xi with great favor, appointing Xi

grand administrator of Baxi. Subsequently he monopolized power.

L The Record of Heroes says: “Prior to this, tens of thousands of

families emigrated from Nanyang 南陽 and the Three Adjuncts (San

fu 三輔) into Yi province. They were gathered up and made soldiers

and were known as ‘the soldiers from the eastern provinces.’ Liu

Zhang was by nature tolerant and gentle and was without authority or

strategems. The people from the eastern provinces encroached on and

ravaged the original inhabitants, and Liu Zhang was unable to prevent

it. Government regulations were much lacking, and the people of Yi

province were quite dissatisfied.53 Zhao Wei had early on won the

minds of the people, so Liu Zhang entrusted matters to him. Zhao


availed himself of the people's dissatisfaction to plan rebellion. Thus

he generously bribed the inspector of Jing province, suing for peace,

and secretly established contacts with the great clans of [Yi] province

to raise troops together and turn around and attack Liu Zhang. Shu

commandery, Guanghan and Jianwei all responded to Zhao Wei. Liu

Zhang raced into Chengdu to occupy and defend it. The people from

the eastern provinces feared Zhao Wei, and with a single mind, they

combined their efforts to support Liu Zhang. All were ready to fight to

the death, so the rebels were defeated, and they advanced to attack

Zhao Wei at Jiangzhou. Zhao Wei's generals Pang Le 龐樂 and Li Yi

李異 rebelled and slaughtered Zhao's armies and beheaded Zhao

Wei.”

The Han Xiandi chunqiu 漢獻帝春秋 [Spring and Autumn of

Emperor Xian of Han] says: “When the Han court learned of the

chaos in Yi province, it sent General of the Gentlemen-of-the-

Household for All Purposes (wu guan zhonglang jiang 五官中郎將)

Niu Dan 牛亶 to be inspector of Yi province. The court summoned

Liu Zhang to be chamberlain but he did not go.”


M Your servant Songzhi notes: When the Secretariat of the Wei

inquired as to the meaning of wugu 物故, Gaotang Long 高堂隆54　

replied, “I learned from my former teacher that wu 物 is 無

(‘nothing’); gu 故 is shi 事 (‘affairs’). It refers to not having the

ability to do anything about affairs anymore.”55

N The Han Jin chunqiu says: “When Zhang Song saw Duke Cao, Duke

Cao was being self-important and did not inquire after Zhang or

appoint him anything. Song returned and advised Liu Zhang to cut

himself off from Cao.”

Xi Zuochi says: “In the past Duke Huan of Qi boasted once about his

achievements and nine states rebelled.56 Cao Cao was arrogant for a

brief moment, and the empire became divided into three parts. Both

exerted themselves for decades and threw it all away in an instant.

How can this not be a pity! It is for this reason the gentleman (junzi)

devotes himself to modesty until past noon,57 and he thinks of those

below. If his honors are high, he holds them with deference; if his

position is respected, he occupies it with humility. Because his

feelings are close to those of the masses, even though he may be


noble, people do not mind his eminence. His virtue envelops all living

things, so as his deeds spread the empire increasingly enjoys their

benefits. That being the case, he is able to have wealth and honor and

to preserve his achievements. His glory is manifest throughout his

own time and he transmits happiness through a hundred generations.

Why should he be arrogant! The gentleman, therefore, would know

that Cao Cao was not one who would ultimately be able to dominate

the empire.”

O Wu shu says: “Liu Zhang presented Liu Bei with supplies of 200,000

hu of rice,58 1000 head of horses, 1000 chariots, and silk fabric and

brocade.”

The following year, Liu Bei arrived in Jiameng 葭萌. 59 He brought his

troops back southward, conquering wherever he went. In Jian’an 19 (214/215)

he advanced and surrounded Chengdu for several weeks. Within the city there

were still 30,000 crack troops and enough grain and cloth to last a year,60 and

the officials and people were all willing to fight to the death. Liu Zhang said,

“Father and son have been in the province for more than twenty years, but we

have not given favor or kindness to the people. The people have attacked and


battled for three years, and their flesh has oiled the ground because of me. How

can my mind be at ease?” Thereupon he opened the gates and went forth to

surrender. There was no one among his underlings who did not cry. The Former

Sovereign moved Liu Zhang to Gongan in Nan Commandery.61 {870} He

returned to Zhang all of his property and the seal and ribbon of an awe-inspiring

general that he formerly wore. When Sun Quan killed Guan Yu and took Jing

Province, Liu Bei made Liu Zhang shepherd of Jing Province. He resided at

Zigui 秭歸. 62

When Liu Zhang died, a local magnate of the south central region, Yong

Kai 雍闓, basing himself in Yi Region, rebelled and went over to Wu.63 Sun

Quan made Liu Zhang's son, Chan 闡, inspector of Yi province, stationing him

just on the border between Yi and Jiao provinces. When Chancellor Zhuge

Liang pacified the southern lands, Chan returned to Wu and was made palace

assistant secretary.P Earlier, Liu Zhang's eldest son Xun’s wife had been Pang

Xi’s daughter. When the Former Sovereign pacified Shu, Pang Xi became major

to the general of the left (zuo jiangjun sima).64 Zhang at the time concurred with

a proposal from Pang Xi and left Xun behind. The Former Lord made him

general of the gentlemen-of-the-household for the imperial equipages (fengju

zhonglang jiang).65 As a result Liu Zhang's two sons were divided between Wu

and Shu.


P Wu shu says: Chan was also named Wei 緯. He was a respectful

person and placed little importance on material wealth and cared

very much about righteousness. He had a benevolent and yielding

manner. Later he died of illness at home.

The Critique says: In the past, Wei Bao 魏豹 heard what Xu Fu 許負 had

to say, and he brought Pu Ji 溥姬 into the chambers.Q,66 Liu Xin consulted the

texts of the prognostications and changed his name.67 But in the end they were

unable to escape and blessings accrued to the two rulers. This is certain proof

that the deities cannot be groundlessly invoked, and Heaven's mandate cannot

be foolishly hoped for. But, Liu Yan listened to the words of Dong Fu, and he

set his intentions on the territory of Yi. He listened to what a physiognomist had

to say and he sought marriage with the Wu. He rashly had imperial carriages

and garments made, and he plotted to steal the divine vessel. His delusion was

extreme! Liu Zhang was not made of the stuff of heroes [i.e., the throne], but he

based himself on a region to bring chaos to the age. “To attract robbers by

shouldering a load in a chariot” is a natural principle.68 That he had it snatched

away was not simply misfortune.R

Q Kong Yan Han Wei chunqiu says: “Xu Fu was a woman of Wen


prefecture in Henei. Han Gaozu enfeoffed her as Marchioness of Mingci

Commune 明雌亭侯.”

Your servant Songzhi understands that nowadays easterners call their

mothers fu 負. That Yan takes Xu Fu to be a woman seems to be in the

same category. But in Han Gaozu’s time, those enfeoffed were all full

marquises. The noble ranks of district marquis (鄉侯 xiang hou) and

commune marquis (停侯 ting hou) did not yet exist. So one suspects this

enfeoffment is something that was not so.

R Zhang Fan 張璠69 says: “Since Liu Zhang was stupid and weak yet

embraced fine words, surely he was of the ilk of Duke Song of Xiang and

King Yan of Xu, and was not a wicked prince. In the cases of Zhang Song

and Fa Zheng though they may have improperly performed the duties

between lord and official, they nonetheless made the name match the

reality. When they entered [to advise Liu Zhang], they did not clearly

present the situation, like Han Hao’s 韓蒿 and Liu Xian’s 劉先 urging

Liu Biao; when they withdrew, they fled like Chen Ping’s 陳平 and Han

Xin’s 韓信 leaving Xiang Yu 相羽.70


Notes:

Abbreviations

Bbcs Baibu congshu jicheng 百部叢書集成.

Bielenstein, Bielenstein, Hans H. The Bureaucracy of Han Times. Cambridge:

Bureaucracy Cambridge University Press, 1980.

Eswsbb Ershiwu shi bu bian 二十五史補編. 6 vols. 1936. Reprint. Taibei: Kaiming shudian, 1959.

HHs Fan Ye 范曄 (398–445). Hou Han shu 後漢書. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963.

Hs Ban Gu 班固 (a.d. 32–92). Han shu 漢書. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962.

Hygz Chang Qu 常璩 (c. 291-361). Huayang guozhi jiao zhu 華陽國志校注. Ed. Liu Lin 劉琳. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1984.

Hucker Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985.

Js Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 (578–648) et al. Jin shu 晉書. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.

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1 Jiangxia was a commandery whose seat was in Xiling 西陵 prefecture (in the vicinity of modern Xinzhou 新州 county in Hubei). Jingling was a prefecture in the vicinity of modern Qianjiang 潛江 county, Hubei.

2 Liu Yu 劉餘, son of Emperor Jing 景 (r. 157-141 B.C.) of the Former Han, was appointed King Gong of Lu �� in 155 B.C. He was fond of constructing palaces, and in expanding his palace, he damaged the ancient dwelling of Confucius. In the walls were found copies of ancient classics and other texts. (Hs, 30.1706, 53.2413-2414)

3 The position of king of Lu was held by the descendants of Liu Yu, King Gong, with a brief hiatus, until the reign of Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 9-23). In Jianwu 建武 2 (26/27) the position was re-established by Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25-57), who filled it with his nephew, Liu Xing 劉興, rather than any of Liu Yu’s descendants. It was abolished early in Jianwu 28 (52/53), and Liu Xing was made king of Beihai 北海王.

Where Liu Yu’s descendants were enfeoffed, if at all, during the Later Han is problematic. Although many of the imperial relatives who had lost their fiefs during the Wang Mang interregnum were restored by Emperor Guangwu in Jianwu 13 (37/38), clearly Liu Yu’s descendants were not restored to Lu. Moreover, Liu Ping 劉平, son of Guangwu’s cousin Liu Zhi 劉祉, was enfeoffed as Marquis of Jingling 竟陵侯 by Emperor Ming 明 (r. 57-75) in Yongping

Sgz jijie Lu Bi 盧弼 (1876–1967), ed. Sanguozhi jijie 三國志集解. 1936. Reprint. Taipei: Hanjing wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1981.

Sgz jiaogu Wu Jinhua 吳金華. Sanguozhi jiaogu 三國志校詁. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1990.

Sgz pangzheng Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849). San guo zhi pangzheng 三國志旁證. Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1955.

Sgzs Tang Geng 唐庚 (1071–1121). Sanguo zashi 三國雜事. In Bbcs.

Sgzxz Miao Yue, ed. Sanguozhi xuanzhu 三國志選注. 3 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984.

Sgz zhuyi Fang, Beichen 方北辰. Sanguozhi zhuyi 三國志注譯. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1995.

Sj Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145–86? b.c.). Shiji 史記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959.

XHz Sima Biao 司馬彪 (240–315). Xu Han zhi 續漢志. In HHs.

Zztj Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑 Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1956.


永平 5 (62/63), and the position was held by his descendants for another three generations. Liu Yan’s ancestors were relocated to Jingling only some twenty years later during the Yuanhe period, when Liu Zhi’s descendants presumably would have still been there. (Hs, 53.2413; HHs, 1b.79, 14.562, 75.2431; Sgz, 31.865; Sgz jijie, 31.2a-b) As Shen Jiaben 沈家本 notes, there must be an error of some sort here. (Zhu shi suo yan 諸史瑣言. 4 vols. [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963], 15.1a; Sgz jijie, 31.2b)

4 Yangcheng Mountain was to the northeast of modern Dengfeng 登封 county, Henan. During the eunuchs’ persecution of the literati in 166, the official Li Ying 李膺 went into retreat at Yangcheng Mountain, as did the famous upright official Chen Shi 陳寔, when he wished to avoid being appointed to office. (HHs, 62.2065, 67.2195) The place appears to have been an important retreat for literati and others during the Han.

5 Jiaozhi, often written 交趾, was a commandery in what is now northern Vietnam and was the seat of Jiao province.

6 The seat of Yi province was at Chengdu 成都.

7 On Liu’s opinion and his conversation with Dong, see also Zztj, 59.1887-1889. Guanghan was a commandery with its seat in the vicinity of the county by the same name in modern Sichuan.

8 Zhang and Geng are not otherwise known. The administrative seat of Bing province was to the southeast of the modern city of Taiyuan 太原, Shanxi. Liang province had its Later Han seat in the modern Zhangjiachuan Huizu Autonomous county 張家川回族自治縣 in Gansu.

9 Not much is known about Zhu. His appellative was Boxiu 伯休, and he was from Lunu 盧奴, a prefecture whose seat was near modern Ding county 定縣 in Hebei. Apparently he was noted for his integrity. In Yuanjia 元嘉 1 (158/159), then Colonel Director of Retainers (sili xiaowei 司隸校尉) Zhu Tian was part of a group that Emperor Huan 桓 (r. 146-168) brought forward to praise his favorite, Liang Ji 梁冀, whom they compared to the Duke of Zhou. This was to be a prelude to a generous bestowal of land and honors on Liang, and though the effort ultimately failed, the episode suggests that Zhu was well enough respected that the emperor thought his opinion would carry some weight. Zhu served also as imperial household grandee (guanglu dafu 光祿大夫). He was promoted to minister over the masses in the eighth month of Yuanxi 2 (September 159) and died in the sixth month of Yuanxi 3 (July/August 160). (HHs, 7.306-307, 61.2036-2037)

10 Xi Zheng served as a minor official under the Latter Sovereign (hou zhu 後主), Liu Shan 劉禪, and was noted as a composer of rhapsodies. It is reported that because he was neither liked nor hated by the favorite eunuch Huang Hao 黃皓, he never rose above minor rank. He was one of the few officials to accompany Liu Shan to Loyang, when Liu fled the depredations of Zhong Hui 鍾會 in 263. Xi has a biography in Sgz, 42.1034-1041.


11 The Xu Han shu is by Sima Biao 司馬彪 (ca. 240-a. 306). On him and his work, see B. J. Mansvelt Beck, The Treatises of Later Han: Their Author, Sources, Contents and Place in Chinese Historiography, Sinica Leidensia no. 21 (Leiden: Brill, 1990).

12 This seems a peculiar place for this last sentence. A zhuan ju or zhuan che 傳車 is a postal carriage, but also was used in Han times to refer to a provincial inspector (cishi). Here it appears to retain its original meaning. It seems clear that the sentence derives from a passage in the Hou Han shu biography of Jia Cong, where we read, “By ancient regulations, a postal carriage drawn by a team of three horses and hung with vermilion curtains met him at the border of the province. When it reached his camp, Jia climbed into the carriage and said, ‘An inspector should see afar and listen widely and examine into good and evil. How can he instead have dangling curtains to shut himself off?’ He then ordered the driver to roll them up.” (HHs, 31.1112) This fragment of Sima Biao’s work is found in abridged form in Zhou Tianyou 周天游, ed., Ba jia Hou Han shu ji zhu 八家後漢書輯注, 2 vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986), 1:383. It is copied from Beitang shuchao 北堂書鈔, juan 139, which apparently omitted a few graphs.

13 Wu Jinhua 吳金華 notes the need for a colon here. (Sgz jiaogu, 182.)

14 This was one of the schools of Shang shu interpretation first given official recognition during the reign of Emperor Xuan 宣帝 (r. 74-49 B.C.). See Hs, 30.1706-7.

15 Yang Hou (some texts have Yang Xu序), appellative Zhonghuan 仲桓, was an expert in prognostication texts, a vocation he inherited from his father and grandfather. The family’s home place was Xindu 新都 in Guanghan commandery (near modern Xindu, just north of Chengdu). In Yongchu 3 (109/110), Venus entered the Northern Dipper, and Loyang suffered a tremendous flood. When Yang Hou's father was asked by the court to explain the phenomenon, he declined because age had dimmed his hearing and eyesight. He suggested that since his son was familiar with prognostication texts, he could give a rough interpretation of the phenomenon's significance. Hou's recommendation that the kings be sent to their states was followed, and the phenomenon soon disappeared. He was also right about when the flood waters would recede. He was appointed a gentleman-of-the-household. Empress Dowager Deng 鄧太后 summoned him and questioned him about prognostication texts, but because his answers were not what she wanted to hear, he was dismissed. He returned to Qianwei 犍為 (a commandery with its seat in modern Pengshan 彭山, south of Chengdu) and declined invitations to serve in government. He later answered a summons to serve under Emperor Shun 順帝 in Yongjian 永建 2 (127/128), and over the course of the next few years submitted interpretations of natural disasters, uprisings, and other phenomena that were critical of the eunuch dominance of the government. Since the eunuchs monopolized power, his ideas did not receive a hearing.

General-in-chief Liang Ji, who controlled the court, wanted to meet Yang Hou and sent him extravagant gifts. Yang declined, and claiming illness, he asked permission to return home, where he practiced Huang-Lao thought and taught over three thousand students. He continued to refuse invitations to come to court and died at the age of eighty-two. (HHs, 30a.1047-1050)


16 References to Confucius’ famous disciples Zixia 子夏 and Ziyou 子游.

17 “Eradicate and restore” (xiao fu 消復) refers to eradicating the causes of disasters, which were viewed as signs of bad government, and restoring normalcy. This is based in zai yi 災異 (natural disasters and freaks of nature) theory, first systematically put forth by Dong Zhongshu, who saw portents and natural events as manifestations reflecting the condition of the state. Jiao Yanshou (fl. 50 B.C.) was a specialist in the Yi jing 易經 who is associated with an auguristic method of interpretation related to zai yi theory. (Paul Fendos, “Fei Chih’s Place in the Development of I-Ching Studies,” Diss. Univ of Wisconsin, 1988, 322-340; Tang Yan 唐晏 [1857-1920], Liang Han Sanguo xue’an 兩漢三國學安 [Shanghai: Guji shudian, 1961], 22.)

18 From Guanghan, Qin Mi was a noted scholar who declined repeated offers of posts in the provincial and commandery administrations. When Chancellor Zhuge Liang was also holding the position of shepherd of Yi province, he chose Qin to be mounted escort and general of the gentlemen of the household. (Sgz, 38.971-976; Hygz, 10B.763.)

19 This occurred in the sixth month of Zhongping 中平 5 (July/August 189). Mianzhu was a prefecture in Guanghan commandery. Its seat was southeast of modern Mianzhu in Sichuan. (HHs, 8.356; Zztj, 59.1889-1890.)

20 See Sgz jiaogu, 182.

21 North of modern Guanghan in Sichuan.

22 Shu, Guanghan and Qianwei.

23 Lu Bi quotes Shen Jiaben, who points out that the Later Han History (HHs, 75.2432) gives the figures as more than one hundred thousand (shi yu wan 十餘萬) and suggests that the text may be in error here. He says ten thousand plus (wan shu 萬數) soldiers would not have been adequate to have conquered three commanderies. (Sgz jijie, 31.6b)

24 Hygz, 5.487 gives the exact location as Qingyi 青衣, referring to the Qingyi River and the former site of Qingyi prefecture.

25 Some texts say “a few months.” (Sgz jijie, 31.6b)

26 A “youthful appearance” (shao rong 少容) in reference to an older person appears to have been a sign of a person with magical powers. See Sgz, 29.805, Pei’s commentary quoting Cao Pi’s 曹丕 (187-226) Dian lun 典論; DeWoskin, Doctors, Diviners and Magicians of Ancient China, 151. Fan Ye describes her as being of “debauched mien” (恣色). (HHs 75.2432)


27 This was not a regular Han title but was created by Liu Yan, who instituted several positions on his own. This was a further indication of the weakening control of the Han imperial government. (Zztj, 52.1928; Sgz jijie, 8.43b)

28 Hanzhong was a commandery with its seat at modern Hanzhong, Shaanxi.

29 A reference to the followers of Zhang Lu.

30 Linqiong was a prefecture in Shu commandery near modern Qionglai 邛崍, Sichuan.

31 This text, the full title of which is Ji Han fu chen zan 季漢輔臣贊 [Encomia to Supporting Officials of the Final Han], is no longer extant, though portions have been preserved; see Yang's biography in Sgz, 45.1077-1090.

32 Lu Bi (Sgz jijie, 31.8a) points to an anachronism here. Zhao Qian succeeded Wang Yun 王允 as minister over the masses following Wang's death in July or August of 192. Since Dong's death preceded Wang's by two months, Zhao could not have been minister of education at the time. See also HHs, 9.373.

33 The Black Qiang, so called because of the color of their clothing, were fierce fighters and were often used as crack troops by the Chinese. See Hygz, 358 n. 5.

34 Hygz, 5.488 adds, jian ni zhi zun 僭擬至尊 (“usurpatiously imitating the Most Respected,” i.e., the emperor).

35 This is an allusion to an episode in the “Tangong (shang)” 檀弓上 section of the Record of Rites:

When Zixia was in mourning for his son, he lost his sight. Zengzi condoled with him: “I have heard that when a friend loses his sight, one cries for him.” Zengzi cried, and Zixia also cried, saying, “ O Heaven! I am without guilt!” Zengzi was angry and said, “Shang, how can you be without guilt? You and I served the Master [Confucius] between the Si and the Zhu Rivers. Then you withdrew and grew old beside the Xi River and led the people of the Xi River to compare you with the Master. That was your first sin.” (Wang Meng’ou 王夢鷗, Li ji jinzhu jinyi 禮記今注今譯, [Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1970], 1:81).

The implication is that Liu Yan was misleading the people by acting like an emperor.

36 The title given here, zhishu yushi 治書御史, is presumably the same as zhishu shi yushi 治書侍御史, which Bielenstein gives as attending secretary preparer of documents. Bielenstein, Bureaucracy, 210.


37 On Mao’s birth order, see Sgz jijie, 31.11a and Su, Sanguozhi jinzhu jinyi, 2:1769 n. 9.

38 Mao was married to the woman who would become Liu Bei's second wife. See Sgz, 34.906; Robert Joe Cutter and William G. Crowell. Empresses and Consorts: Selections from Chen Shou’s Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi’s Commentary (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), 116-117.

39 Mei was a prefecture that was located to the northeast of modern Mei county, Shaanxi on the north bank of the Wei River 渭水.

40 This account presents Ma Teng's uprising as a rebellion. The accounts in Sgz, 6.181-2 and HHs, 75.2432 show that in fact Ma, Liu Fan, and Liu Dan were involved in an attempt to overthrow Li Jue 李傕 and a group of Dong Zhuo's followers who had seized control of the court following the death of Minister over the Masses Wang Yun, who had engineered the death of Dong Zhuo. See also Shen Jiaben, Zhu shi suo yan, 15.1a.

41 Pang’s daughter was married to Liu Yan’s grandson Xun 循 (see below). Pang became governor of Baxi commandery, which was established in Jian’an 6 (201/202). (Hygz, 1.55)

42 Sangoku shi, 2.318, reading into the situation, have “Zhao Wei and other high provincial officials, seeing that Liu Zhang’s character was warm and generous, considered their own advantage and collectively memorialized that Liu Zhang be made inspector of Yi province.” This goes beyond the text but is probably an accurate reading of the matter.

43 Zhao's title was an ad hoc one. According to Liu Yan's biography in the Later Han History, when Liu Biao memorialized against Liu Yan’s taking on imperial airs, Zhao Wei moved troops to Chunren 朐忍 to defend against Liu Biao. (HHs, 75.2433) Sgz cidian (304) gives the pronunciation of Chunren as Qurun (渠閏). It was a prefecture in the area of modern Yunyang 雲陽 in eastern Sichuan.

44 Not otherwise known.

45 Not otherwise known,

46 The Qing scholar Wang Mingsheng pointed out that there is a problem here. The passage “already pacified Hanzhong” does not make sense. Cao Cao pacified Hanzhong in Jian’an 20 (215/16), which was sometime after this. Wang, Mingsheng 王鳴盛 (1722-98), Shiqi shi shangjue 十七史商搉. 2 vols. (Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1987), 41.1a; see also Sgj jijie, 31.10b; Sgz jiaogu, 182-3.

47 Sou 叟 was term used to refer to non-Han peoples in the Shu region, and sou bing were armies drawn from such peoples.


48 Zhang Su was Zhang Song’s elder brother. Song became involved in a plot with Liu Bei and Fa Zheng to supplant Liu Zhang. Su, afraid of being implicated, reported the plot to Liu Zhang, who had Song executed. (Sgz, 32.881-2; HHs, 75.2434)

49 Liu Zhang was a descendent of Liu Yu 劉余, son of Emperor Jing of the Former Han, while Liu Bei claimed to be descended from another of Jing’s sons, Liu Sheng 劉勝. See Sgz, 32.871 on Liu Bei’s pedigree.

50 On Fa Zheng, see the biography in Sgz, 37.957?962, and for Meng Da, see Sanfu juelu 三輔決錄 and Wei lu 魏錄 cited in Sgz, 3.92-3, commentary.

51 This episode appears to be Wang’s sole claim to being recorded in the histories. It earned him a mention in the “General Praises for the Foremost Worthy Gentlemen and Ladies” chapter in the Records of the States South of Mt. Hua and is the only thing recorded about him other than that he was from Xindu. According to one account, Wang slit his own throat in protest. (Hygz, 5.494-5, 10b.765; HHs, 75.2434; Zztj, 58.2110)

52 Fu was near modern Mianyang in Sichuan.

53 The underlying conflict between the local residents of Yi province and the interlopers from the eastern provinces enervated Liu Yan and Liu Zhang’s control over the region for over ten years. Although Liu Zhang was finally able to suppress the local leaders who opposed him using soldiers from the eastern provinces, he was never able to gain their support. (Wang Zhongluo 王仲犖, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shigang 魏晉南北朝史綱. 2 vols. [Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1979–90], 1:78-9.)

54 Gaotang Long, who was an official under the Later Han and the Wei, was renowned for his learning. He has a biography in Sgz 25.708-19.

55 On the interpretation of the phrase wugu, see Sgzjijie, 31.11a.

56 “During the meeting [of the allied states] at Guiqiu, Duke Huan was domineering and arrogant over them. Nine states rebelled” (Gongyang zhuan, Xi 5).

57 That is, the gentleman (junzi) is so devoted to modesty that he labors right through noon without stopping to eat. Shang shu, ‘Zhou shu,’ Wuyi: “King Wen...cherished and protected the little people, was kind to the destitute, widows and widowers, and from dawn until the sun passed noon he took no time to eat.”

58 This is equivalent to nearly four million liters of rice.

59 In northern Yi Province, about halfway between Hanzhong and Chengdu, near Jianye.


60 Some texts say two years. (Sgz jijie, 31.13a)

61 In Jing Province, not far from modern Gongan. Originally known as Jianling 孱陵, the name was changed by Liu Bei, who made it the capital of Jing Province. (Weishi chunqiu 魏室春秋 cited in XHz, 22.2484, commentary)

62 In Nan Commandery, Jing Province, near the modern city of the same name on the Yangtze River, upstream from Yichang.

63 Yong Kai was a powerful local magnate in Yizhou commandery who was known throughout the region for his benevolence and trustworthiness. The governor, Zheng Ang, was killed, and Zhang Yi was appointed to replace him. In 223, following the death of the Former Sovereign, Yong rebelled, took Zhang prisoner and sent him off to Sun Quan, with whom Yong had established contact. Yong usurped control of Jianming commandery (formerly Yizhou commandery) and submitted to Wu, which appointed him governor of Yongchang commandery. Zhuge Liang launched an expedition against Yong, but before it arrived, Yong had been killed by the retainers of Gao Ding, the leader of a non-Chinese people in Yi province. (Sgz, 33.894, 41.1011-12, 43.1046, 1047, 1048.)

64 Liu Bei was general of the left at this time.

65 This was not a regular Han position but was probably created by Shu at the end of the Jian'an period.

66 Xu Fu was a famous physiognomist. Under the Qin, a man named Pu from Wu had a daughter by Wei Ao, who was related to the former royal family of the old state of Wei. When Wei Bao was set up as King of Wei following the fall of Qin, Wei Ao brought her daughter Pu Ji into the Wei palace and had her seen by Xu Fu. Xu predicted that she would give birth to an emperor. Wei Bao was very happy, and he turned against the Han whom he had been supporting against Chu. Emperor Gaozu, who was then still King of Han, sent an army to attack and capture Wei Bao. When Gaozu saw Pu Ji, he found her attractive and brought her into the rear apartments, where she gave birth to the future Emperor Wen. (Sj, 49.6-8)

67 Liu Xin 劉歆 changed his name to Liu Xiu 劉秀 because of a passage in a book of prognostication that said, “Liu Xiu will send forth armies to capture the unprincipled. The barbarians of the four directions will gather like clouds, and the dragons [i.e., heroic men] will do battle. At the time of four sevens, fire [the element of Han] will reign.” Apparently Liu hoped to become emperor by changing his name. In the end, he was implicated in a plot to kill Wang Mang and had to commit suicide. The empire was in due course reunited by a genuine Liu Xiu, who became Emperor Guangwu in A.D. 25. Interestingly, he too seems to have been aware of the prediction. (Hs, 36.1972, 99C.4185; HHs, 1A.21)


68 A reference to Yijing, “Xici zhuan,” B: “In the Book of Changes it is said: ‘If a man carries a burden on his back and nonetheless rides in a carriage, he thereby encourages robbers to draw near.’ Carrying a burden on the back is the business of a common man; a carriage is the appurtenance of a man of rank. Now, when a common man uses the appurtenance of a man of rank, robbers plot to take it away from him.” (Richard Wilhelm, The Book of Changes. Trans. Cary F. Baynes. [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967], 307-8).

69 Zhang Fan was the author of a History of the Later Han.

70 Han Hao and Liu Xian were officers in the service of Liu Biao who urged him to submit to Cao Cao, saying that under the circumstances it would be difficult for him to remain neutral between Cao and Yuan Shao. (HHs, 74B.2422.) Chen Ping and Han Xin were originally supporters of Xiang Yu during the struggles following the collapse of the Qin dynasty. Both went over to Xiang’s arch rival Liu Bang, who ultimately established the Han. (Sj, 56.2053, 93.2631.)

Sanguo zhi 31 (Shu 1) Biographies of Liu Yan and Liu Zhang

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