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i
v
The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Protestant Ideology,
and Musical Literacy in Elizabethan England
by
Samantha Arten
Department of Music
Duke University
Date:_______________________
Approved:
___________________________
Thomas Brothers, Supervisor
___________________________
Philip Rupprecht
___________________________
Robert Parkins
___________________________
Jeremy Begbie
___________________________
Kerry McCarthy
Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy in the Department of
Music in the Graduate School
of Duke University
2018
ABSTRACT
The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Protestant Ideology,
and Musical Literacy in Elizabethan England
by
Samantha Arten
Department of Music
Duke University
Date:_______________________
Approved:
___________________________
Thomas Brothers, Supervisor
___________________________
Philip Rupprecht
___________________________
Robert Parkins
___________________________
Jeremy Begbie
___________________________
Kerry McCarthy
An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of
Music in the Graduate School of
Duke University
2018
iv
Abstract
The Whole Booke of Psalmes, first published in 1562, was not only the English
Reformation’s primary hymnal, but also by far the most popular printed music book
published in England in the sixteenth century. This dissertation argues that in addition
to its identities as scriptural text and monophonic musical score, the WBP functioned as
a music instructional book, intended by its publishers to improve popular music
education in Elizabethan England. Motivated by Protestant ideology, the WBP promoted
musical literacy for the common people. This dissertation further demonstrates that the
WBP made a hitherto unrecognized contribution to music theory in early modern
England, introducing the fixed-scale solmization system thought to originate at the end
of the sixteenth century. Drawing upon musicology, book history, and the study of
Reformation theology, this dissertation makes a contribution to post-revisionist English
Reformation scholarship, arguing that the WBP and its music-educational materials
formed part of the process of widespread conversion from Roman Catholicism to
English Protestantism.
John Day’s highly successful claim to monarchical authorization and religious
authority for the WBP made the book the most prominent guide to a Protestant musical
aesthetic for the common people. According to the WBP, the English Protestant musical
v
identity was characterized by several features: communal singing of easy monophonic
melodies, particularly by the laity rather than clergy and musical professionals; a broad
selection of appropriate texts that encompassed Scripture (particularly the psalms),
liturgical canticles, and catechetical texts; regular singing both devotionally as a
household and as a congregation in church settings; and performance with instrumental
accompaniment. Musical literacy was an imperative: if being a Protestant meant
becoming an active part of musical worship, then it was crucial to teach all the laity to
sing well, enabling them to fully inhabit that identity.
For this reason, many of the 143 known editions published from 1562 to 1603
contained one of two features intended to teach basic musical literacy: a letter to the
reader which served as an introductory music theory treatise, and a special font that
assigned solmization syllables to individual pitches for ease of sight-reading, which was
accompanied by its own single-page explanatory preface. These prefaces made the WBP
unique among the music-theoretical works produced in sixteenth-century England, the
prefaces being neither the sort of introductory essays found in instrumental instruction
books nor freestanding music theory textbooks. Their content was simple and accessible,
with the goal of educating their common readers in the musical skills necessary for the
singing of psalms (but not improvisation or composition, critical topics in other
sixteenth-century English music theory treatises), and both prefaces employed religious
language that gave sacred meaning to music education. The WBP’s simplified
vi
solmization system made an important advance in the history of music theory, one that
has up until now been thought to originate thirty years later with music theorists
Thomas Morley and William Bathe.
Yet as we know from early Jacobean documents and practices, the average early
seventeenth-century churchgoer remained unable to read music and was therefore
unable to utilize the WBP as a musical score. I contend that the failure of the WBP’s
didactic content was due to music printing errors that significantly hindered the
psalter’s capacity to improve musical literacy. Despite John Day’s introduction of the
music preface and printed solmization syllables and the general policy of his successors
to maintain Day’s general structure, content, and Protestant message, the usefulness of
the WBP in promoting musical literacy and Protestant musical devotion was severely
hampered by seemingly musically-illiterate compositors and a lack of editorial
oversight.
vii
Contents
Abstract ......................................................................................................................................... iv
List of Tables ................................................................................................................................. xi
List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. xii
Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................................... xv
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1
This Project in Post-Revisionist English Reformation Scholarship ................................. 7
This Project in Musicological Scholarship ........................................................................ 11
Chapter Overview ................................................................................................................ 14
Chapter 1. “Faithfully perused and alowed”: Claims of Authority and Authorization for
The Whole Booke of Psalmes .......................................................................................................... 19
Positioning The Whole Booke of Psalmes as an Authoritative Protestant Text ................ 19
Protestant Authority ............................................................................................................ 28
Monarchical Authorization ................................................................................................. 35
Evidence of Church Use ...................................................................................................... 37
Evidence from Patents ......................................................................................................... 50
Legitimizing Congregational Song .................................................................................... 51
Chapter 2. For “all sortes of people” “in one accorde”: Constructing an English
Protestant Ideology of Music .................................................................................................... 53
Versification as Interpretation ............................................................................................ 53
“For it is good vnto our God to synge”: Music and the Psalms .................................... 57
“All sortes of people”: The Songs of a Christian Community ....................................... 66
viii
“In psalmes, Hymnes & spirituall songs”: Genre in The Whole Booke of Psalmes ......... 82
“Now in thy congregations” and “priuately for their solace & comfort”: When and
Where to Sing ........................................................................................................................ 88
“Prayse ye the Lorde with harp and songe”: Aesthetics and Instrumentation ........... 93
The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ English Protestant Musical Identity ................................. 100
Chapter 3. ‘Without any other help sauing this book’: Musical Literacy, General Literacy,
and Music Instructional Texts ................................................................................................. 104
General Literacy Rates in Elizabethan England ............................................................. 112
Methods of Obtaining Musical Literacy .......................................................................... 116
Elizabethan Music Instructional Texts ............................................................................ 125
Learning From Printed Texts Without Knowing How to Read ................................... 132
Chapter 4. ‘For the helpe of those that are desirous to learne to sing’: The Whole Booke of
Psalmes’ Music-Educational Prefaces ..................................................................................... 138
Frequency of the Prefatory Material ................................................................................ 141
Group 1: Music Preface and Athanasius Preface (11 editions, 8.27%) ................. 146
Group 2: Athanasius Preface (35 editions, 26.32%) ................................................. 147
Group 3: Solmization (44 editions, 33.08%) .............................................................. 149
Group 4: Different Prefatory Material (3 editions, 2.26%) ..................................... 150
Group 5: No Prefatory Material (34 editions, 25.56%) ............................................ 151
Group 6: Text Only (6 editions, 4.51%) ..................................................................... 152
Publisher Choices ......................................................................................................... 153
The Temporal Relationship Between the Music-Theoretical Prefaces ................. 153
The Music Preface............................................................................................................... 156
ix
The Solmization Preface .................................................................................................... 169
Protestant Advocacy for Musical Literacy ...................................................................... 174
Prefaces and Prayers .................................................................................................... 175
Music Theory Treatises and Epistles to the Reader ................................................ 176
Metrical Psalmody in Schools ........................................................................................... 183
Chapter 5. “Come to the knowledge of perfect Solfaing”: Solmization in The Whole Booke
of Psalmes .................................................................................................................................... 187
Hexachordal Solmization .................................................................................................. 187
Solmization in England ..................................................................................................... 189
Continental Hexachords in Practice................................................................................. 192
Fixed-Scale Solmization in The Whole Booke of Psalmes .................................................. 196
The Exceptional Lord’s Prayer ......................................................................................... 204
The Making of English-Style Solmization: The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Bathe, and
Morley .................................................................................................................................. 211
Printed Solmization as a Protestant Impulse .................................................................. 213
The Significance of Fixed-Scale Solmization .................................................................. 222
Afterword: Solmization and Dowland’s Pilgrimes Solace .............................................. 223
Chapter 6. “Very fals printed”: Music Typesetting Errors and the Failure of Popular
Music Education ........................................................................................................................ 230
Early Seventeenth-Century Musical Illiteracy: The Evidence of Lining Out and The
Praise of Musick .................................................................................................................... 231
John Day and the Psalter Patent ....................................................................................... 241
Music Typesetting Errors and Other Problems in The Whole Booke of Psalmes ........... 255
x
Mechanics of Music Printing ...................................................................................... 255
Variants in Tune References Across Editions .......................................................... 258
Common Music Typesetting Errors .......................................................................... 260
Music Preface Problems .............................................................................................. 264
Solmization Preface Problems .................................................................................... 268
Case Study: Solmization Psalters, 1586-1603 ........................................................... 272
Evidence of Reader Corrections ....................................................................................... 281
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 285
The Whole Booke of Psalmes in a Competitive Market ..................................................... 290
Appendix 1. Whole Booke of Psalmes Editions ......................................................................... 296
Appendix 2. Musical References in The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Coverdale, and Crowley
Psalters ........................................................................................................................................ 306
Appendix 3. Transcription of The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ Music Preface (1562) ............. 339
A shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke, made for such as are desirous to
haue the knowledge therof, for the singing of these Psalmes. ..................................... 339
Appendix 4. Epistolary Content of Sixteenth-Century English Music Prints .................. 347
Bibliography .............................................................................................................................. 355
Biography ................................................................................................................................... 372
xi
List of Tables
Table 1. Musical References in the Psalters ............................................................................. 58
Table 2. Musical Features of the WBP’s Psalm Tunes ............................................................ 73
Table 3. Musical Instruments in the WBP’s Versifications .................................................... 98
Table 4. Printed Music Theory Texts ...................................................................................... 125
Table 5. Psalter Groupings ....................................................................................................... 145
Table 6. Epistolary Content of 78 Music Prints ..................................................................... 181
xii
List of Figures
Figure 1. Title Page of the 1562 WBP ........................................................................................ 27
Figure 2. First Page of Psalm 1 in the 1562 WBP ..................................................................... 33
Figure 3. Title Page of the 1566 WBP ........................................................................................ 49
Figure 4. Music of the Crowley Psalter .................................................................................... 60
Figure 5. Psalm 77 ....................................................................................................................... 62
Figure 6. Psalm 104 and its Text Underlay .............................................................................. 63
Figure 7. Psalm 1 ......................................................................................................................... 74
Figure 8. Hymns in the WBP ..................................................................................................... 88
Figure 9. Woodcut From Day’s Whole Psalmes in Foure Partes ............................................ 136
Figure 10. Presentation Psalter ................................................................................................ 149
Figure 11. Frequency of the Music-Theoretical Prefaces ..................................................... 154
Figure 12. Gamut Woodcut from the WBP’s Music Preface ............................................... 162
Figure 13. Woodcut Illustrations of Rhythmic Values from the WBP’s Music Preface .. 163
Figure 14. Manuscript Addition of Solmization Preface Music Examples ....................... 174
Figure 15. Music Books Containing an Epistle to the Reader Without an Epistle
Dedicatory .................................................................................................................................. 181
Figure 16. Ut queant laxis .......................................................................................................... 188
Figure 17. Complete List of Music-Theoretical Sources Examined by Johnson and Owens
..................................................................................................................................................... 191
Figure 18. Hexachordal Solmization in Blanchier’s 1562 Geneva Psalter ......................... 194
Figure 19. Syllables Used in Blanchier’s Psalm 47 ................................................................ 195
xiii
Figure 20. Fixed-scale Solmization in the WBP. .................................................................... 200
Figure 21. Psalm 100 ................................................................................................................. 202
Figure 22. Comparison of Solmization Assignments for Psalm 100 (WBP) and Psalm 134
(Geneva Psalter in Multiple Editions) .................................................................................... 204
Figure 23. First Page of The Lord’s Prayer (WBP 1562, STC 2430) ..................................... 205
Figure 24. The Solmized Lord’s Prayer (WBP 1569, STC 2439.5) ....................................... 207
Figure 25. Solmization Syllables Used in The Lord’s Prayer .............................................. 208
Figure 26. The Solmized First Phrase of The Lord’s Prayer ................................................ 211
Figure 27. Comparison of Syllable Assignments for the WBP, Bathe, and Morley ......... 212
Figure 28. Deriving the No-Flat Scale .................................................................................... 213
Figure 29. Solmization and Syllabic Lyrics in Bourgeois’ Le Droict Chemin de Musique .. 216
Figure 30. Solmization in Vallette’s c. 1560 Geneva Psalter ................................................ 218
Figure 31. Solmization in Davantes’ 1560 Geneva Psalter .................................................. 220
Figure 32. Opening Phrase of Lasso vita mia .......................................................................... 228
Figure 33. John Day’s Printed Music ...................................................................................... 242
Figure 34. The Psalter Patent at a Glance............................................................................... 252
Figure 35. Title Page of STC 2477.5, a Pirated Edition ......................................................... 254
Figure 36. Hexachord Example in WBP 1581 (no STC number) ........................................ 267
Figure 37. Solmization Example in WBP 1569 (STC 2439.5) ............................................... 269
Figure 38. Cleffing Error in WBP 1572 (STC 2442) ............................................................... 270
Figure 39. Music Example Errors in WBP 1584 (STC 2468.5) .............................................. 271
Figure 40. Lord’s Prayer Comparison: WBP 1594 (STC 2486) and WBP 1595 (STC 2490)
..................................................................................................................................................... 275
xiv
Figure 41. Psalm 1 Comparison: WBP 1594 (STC 2486), WBP 1595 (STC 2490), WBP 1597
(STC 2492), and WBP 1598 (STC 2494) ................................................................................... 280
Figure 42. Reader Corrections in STC 2490.3 ........................................................................ 283
Figure 43. Additional Anthems in WBP Harmonizations ................................................... 294
xv
Acknowledgments
Many thanks to my dissertation committee: Philip Rupprecht, Bob Parkins, and Jeremy
Begbie; with special thanks to my advisor, Tom Brothers, for his never-failing
encouragement, wise advice, thoughtful questions, and excellent comments, and to
Kerry McCarthy, for frequent Skype calls to discuss the minutiae of sixteenth-century
English music.
I owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to several other scholars for their assistance
on this project: Beth Quitslund, Timothy Duguid, John Milsom, Katherine Butler,
Nicholas Temperley, Jessie Ann Owens, Robin Leaver, Linda Phyllis Austern, and
Joseph Ortiz. The many conversations and emails I have shared with you all have made
this dissertation project a sincere pleasure.
My thanks too to the many librarians and staff at the 32 rare books libraries I
visited in the course of this research, and especially to Laura Williams, Duke’s music
librarian, who, we all agree, is a treasure of the department.
This research would not have been possible without generous financial support
from the Duke Graduate School, the Duke Department of Music, and the Conversions:
Medieval and Modern working group. I was able to visit those 32 libraries thanks to
you. Duke’s Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, and its director, Michael
xvi
Cornett, deserve special mention. Thank you for funding, for multiple opportunities to
present my work-in-progress and to receive interdisciplinary feedback, and especially
for the dissertation completion fellowship that enabled me to remain in Durham to
finish this project in a timely fashion.
Finally, my enthusiastic and loving thanks to my husband, Isaac Arten, for chai
and synonyms. I frequently tell people how convenient it is, as a scholar of sacred music,
to be married to a theologian. We make a spectacular team.
1
Introduction
Undoubtedly the most influential music book published in sixteenth-century England
was The Whole Booke of Psalmes (hereafter WBP). First published in 1562, the WBP was
reissued at least once every year, often in multiple editions with dramatically differing
formats. Rapidly and enthusiastically adopted by the English people for both public
worship and private devotion, these metrical psalms (psalms in verse, sung in unison)
proved to be a critical means of teaching and enabling English Protestant practice and
belief. In this dissertation, I argue that they were responsible for the formation of a
popular musical culture that was distinctly English and Protestant in its concerns.
The WBP played an important role in the development of musical literacy in
Elizabethan England. There has been little reflection to date on its contribution to music
education, and scholars have not considered how this psalter represents—and attempts
to inculcate—a Protestant musical aesthetic. This dissertation addresses both topics,
exploring the WBP’s attempt, motivated by Protestant ideology, to increase musical
literacy among the common people as well as the psalter’s contribution to music theory
in early modern England. I argue that early English Protestantism saw not only verbal
literacy as a primary goal, but musical literacy as well; Protestant advocacy for musical
literacy was a function of the Protestant theology of music. If being a Protestant meant
2
becoming an active part of musical worship, then it was crucial to teach all the laity to
sing well, enabling them to fully inhabit that identity.
My work centers on the two main didactic features of the WBP: an instructional
letter to the reader on the fundamentals of reading music and a system of printed
solmization syllables to aid in sight-singing. The letter to the reader included as one of
two prefaces in the 1562 WBP is particularly significant and has seldom been discussed
in any depth by musicologists.1 It was not only a rubric attempting to shape readers’
engagement with the text that followed but also an introductory music theory treatise.
This letter was intended to teach readers the basics of music theory, allowing them to
understand and perform not just for the musical contents of this psalter, but also any
other “playne and easy Songes as these are.” This little preface is remarkable for its early
publication date: it is the first known music theory treatise printed in the English
language, and it plays an important and hitherto unexamined role in the history of
music theory.
Second, many editions of the WBP beginning in 1569 printed solmization
syllables in the music and also included a new preface explaining their use. Through
analysis of these syllables as they were assigned in all of the printed psalm tunes, I have
been able to demonstrate that fixed-scale solmization, thought by Timothy Johnson and
1 See section below, “This Project in Musicological Scholarship,” and discussion throughout for the work of
those scholars who do engage significantly with the WBP, and Chapter 4 for previous musicological work
on the prefaces themselves.
3
Jessie Ann Owens to have been introduced in England in the 1590s by William Bathe
and Thomas Morley, was actually initiated in the WBP nearly thirty years earlier.2 The
WBP’s printed solmization syllables give us insight into the evolving nature of sixteenth-
century English music theory as it became increasingly distinct from the hexachordal
theory found on the Continent.
A book is not an immutable text, but rather a material object subject to variability
and change at many levels: when printed, when bound, when collected by antiquarians,
when cataloged by modern-day rare books libraries. One cannot assume that any one
edition of a book is identical to another edition; this is particularly true in early modern
printing, in which the creation of each new edition required completely re-typesetting
the entire text because printing houses did not possess enough pieces of type to leave
pages typeset. Variability across editions is the foundation of this dissertation project. To
show that the move towards musical literacy for the masses was not merely the impulse
of one publisher in 1562 but a key part of the English Protestant agenda, I have
attempted to view as many Elizabethan editions of the WBP as possible. The English
Short-Title Catalogue (ESTC) lists 141 editions between 1562 and 1603; I have discovered
two additional unlisted editions. Of these 143, I have viewed 133 (see Appendix 1 for
more details). In viewing all of these editions, I have been able to track publishers’
2 Timothy A. Johnson, “Solmization in the English Treatises Around the Turn of the Seventeenth Century: A
Break from Modal Theory,” Theoria 5 (1990): 42-60; Jessie Ann Owens, “Concepts of Pitch in English Music
Theory, c. 1560-1640,” in Tonal Structures in Early Music, ed. Cristle Collins Judd (New York: Garland
Publishing, 1998), 183-246.
4
choices in prefatory material across Elizabeth’s reign. And as bibliographer Joseph Dane
says, “A book-copy is always a material object that exists in time and space and carries
with it its own unique history…the word book refers to some abstract concept that
allows us to speak of a number of book-copies as a unit, as essentially identical.”3 While
seeing all Elizabethan WBP editions has been my goal, I do not account individual book-
copies as equal to the abstract concept of a single edition. Thus, seeing one copy of each
edition is good, but seeing as many book-copies as possible of each edition is even
better. This has allowed me to evaluate reader use, manuscript annotations, stop-press
corrections, and the like. At this point, I have seen literally hundreds of copies of the
same book (and I am not yet sick of the endlessly-fascinating WBP).
My approach to these 133 editions and hundreds of book-copies has been
informed by paratextual studies. The term “paratext” was coined by French literary
theorist Gérard Genette in his 1987 book Seuils, translated into English in 1997 with the
title Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation.4 In this highly influential book, Genette defines
paratext as “a certain number of verbal or other productions, such as an author’s name,
a title, a preface, illustrations,”5 which are found alongside the main body of text of a
3 Joseph A. Dane, What Is a Book? The Study of Early Printed Books (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame
Press, 2012), 8. I refer readers to this excellent and highly readable introduction to bibliography, especially if
they are unfamiliar with such terminology as “recto/verso,” “format vs. layout,” “edition vs. variant,”
“typeface,” “signature,” and “colophon.” 4 Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, transl. Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1997). 5 Ibid., 1.
5
literary work. Paratext is not a neutral accompaniment to its text, but a means of
presentation which “enables a text to become a book and to be offered as such to its
readers and, more generally, to the public,”6 and a liminal space which serves as “a
transitional zone between text and beyond-text.”7 Genette gives several imaginative
metaphors for paratext throughout the course of his book, including “threshold,”
“vestibule,”8 “canal lock,” and “airlock;”9 it is a space that “offers the world at large the
possibility of either stepping inside or turning back”10 and “helps the reader pass
without too much respiratory difficulty from one world to the other.”11 Most
importantly, paratext represents the author’s (or publisher’s, or printer’s) attempt to
mediate and manage the reader’s experience: “[w]hatever aesthetic intention may come
into play as well, the main issue for the paratext is not to ‘look nice’ around the text but
rather to ensure for the text a destiny consistent with the author’s purpose.”12 Since
Genette, a number of scholars of print culture in sixteenth-century England have
examined the materiality of the book in sixteenth-century England and the conventions
of Tudor printing. Their work has shaped my approach to the WBP, and many of their
6 Ibid., 1. Genette is concerned only with printed materials in the course of his study, but of course
manuscripts may also contain paratext, and indeed, paratext served as an important means of organization
in the medieval scribal tradition. I do not suggest that paratext defines a printed book as opposed to a
handwritten manuscript, but printed works did come to have their own paratextual conventions. 7 Ibid., 407. 8 Ibid., 2. 9 Ibid., 408. 10 Ibid., 1. 11 Ibid., 408. 12 Ibid., 407.
6
explanations of the function of Tudor title pages, prefatory epistles, typefaces, and
marginalia appear as crucial parts of my arguments to come.13
Informed by paratextual studies, my approach to the WBP has focused largely
upon their prefatory material. Across 133 editions, I found that ongoing paratextual
changes offer insight into the changing goals of the psalter’s multiple publishers and the
(perceived) needs of the populace. The immediate and most important consequence of
my wide-ranging archival search has been a set of new statistics regarding the frequency
of the music preface and printed solmization: the music preface appears in 11 editions
out of the viewed 133; solmization appears in 44. Both of these figures are significantly
higher than modern scholarship has acknowledged. With this data as evidence, I can
now argue that music education was not a one-time experiment or casual effort, but an
ongoing priority for the publishers of the WBP.
13 Mark Bland, “The Appearance of the Text in Early Modern England,” Text 11 (1998): 91-154; Kevin Dunn,
Pretexts of Authority: The Rhetoric of Authorship in the Renaissance Preface (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1994); Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England: Print, Gender, and Literacy
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); John Kerrigan, “The editor as reader: constructing
Renaissance texts,” in The Practice and Representation of Reading in England, ed. James Raven, Helen Small,
and Naomi Tadmor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 102-124; John N. King, ed., Tudor Books
and Readers: Materiality and the Construction of Meaning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010);
Michael Saenger, The Commodification of Textual Engagements in the English Renaissance (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2006); Valerie Schutte, Mary I and the Art of Book Dedications: Royal Women, Power, and Persuasion (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker, eds., Reading, Society and Politics in Early
Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); William W. E. Slights, “The Edifying
Margins of Renaissance English Books,” Renaissance Quarterly 42, No. 4 (Winter, 1989): 682-716; idem,
Managing Readers: Printed Marginalia in English Renaissance Books (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,
2001); idem, “‘Marginall Notes that Spoile the Text’: Scriptural Annotation in the English Renaissance,”
Huntington Library Quarterly 55, No. 2 (Spring, 1992): 255-278; Helen Smith and Louise Wilson, eds.,
Renaissance Paratexts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Evelyn B. Tribble, Margins and
Marginality: The Printed Page in Early Modern England (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993).
7
This Project in Post-Revisionist English Reformation Scholarship
How did the WBP help teach the common people their new Protestant faith, the
particularly Protestant views of music and musical practice, and the basics of music
theory? Answers to these questions will be important not just for musicology but also
for the general field of the history of the English Reformation. There is debate regarding
the speed and scope of the English Reformation. Explanations range from defining the
Reformation as a compulsory conversion of a reluctant laity to naming it, in Diarmaid
MacCulloch’s oft-quoted words, “a howling success.”14 However, it is generally accepted
that the majority of the English people had become Protestant in some sense of the word
by the latter part of the reign of Elizabeth I.15 Thus the focus of English Reformation
scholarship has shifted to the process by which the widespread conversion from Roman
Catholicism to English Protestantism occurred.16 This “post-revisionist” research
attempts to balance the opposing views of the Reformation as quickly integrated due to
14 Diarmaid MacCulloch, “The Impact of the English Reformation,” The Historical Journal 38, No. 1 (Mar.,
1995): 152. 15 Patrick Collinson, for example, asserts, “if I were to be asked when Protestant England was born I would
answer, with greater conviction than I could have mustered even a few years ago: after the accession of
Elizabeth I, some considerable time after,” and identifies the year 1580 as a watershed moment in which
Protestant culture reversed its willingness to use and appropriate aspects of secular cultural forms and
media for its own purposes, instead creating “an advanced state of separation of the secular from the sacred,
something without precedent in English cultural history”: The Birthpangs of Protestant England: Religious and
Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1988), ix, 98. 16 See, for example, Norman Jones, The English Reformation: Religious and Cultural Adaptation (Oxford:
Blackwell Publishers, 2002); Christopher Marsh, Popular Religion in Sixteenth-Century England: Holding Their
Peace (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998); Peter Marshall, Beliefs and the Dead in Reformation England
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1999).
8
demand by the general populace (the older, traditionalist model of A. G. Dickens) or as
slowly and reluctantly adopted (the revisionist model of John Bossy, J. J. Scarisbrick,
Christopher Haigh, Patrick Collinson, and most prominently, Eamon Duffy).17
Like other post-revisionist scholarship, I focus on psalmody as part of a long
process of converting the general populace to Protestant ideas and practices, a narrative
that stresses complexity, embraces contradiction, and highlights continuity with pre-
Reformation Catholicism. My goal is to understand how metrical psalters aided in this
process of persuasion, conversion, and education, thereby contributing a unique
perspective to this conversation regarding English Reformation devotional and artistic
practices. English Reformation studies has traditionally avoided musical works in favor
of financial records, material evidence, and non-musical texts, but recent attention to
psalms and ballads demonstrates a new interest in evaluating music and musical texts as
expressions and shapers of culture. Since 2000, several historians and literary scholars
have addressed metrical psalms directly in their attempts to understand the ways in
17 In chronological order: A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation (New York: Schocken Books, 1964, repr.
1974); John Bossy, The English Catholic Community 1570-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); J. J.
Scarisbrick, The Reformation and the English People (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1984, repr. 1985); Christopher
Haigh, ed., The English Reformation Revised (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, repr. 1988);
Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England: Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1988); Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars:
Traditional Religion in England c. 1400-c.1580, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992; 2nd ed. 2005);
Christopher Haigh, English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1993).
9
which this musical/textual genre played a role in the dramatic cultural, political, and
religious changes of late sixteenth-century England.18
Historians Christopher Marsh, Jonathan Willis, and Ian Green have made great
strides in understanding metrical psalmody in practice and in relation to print culture.
Green’s monumental survey of printed religious materials, for example, discusses
metrical psalmody at length alongside English Bibles, biblical commentaries, devotional
aids, dialogues, godly ballads, and similar genres. His study was limited to works
printed in many editions and thus, in his mind, those documenting the most popular,
successful, and enduring records of Protestant belief. Metrical psalm books certainly fall
under this purview, and Green’s treatment of them demonstrates the manner in which
the WBP was increasingly appropriated by the masses from its origin among the
educated elite. Like other studies of early modern printing, Green’s is carefully detailed,
tracking the number of editions printed in each decade, estimating the total number of
copies, comparing formats, and noting the other texts with which this psalter was often
bound. However, with Green’s attention on quantities and format, he seldom addresses
18 Ian Green, Print and Protestantism in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000);
Hannibal Hamlin, Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2004); Christopher Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England (Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 2010); Beth Quitslund The Reformation in Rhyme (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008); Jonathan
Willis, Church Music and Protestantism in Post-Reformation England: Discourses, Sites and Identities (Farnham:
Ashgate, 2010); Rivkah Zim, English Metrical Psalms: Poetry as Praise and Prayer, 1535-1601 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987).
10
the psalter’s actual content, instead relying upon numbers to tell the tale of a metrical
psalter appropriated by the common people for their own uses.19
Meanwhile, inspecting church financial records to track the purchase of psalm
books, Jonathan Willis discovered a transitional period wherein choirs alone sang
metrical psalms as an alternative to traditional polyphony, before metrical psalmody
became established and widespread as a form of congregational song around the 1580s.20
He and Christopher Marsh have both found evidence of metrical psalms in schools
despite the lack of music in the official curricula; this becomes important in Chapter 4.21
Both historians have argued for the utility of metrical psalms in creating the communal
feeling of Protestantism and symbolizing social harmony.22
Literary scholars Hannibal Hamlin, Rivkah Zim, and, most recently and
thoroughly, Beth Quitslund have re-examined the texts of the WBP. Hamlin reflected
upon the ways in which metrical psalmody merged biblical and classical traditions and
analyzed the psalms’ theological content in relation to other literary works.23 Zim has
evaluated the literary quality of the WBP in relation to other contemporary psalm
translations.24 Quitslund considered the ways in which metrical psalm texts were used to
19 Green, Print and Protestantism, 503-552. 20 Willis, Church Music and Protestantism, 121-131. 21 Willis, Church Music and Protestantism, 163-204; Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England, 7-10. 22 Willis, Church Music and Protestantism, 205-237; Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England, 18,
435-446. 23 Hamlin, Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature, 19-50. 24 Zim, English Metrical Psalms, 112-151.
11
inculcate a largely Calvinist understanding of the Church and its leadership based on
the psalms’ depiction of God’s sovereignty in relation to the English monarch’s. Her
monograph tracking the genesis of the WBP and each of its parents is now the standard
reference on the family of Sternhold and Hopkins metrical psalters.25
Historians and literary scholars have not, however, been equipped with the
analytical tools of a music historian, and as such have not concerned themselves much
with the notes themselves. Marsh’s book rarely includes examples from actual pieces of
music; Willis’s has none at all. Historians in general often seem to regard music as a
purely literary genre, excluding both the auditory and performative aspects and neatly
sidestepping any need for proficiency in musical analysis. Yet Peter Marshall has placed
a call for active conversations between historians and musicologists, “as historians are
coming to recognize the vital importance of recovering the aural dimension of historical
lives.”26 I intend to help bridge the gap.
This Project in Musicological Scholarship
This dissertation fits into several broad concerns of current musicological scholarship.
Recent studies of sixteenth-century English music strive to recover overlooked or lost
repertory, understand the didactic function of music, examine musical scores not only as
25 Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme. 26 Marshall, Reformation England, xii.
12
records of sounds but also as material objects in their own right, and place music in its
cultural, political, and liturgical contexts. I hope to contribute to these concerns with my
close study of a songbook intended as a form of religious text and doctrinal propaganda.
In addition, my consideration of the WBP as a form of music education offers a timely
contribution to renewed interest in musical didacticism in Tudor England due to the
forthcoming critical edition of Thomas Morley’s Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall
Musicke,27 not to mention the first critical edition of the WBP, currently being prepared
by Beth Quitslund and Nicholas Temperley.28
My dissertation will expand our understanding of the beginnings of Anglican
musical culture, following in the footsteps of Nicholas Temperley, who famously
examined the “lower” genres of parish church music rather than the “higher” genres of
music for cathedrals and the Chapel Royal.29 Temperley’s study of metrical psalmody
remains definitive and frequently cited to this day, but it does not address the questions
I am posing. The study is intended primarily as, in his words, a “factual record.”30 It
presents a comprehensive survey of notable characteristics from all psalters and the role
of psalmody in Church of England liturgy and it pioneered much of our understanding
27 Thomas Morley, Thomas Morley: A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke, ed. John Milsom and
Jessie Ann Owens, 2 vols. (Aldershot: Ashgate, forthcoming). 28 The Whole Book of Psalms: A Critical Edition of the Texts and Tunes, eds. Beth Quitslund and
Nicholas Temperley, 2 vols., Renaissance English Text Society Publications 36 (Tucson: University of Arizona
Press, forthcoming). 29 Nicholas Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1979). 30 Ibid., xix.
13
of metrical psalm tunes, including the dramatic slowing in tempo by the early
seventeenth century and the distinction between the “official” tunes and the “common”
or “popular” tunes that the people preferred. However, the book is not a work of social
history or textual analysis, and it does not address theological concerns. Thus
Temperley’s Music of the English Parish Church leaves many questions open for
investigation.
More recently, Timothy Duguid’s Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice extended
psalmody scholarship significantly by answering questions about the relationship
between English and Scottish psalm books and psalm-singing practices.31 In his work
with English psalters, Duguid made significant strides in exploring the evolution of
psalm music in publication, tracking the appearances and disappearances of psalm
tunes and tune references as well as the alterations, often misprints, to the tunes
themselves. That Duguid’s work sidestepped cultural and even music-theoretical
concerns is understandable given the level of detail in his study, and his largely
quantitative research will serve as an important resource for further scholarship.
However, the work is not done. Historians and literary scholars have considered
the WBP as a printed book and as a scriptural text; musicologists have evaluated its
function as a musical score (monophonic hymnal). The WBP has not yet been fully
31 Timothy Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice: English ‘Singing Psalms’ and Scottish ‘Psalm Buiks’,
c. 1547-1640 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014).
14
recognized in its additional identity as a music instruction book, and indeed, as
sixteenth-century England’s most prominent and widely-available means of popular
music education.
Chapter Overview
In Chapter 1, I argue that publisher John Day made a multifaceted effort to establish the
WBP as an authoritative Protestant text through appeals to Scripture, scholarship, the
ancient church, and the state. I analyze the psalter’s claim to translational accuracy and
the seeming legitimation created by the inclusion of a prefatory essay by St. Athanasius.
Informed by historical theologian Kenneth Parker’s work on Reformation Protestants’
supercessionist metanarrative of the Christian past (an emerging Protestant way of
using history in anti-Catholic polemics), I show that the WBP not only portrayed itself as
valid translation, but an essential corrective to other (read: Roman Catholic) corruptions
of the ancient tradition. Furthermore, without any official monarchical or ecclesiastical
authorization of metrical psalmody to be used in church, Day positioned the 1562 WBP
as authorized by Queen Elizabeth I. He accomplished this through reference to
Elizabeth’s 1559 Injunctions and by advertising Day’s psalter patent, granted by the
Queen herself. In doing so, he aligned the book firmly with the English crown and the
Church of England. Ecclesiastical records from the early 1560s make it clear that Day’s
musical psalters were employed in church settings, variously with or without the
15
support of religious officials. These sources demonstrate Day’s success in his attempt to
construct a legitimate genre of congregational song for England.
After having explained how the WBP positioned itself as authorized and
authoritative within the English Protestant tradition, in Chapter 2, I engage in close
reading of the hymnal’s words about music (the text of the psalms themselves,
particularly the paraphrases of those psalms that speak directly about music, singing,
worship, and instruments, and also other material including prefaces and canticles) to
understand how the WBP understood—and promoted—the purpose of music in
Reformation England. My analysis of the psalter’s versified (and thus interpreted)
psalms reveals that, more than any other vernacular psalter in use in England (including
the similarly paraliturgical 1549 Coverdale Psalter), the WBP emphasized music and
song in its scriptural texts. The WBP reflected the importance of communal liturgical
musical practice for Protestants and presented a consistent portrait of the desirable
theological aesthetic of congregational church music, one that drew upon aspects of both
Lutheran and Calvinist theologies.
Then, before turning to a close look at the WBP’s two musical prefaces, I first
situate these music-educational works in their context, exploring the nature and state of
musical literacy in sixteenth-century England. In Chapter 3, I argue that understanding
musical literacy rates requires considering general literacy rates as well as reference to
the sixteenth-century English understanding of musical knowledge. The bulk of this
16
chapter attempts to come to terms with what seems a fundamental paradox in the
acquisition of musical literacy: most of the English populace could not read, but nearly
all forms of music education that did not require reading were available only to the
gentry (who were the most likely to be able to read). I discuss chorister schools,
grammar schools, universities, and private music tutors before turning to a
comprehensive look at Elizabethan music instructional texts, which included the WBP’s
two prefaces, instrumental instruction books, and freestanding music theory textbooks.
Although it has often been noted that Protestant ideology led to an increase in
general literacy rates in the sixteenth century, it is less often said that Protestants helped
advance musical literacy. In Chapter 4, I argue that the WBP with its two music-
theoretical prefaces (the introduction to music theory and the preface accompanying
solmization syllables) serves as evidence that Protestant ideology helped advance the
cause of popular music education, and I analyze the language found in these two
prefaces, which makes it clear that this push towards increased musical literacy was a
theologically-motivated Protestant impulse. I also take a close look at the music-
theoretical content the prefaces transmitted, explaining precisely what they taught in
relation to other sixteenth-century English music theory treatises and instrumental
tutors.
In Chapter 5, I turn my focus from the WBP’s identity as a music textbook—a
pedagogical work—and consider how it functioned as a music theory treatise. I examine
17
the use of printed solmization syllables, arguing that the characteristically English
employment of a static scalar assignment of solmization syllables, rather than the
medieval hexachordal system, did not first appear around the turn of the seventeenth
century in the treatises of William Bathe and Thomas Morley, but a full generation prior
in the WBP. My study of these psalters has revealed that the system found in the WBP is
transitional, a chronological and conceptual link between continental and later English
styles of solmization. In this chapter, I analyze the way in which the WBP systematizes
the assignment of solmization syllables and compare this system with Bathe’s and
Morley’s treatises as well as four Genevan music books (1550-1562) that similarly
printed solmization syllables. Printed solmization, it seems, was a uniquely Protestant
phenomenon closely tied to the genre of congregational songbooks.
Finally, in Chapter 6, “‘Very fals printed’: Music Typesetting Errors and the
Failure of Popular Music Education,” I consider why the WBP, despite its music-
educational aims, did not significantly increase the level of musical literacy among the
general populace in sixteenth-century England. The seventeenth-century practice of
“lining out” and the early Jacobean Praise of musick manuscript (British Library Royal MS
18.B.xix) bear witness to the fact that the average churchgoer remained unable to read
music and to utilize the WBP as a musical score. Part of this failure was due, I contend,
to the poor quality of psalter printing, and especially music typesetting errors. Despite
John Day’s inclusion of the music preface and printed solmization syllables, along with
18
the general policy of his successors to maintain Day’s general structure, content, and
Protestant message, the usefulness of the WBP in promoting musical literacy and
Protestant musical devotion was severely hampered by seemingly musically-illiterate
compositors and a lack of editorial oversight. In this chapter, I discuss the careless music
printing found across all of John Day’s music books as well as the history of the psalter
patent following Day’s death, which led to an expansion and diffusion of editorial
control. The musical problems and mistakes printed in the WBP range from variants
across psalters that made it impossible for a group to sing from multiple editions but
which did not impede individual use, to mistakes that would not hinder an already
musically-literate reader but would sorely obstruct someone trying to learn basic music
theory, to serious errors that made the psalters unusable and which certainly obstructed
the WBP’s musical didacticism.
19
Chapter 1. “Faithfully perused and alowed”: Claims of Authority and Authorization for The Whole Booke of Psalmes
Positioning The Whole Booke of Psalmes as an Authoritative Protestant Text
How does a new religious text gain legitimacy in the tradition for which it is intended?
What additional challenges does a book of music face in order to be properly usable in
church? In the sixteenth-century Reformations, the most straightforward way for a
collection of music intended as congregational song to become authorized and
popularized within its reformed tradition was the advocacy of the prominent reformer,
particularly if such advocacy for certain forms of sacred music generally and this music
in particular was included as a preface within the work itself. Lutheran hymnals often
included prefaces by Martin Luther, and the Geneva Psalter was printed with an epistle
by John Calvin. These detailed the reformers’ thoughts about the purpose and right use
of music in Christian devotion.
The challenge was greater in England. Without a single prominent individual
serving as the driving force behind England’s Protestant music-making, any proposed
book of congregational song was unable to frame its musical contents with authoritative
instructions regarding music. Yet somehow, John Day’s Whole Booke of Psalmes, first
published in 1562, managed to popularize a new genre of metrical psalmody as
20
congregational song in England. The immense popularity of the WBP cannot be
overstated. Most other English hymnals and metrical psalters published in the sixteenth
century appeared in only one edition. In contrast, there are fully 143 extant editions of
the WBP published between 1562 and 1603, and it is certain that many more did not
survive. Beth Quitslund has guessed that, even estimating a conservative print run of
only 1,500 copies per edition, there could have been about 220,000 copies in circulation
by 1603—one book for every eighteen inhabitants of England and Wales.32
Biting seventeenth-century criticisms of the WBP by high-church Anglicans only
serve to demonstrate the firm hold the psalter had taken among the general Protestant
populace. Its psalm settings were decried as bad music and worse poetry. “Two
hammers on a Smith’s anvil would make better music,” wrote Thomas Fuller in The
church-history of Britain (1655). John Phillips, Milton’s nephew, called it “Tom Sternhold’s
wretched Prick song” (The religion of the hypocritical presbyterians, 1655), and Peter Heylyn
wrote in his Ecclesiasa restauratura, or, The history of the reformation of the Church of England
(1661) of “that Barbarity, and Botching, which every where occurreth in the Translation
of Sternhold and Hopkins.”33 Henry King in The psalmes of David (1651) thought they
32 Beth Quitslund, The Reformation in Rhyme (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 242. For further discussion of the
WBP’s popularity in the sixteenth century, see Ian Green, Print and Protestantism (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2000), 503-519, and Beth Quitslund, “The Psalm Book,” in The Elizabethan Top Ten: Defining Print
Popularity in Early Modern England, eds. Andy Kesson and Emma Smith (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 203-211. 33 Qtd. in Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 1-2.
21
“both disfigured the meaning of the Holy Ghost, and reproached our English tongue.”34
John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, penned a scathing poem “To a country clerk after
having heard him sing psalms” during the reign of Charles II (1649-1651), which read,
Sternhold and Hopkins had great qualms
When they translated David’s psalms
To make the heart full glad;
But had it been poor David’s fate
To hear thee sing, and them translate,
By God! ‘twould have made him mad.35
Furthermore, intensifying the ill effect of the poetry, the psalms’ performance by the
laity was viewed as ugly and unsophisticated. For example, less derisively than Wilmot
but equally critically, John Donne also placed his condemnation of congregational
metrical psalmody in poetic form:
When I behold that these Psalmes are become
So well attyr’d abroad, so ill at home,
So well in Chambers, in thy Church so ill,
As I can scarce call that reform’d untill
This be reform’d; Would a whole State present
A lesser gift than some one man hath sent?
And shall our Church, unto our Spouse and King
More hoarse, more harsh than any other, sing?36
34 Qtd. in Green, Print and Protestantism, 503. 35 Qtd. in Green, Print and Protestantism, 504. 36 John Donne, “Upon the translation of the Psalmes by Sir Philip Sydney, and the Countesse of Pembroke
his sister,” in The Poems of John Donne, ed. Herbert J. C. Grierson, Vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912), 349,
lines 37-44.
22
Worse, the WBP represented compromised Christian practice. Linked to Puritanism and
Calvinism, the metrical psalms of Sternhold and Hopkins represented dangerous
political and religious ideas. In Aerius redivivus (1670), Heylyn considered them a plot
“to bring in the whole body of Calvinism, as well in reference to Government, and forms
of Worship, as to points of Doctrine.”37 Later, “arch-anti-presbyterian” Richard Watson
held the metrical psalms of the WBP responsible for civil unrest in his 1684 tract The
Right Reverend Doctor John Cosin:
The Foreign Protestants, as I have showed you, made use of Marot’s and
Beza’s Psalms, to cherish and encourage one another in their Rebellious
attacks and Sacrilegious spoils… Our Puritans have done the like, in our
late Civil Wars, with Sternhold and Hopkins, when they have gone about
to charge their more Loyal Countrymen then in Arms for the King, as
may be made good from their forces in Lincolnshire, and other
Countries.38
The reputation of the WBP was, in the seventeenth century, bad indeed; such criticisms
would not be needed were it not so immensely popular as part of the practice of English
Protestantism.
By the end of the sixteenth century, the book had become a symbol of English
Protestantism, along with English Bibles, Books of Common Prayer, and official Books of
Homilies mandated for use in parish churches. The WBP offered all the laity a chance to
raise their own voices in corporate worship. Its monophonic psalms could be sung by
37 Qtd. in Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 3. 38 Qtd. in Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 3.
23
congregations alone or with organ accompaniment, and the versified texts in the
vernacular offered the common people a new way to engage with Scripture. This psalter
was directly responsible for the formation of an English Protestant popular musical
culture. Yet the challenge of authority for new religious songbooks remained. How did
publisher John Day manage to construct the authority of the WBP and defend its
legitimacy in Church of England practice? In this chapter, I argue that Day made a
multifaceted effort to establish the WBP as an authoritative Protestant text through
appeals to Scripture, scholarship, the ancient church, and the state. Furthermore,
without any official monarchical or ecclesiastical authorization of metrical psalmody for
use in church, Day positioned the WBP as authorized through reference to Elizabeth’s
1559 Injunctions and by advertising Day’s psalter patent, granted by the Queen herself.
In doing so, he aligned the book firmly with the English crown and the Church of
England, whose religious practices were tightly regulated.
The WBP contained no prefatory letter from a foremost English reformer for one
simple reason: while England had prominent reformers, the most important of whom
was Thomas Cranmer, the country did not have a single key figure guiding the musical
reforms associated with its Reformation. Music historians of the Tudor period are fond
of quoting Cranmer’s recommendation “for every syllable a note,” which dictates
syllabic rather than melismatic text-setting for sacred music:
but in mine opinion, the song that shall be made thereunto would not be
full of notes, but, as near as may be, for every syllable a note; so that it
24
may be sung distinctly and devoutly, as be in the Matins and Evensong,
Venite, the Hymns, Te Deum, Benedictus, Magnificat, Nunc dimittis, and
all the Psalms and Versicles; and in the mass Gloria in Excelsis, Gloria
Patri, the Creed, the Preface, the Pater noster, and some of the Sanctus
and Agnus.39
However, this advice referred to adaptations of Latin chant for the new English service,
and was not intended as a guide to either congregational or choral music. As Robin
Leaver has pointed out, Cranmer, unlike Luther and Calvin, did not develop and
promote an extensive theological understanding of music centered on the congregation.
In fact, Cranmer’s liturgical reforms (the 1549 and 1552 Books of Common Prayer) made no
explicit provision for congregational singing.40 More important for our purposes, it
appeared in a private letter to Henry VIII, not in public and certainly not in print.
Beyond this single letter, Cranmer was not overly concerned with English musical
reform.
Without a prominent individual serving as the driving force behind England’s
congregational music-making, it is perhaps unsurprising that the WBP lacked an
authoritative preface by an English reformer like those found in Lutheran hymnals and
the Geneva Psalter.41 Instead, the WBP contained two other preliminaries that fulfilled
39 Thomas Cranmer, “To King Henry VIII,” in The Works of Thomas Cranmer: Miscellaneous Writings and Letters
of Thomas Cranmer, ed. John Edmund Cox (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1846), 412. 40 Robin Leaver, The Liturgy and Music: A Study of the Use of the Hymn in Two Liturgical Traditions (Bramcote:
Grove Books, 1976), 3-13. 41 Martin Luther’s prefaces to Lutheran hymnals can be found in Martin Luther, Luther's Works, Vol. 53,
Liturgy and Hymns, ed. and trans. Ulrich S. Leupold (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965), 315-334. John
25
different functions and addressed the needs of the Church of England. First, it contained
a letter to the reader, one of a dramatically different character than Luther’s hymnal
prefaces and Calvin’s preface to the Geneva psalter. The WBP’s anonymous epistle
functioned both as a letter to the reader and as an introduction to basic music theory.
This was followed by an English translation of a letter by the fourth-century church
father Athanasius of Alexandria. Together, these prefaces accomplished in a less direct
manner the same objective as Luther’s and Calvin’s prefaces: the instruction of readers
in the specifics of their Protestant musical practice.
The title page (see Figure 1) was a central component in constructing Day’s
claims for religious authority and monarchical authorization. It advertised much about
the features and use of its contents: as “the whole booke of psalmes,” this was the first of
John Day’s various psalters to contain the entire contents of all 150 psalms;42 these are
Calvin’s preface to the Geneva Psalter can be found in John Calvin, “The Form of Prayers and Songs of the
Church, 1542: Letter to the Reader,” trans. Ford Lewis Battles, Calvin Theological Journal 15:2 (1980): 160-165. 42 The metrical versifications of the WBP originated with Certayne Psalmes ([1547-1549?]), a small book of
nineteen psalms by Thomas Sternhold. Following Sternhold’s death, an expanded version was published.
This book, Al such Psalmes ([1549]), contained 44 psalms: Sternhold’s original nineteen, eighteen additional
psalm versifications also by Sternhold, and seven new psalms penned by John Hopkins. After Catholic
Mary Tudor ascended to the throne, English Protestants in Geneva created a new order of worship modeled
on that of John Calvin’s, which modified and expanded Sternhold’s and Hopkins’ work into One and Fiftie
Psalmes of David in English Metre (1556). This “Anglo-Genevan Psalter” transformed courtly poetry to
liturgical song. One and Fiftie Psalmes contained seven new psalm versifications, anonymous but assumed by
scholars today to be by William Whittingham, alongside revised versions of all 44 of Sternhold’s and
Hopkins’ psalm paraphrases, and additionally, one hymn, “The [ten] commandements of God.” Perhaps
most importantly, this so-called Anglo-Genevan Psalter also added music: One and Fiftie Psalmes included a
different tune for every psalm, with the first few verses underlaid in the music and subsequent verses
printed beneath. John Day acquired the legal rights to the metrical psalms of in late 1559, and proceeded to
26
English psalms versified by Sternhold and Hopkins, representing a more accurate
translation of Scripture, given music, and allowed according to the Queen’s Injunctions.
They provide comfort and solace, and serve as a moral alternative to ballads. The value
of psalm-singing is attested with Scripture. And finally, the psalter has been published
by John Day, the only person legally allowed to publish metrical psalmody.
Day’s psalter demonstrated the needs of the reforming English Church, as
understood by (and to a certain extent, constructed by) a publisher who stood to benefit
financially from the creation of an audience. His title page attempted to shape the
behavior of the English laity, crafting a genre of psalmody and related hymns that had
use both in the church and the home, for both corporate and private devotion. The
purpose of some other features of the title page is not immediately apparent. Why stress
that these psalms are “conferred with the Hebrew”? What is the significance of the
Queen’s Injunctions? In the next section of this chapter, which considers the psalter’s
claim to Protestant authority, I will investigate these two questions in detail.
adapt the Anglo-Genevan Psalter brought back by the returning Marian exiles into a new book for the
English people and the Church of England. Day published four partial psalters between 1560 and 1562, each
supplementing or expanding upon the last, until he was able to complete The Whole Booke of Psalmes: Psalmes
of Dauid in English metre (1560), Psalmes. Of Dauid in Englishe metre (1560/1561), Foure score and seuen Psalmes
of Dauid (1561), and The Residue of all Dauids Psalmes in metre (1562).
28
Protestant Authority
The WBP’s construction of religious authority through invocations of Scripture,
scholarship, and the ancient church reflects the particularly Protestant view of
themselves in relation to the ancient church. Building on Anthony Kemp’s work on
concepts of history, historical theologian Kenneth Parker terms this perceived
relationship between the present and the past the “supercessionist metanarrative.”
According to the supercessionist reading, the Roman Catholic Church as it existed at the
time of the Reformation represented a corrupt transmission of the beliefs and practices
of the early church. Christian truth could only be recovered by replicating the situation
found in the earliest Christian writings, thus superseding the inappropriate innovations
of the intervening period. Protestants identified ancient Christianity as uniquely
normative, and represented their vision for the church as a return to apostolic purity
after a long period of decline. 44
44 According to Parker, there are four “metanarratives” of history: distinct ways of relating the present to the
past, asserting the authority of the past over the present or vice versa. At the time of the Reformation, the
Catholics had a “successionist” view of history, believing that the Church and the truth of the Church’s
message have proceeded through time without change, and that the Church as steward of those truths
continues to proclaim them. In the nineteenth century arose the “development” metanarrative (a
teleologically progressive view) and the “apperceptive” metanarrative (the view that history contains errors
that must be critiqued and corrected). Kenneth L. Parker, “The Rise of Historical Consciousness Among the
Christian Churches: An Introduction,” in The Rise of Historical Consciousness Among the Christian Churches, ed.
Kenneth L. Parker and Erick H. Moser (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2013), 1-16; idem, “Re-
Visioning the Past and Re-Sourcing the Future: The Unresolved Historiographical Struggle in Roman
Catholic Scholarship and Authoritative Teaching,” in The Church On Its Past, ed. Peter D. Clarke and
Charlotte Methuen (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press for the Ecclesiastical History Society, 2013), 389-416.
In the creation of this taxonomy (successionist, supercessionist, developmental, and apperceptive
metanarratives), Parker drew upon Anthony Kemp, The Estrangement of the Past: A Study in the Origins of
Modern Historical Consciousness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); to further explore
29
In selecting as one of its two prefaces a text by Athanasius, the WBP privileged
antiquity, avoiding any mention or use of medieval (thus Catholic) theologians. This
“Treatise made by Athanasius the great” first appeared in the WBP, rather than in any of
Day’s earlier partial psalters. It was not Day’s invention, or even Protestant in origin, but
rather a translation of a portion of a letter from St. Athanasius to Marcellinus “on the
Interpretation of the Psalms.” Fourth-century bishop Athanasius of Alexandria had
written a pastoral letter regarding the psalms to one Marcellinus, who, when ill, had
begun a study of the psalms as a means of personal devotion. Marcellinus wrote to
Athanasius to request help in understanding the meaning contained in each psalm.45 The
portion of Athanasius’ response included in the WBP discussed the general virtue of the
psalms, laying out situations in which a recitation of the psalms might provide help,
comfort, joy, or thanksgiving, and identifying by number those psalms particularly
appropriate. It then continued as a list: to express such-and-such emotion or respond to
such-and-such situation, use these specific psalms (e.g., “If thou art escaped from
enemies, and deliuered from the[m] which persecute the[e], sing the 18. Psalme.”). The
the supercessionist shift in historical consciousness that occured at the time of the Reformation, see Kemp,
Chapter 3. 45 Marcellinus was possibly a deacon in the Alexandrian church, although the name was common, so the
letter’s recipient may have been a different Marcellinus; see Robert C. Gregg, trans., Athanasius: The Life of
Antony and the Letter to Marcellinus (New York: Paulist Press, 1980), 134n31. The date of this letter cannot be
fixed. It has been theorized based on internal evidence that the letter dates from Athanasius’s youth,
although of course, lack of reference to key debates later in Athanasius’s life cannot serve as definitive proof.
Another potential origin is during one of Athanasius’s four exiles between 335 and 366; see A Religious of
C.S.M.V., trans., St. Athanasius on the Psalms (London and Oxford: A. R. Mowbray, 1949), 6.
30
treatise proper is followed with the anonymous “Use of the rest of the Psalmes not
comprehended in the former Table of Athanasius.” Extraordinarily Protestant
concerns—persecution, God’s enemies, and God-given government—are presented as if
they are Athanasius’s. By thematically categorizing the psalms in this manner, the WBP
addressed contemporary concerns by invoking ancient authority and using the church
father to legitimize the Protestant use of psalms in metrical translation.46
The WBP’s claim to translational accuracy also reflected the supercessionist view
that the present Roman Catholic Church had erred. Beginning with the 1556 Anglo-
Genevan Psalter, the parent of Day’s publication, these psalmbooks’ title pages nearly
always advertised the accuracy of the psalms’ translation: psalm texts have been
“conferred with the Hebrew,” and in earlier title pages, “conferred with the Hebrew and
corrected” (emphasis mine).47 For sixteenth-century English Protestants, authority was
conveyed by rigorous scholarship ensuring as close a match with the original scriptural
text as possible while remaining accessible in its language. The WBP’s defense of its
46 The “Treatise” plays a surprisingly important role in Elizabethan and early Jacobean musical culture,
appearing not only in The Whole Booke of Psalmes but also in Archbishop Matthew Parker’s Whole Psalter of
1567, and it is even briefly quoted in the anonymous early Jacobean Praise of musick manuscript (BL Royal
MS 18.B.xix, fol. 10r)—see Chapter 6 for further discussion of this manuscript. 47 We also see this impulse to defend the quality of the translation in Robert Crowley’s 1549 Psalter of Dauid,
the first complete metrical psalter in English. Crowley’s Psalter had made similar claims as to scholarly rigor
and clarity where other translations were obscure. Its long-title advertised that the psalter had been “newely
translated into Englysh metre in such sort that it maye the more decently, and wyth more delyte of the
mynde, be reade and songe of al men.” The Letter “To the Christian Readar” further described Crowley’s
process and intention: “And so far as my knowledge woulde serue me: I haue made open and playne, that
whichein other translations, is obscure & harde.” (Sig.++.i.v) For further discussion of Crowley’s claim to
clarity, see Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 90-91.
31
accurate scriptural translation made a strong statement against other psalm translations
and especially the Vulgate, which was associated with the perceived Roman Catholic
corruptions of the ancient tradition. This seemingly innocuous statement, “conferred
with the Hebrew and corrected,” served as a strong indictment of all other psalm
editions which corrupted and distorted proper Christian teaching. The corrected WBP
could be relied upon as an accurate conduit of the ancient original text.
Yet this was a publisher’s fiction. The WBP was not translated directly from the
original Hebrew. In paraphrasing the psalms for his original books of courtly poetry in
the 1540s, Thomas Sternhold relied upon five sources: four different psalters by Miles
Coverdale and the Vulgate itself.48 As Beth Quitslund and Rivkah Zim have shown,
Sternhold’s goal was psalmic interpretation with didactic intent rather than accuracy of
translation.49 Though Sternhold’s paraphrases were later modified by the editors of the
Anglo-Genevan Psalter, these revisions were in service of literary style, with an
emphasis on plain language and memorability.50 The WBP’s claim to translational
accuracy was a purposeful fiction that served to differentiate this Protestant psalter over
and against pre-Reformation religious texts.
48 Miles Coverdale’s psalter from the 1535 Coverdale Bible; Coverdale’s subsequent revision for the 1539
Great Bible; Coverdale’s “Parallel Psalter” of 1540, which adapted the Coverdale Bible’s psalter to align
more closely with the Vulgate for the benefit of the laity as the psalms were read in Latin in church services;
Coverdale’s 1535 published translation of Jan van Campen’s psalm paraphrases; and finally, the Vulgate
itself. Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 21-22; Rivkah Zim, English Metrical Psalms: Poetry as Praise and Prayer,
1535-1601 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 119-120. 49 Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 21. 50 Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 158-165; Zim, English Metrical Psalms, 139-142.
32
At first glance, the supercessionist metanarrative appears to be complicated,
perhaps even undermined, by the internal contents of the psalter. Despite the critical
distance and implicit critique of the Vulgate and Roman Catholicism found on the title
page, continued attachment to the Vulgate can be found on nearly every page within the
WBP due to its labeling of psalms with their Latin incipits (see Figure 2). The presence of
Latin maintained continuity with Roman Catholic practice, calling to mind the chanting
of Latin psalms. Indeed, the Latin text preceded the numbering of the psalm itself,
“Beatus vir” serving as a more important and immediate identifier than even “Psalm i.”
33
Figure 2. First Page of Psalm 1 in the 1562 WBP51
Yet as comparison with other sixteenth-century psalters reveals, reformers
clearly did not find the presence of Latin incipits problematic. The Coverdale psalter as
well as Coverdale’s Goostly Psalmes prefaced psalms with these Latin titles, as did many
(although not all) editions of Calvin’s Geneva Psalter.52 The Latin incipit was an
established means of identifying psalms in this era, a less problematic label than psalm
51 STC 2430. Sig. C.i.r. Image from Early English Books Online. 52 W. A. McComish, transl., Le psautier de Genève 1562-1865, Vol. 2 (Genève: Bibliothèque publique et
universitaire, 1986), Section 7.
34
numbers (even today, Roman Catholics and Protestants have slightly different systems
of numbering the psalms).
The Latin incipits formed but one part of the entire complex of introductory
information preceding each psalm. This grouping of Latin incipit, psalm number,
versifier’s initials (but never composer’s initials—see Conclusion for discussion of the
WBP’s lack of attention to musical authorship), and prose arguments (descriptions of the
theological and devotional value of the psalm) was a familiar one in Protestant
publications, and it stressed education and scriptural edification by helping to ensure a
reader’s proper interpretive stance (much like the prefatory material of an entire printed
book). Introductory material of this kind was first added to English metrical psalmody
in the Anglo-Genevan Psalter, which also provided verse numbers and marginal
commentary in a didactic move akin to that of the later Geneva Bible. Prose arguments
replaced the descriptions in verse that had prefaced the psalms in Sternhold’s original
psalters; these prose arguments were, in fact, almost identical to those accompanying the
psalms in the 1560 Geneva Bible.53 Rivkah Zim describes these editorial additions as
“produc[ing] a more uniform and anonymous style, thus facilitating the communal use
of a slightly closer paraphrase of the Hebrew Psalms as liturgical songs in accordance
with Calvinist practice.”54
53 Dan G. Danner, Pilgrimage to Puritanism: History and Theology of the Marian Exiles at Geneva, 1555-1560 (New
York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1999), 123. 54 Zim, English Metrical Psalms, 142.
35
In the WBP, only the psalms were given prose arguments, not the hymns. The
arguments themselves were often strengthened by the presence of a pilcrow (paragraph
symbol) or manicule (emphatically pointing hand) that called attention to these words. It
would seem that hymns were thought to be self-explanatory, while psalms required
interpretive glossing. These prose arguments served as an alternative to the liturgical
and musical instructions prefacing the original Hebrew psalms, which reframed the
Hebrew poetry as explicitly Christian texts. They also served to visually link the WBP to
the official prose psalter of the Church of England, which also included such prose
arguments. As companions to this introductory and interpretive material, then, the Latin
incipits assumed an educational and structural function that took precedence over their
reference to Roman Catholicism. These traditional incipits would not have attracted the
notice of readers who approached the WBP in the spirit in which it was intended: as a
Protestant text antithetical to Roman Catholic psalms and psalm-singing.
Monarchical Authorization
I turn now to Day’s claim to monarchical authorization, beginning with the Queen’s
Injunctions. Without any official authorization of metrical psalmody in Church of
England services to draw upon, the 1562 WBP was forced to argue that its contents were,
in fact, allowed for use in church. The title page’s phrase “Faithfully perused and
alowed according to thordreappointed in the Quenes maiesties Iniunctions” is
36
understood by most scholars today as a perhaps presumptive assertion that this psalter
(and, it follows, the genre of metrical psalmody itself) fell under the purview of the
Elizabethan Injunctions.
The forty-ninth article in the 1559 Injunctions allowed for
a modest and distinct song so used in all parts of the common prayers in
the church, that the same may be as plainly understanded, as if it were
read without singing … there may be sung an hymn, or suchlike song to
the praise of Almighty God, in the best sort of melody and music that
may be conveniently devised, having respect that the sentence of the
hymn may be understanded and perceived.55
With this language, the Injunction permitted sacred musical works to be performed in
church. Here “hymn” was meant in the broad and perhaps scriptural sense (“psalms,
hymns, and spiritual songs,” cf. Ephesians 5:19 and Colossians 3:16), not specifically
intending congregational genres like the Lutheran hymn or Calvinist metrical psalm. As
Beth Quitslund has observed, the phrasing of the Injunction is “masterfully ambiguous,”
and can be read as allowing both extremes of choral and congregational singing.56
Since the WBP was supposedly allowed according to the Queen’s Injunctions,
therefore (this fiction of authorization argued), these psalms could be sung in church. In
fact, Nicholas Temperley argues that not only did the WBP successfully promote itself as
a book of congregational song, it soon managed to position itself as the only metrical
55 Walter Howard Frere, ed., Visitation Articles and Injunctions of the Period of the Reformation, Vol. 3 (London:
Longmans, Green & Co., 1910), 22-23. 56 Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 196.
37
psalm collection authorized for use in church—a position it held until the nineteenth
century.57 Quitslund, however, argues that the statement refers not to the forty-ninth
Injunction concerning music sung in church, but to the fifty-first Injunction, which
regarded the regulation and licensing of books for publication. According to Quitslund,
Day’s reference to the Queen’s Injunctions as well as his statement that the WBP was
“faithfully perused and alowed” advertised the publisher’s obedience to Elizabeth’s
regulation of public religious discourse; Day was not making a claim about the right to
sing metrical psalms in church.58
Evidence of Church Use
However, even if the WBP’s title page originally referred only to the fifty-first
Injunction, the statement was certainly interpreted musically, and its metrical psalms
were employed in church settings. There are multiple forms of evidence for this claim.
First, prior to and contemporary with the publication of the 1562 WBP, metrical
psalmody was already being employed in English parishes in public and congregational
settings. Several recorded events from the late 1550s and early 1560s illustrate the rise of
57 Nicholas Temperley, “‘If any of you be mery let hym synge psalmes’: The Culture of Psalms in Church
and Home,” in “Noyses, sounds, and sweet aires”: Music in Early Modern England, ed. Jessie Ann Owens
(Washington, DC: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 2006), 94. See also Zim, English Metrical Psalms, 142, and
Hannibal Hamlin, Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2004), 27-28, both of whom also understand the title page’s statement to refer to the forty-ninth
Injunction. 58 Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 201.
38
metrical psalmody in popular religious culture, enabled by Anglo-Genevan psalters and
John Day’s partial psalters published prior to the WBP. These events illustrate tensions
between proponents and opponents of metrical psalmody in a time of changing
religious practices. These two categories are loosely but not consistently aligned with
Protestant/Roman Catholic and laity/clergy dualities. However, not all cases of public
congregational psalmody were met with opposition by authorities.
In September 1559, diarist Henry Machyn described the service of Morning
Prayer at St. Antholin, Budge Row: “The [blank] day of September be-gane the nuw
mornyng prayer and sant Antholyns in Boge-row, after Geneve fassyon, — be-gyne to
rynge at v in the mornyng; men and women all do syng, and boys.” 59 The term “Geneva
psalm” (and later, in the seventeenth century, “Geneva jig”) was a frequent description
of the English metrical psalmody based upon the Calvinist style of psalmody found in
the Geneva Psalter and continued in England with the publications of John Day. It is
also interesting that Machyn carefully noted that women were involved, proving that
this psalm-singing was not limited to a choir composed of men and boys but was
executed by the congregation.
An exciting incident occurred at Exeter Cathedral three months later. In
December of 1559, some citizens of Exeter, along with Londoners visiting the town to
59 Henry Machyn, The Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London, from AD 1550 to AD 1563,
ed. John Gough Nichols (London: Printed for the Camden Society by J. B. Nichols and Son, 1848), 212.
39
attend St. Nicholas’s Fair, descended upon the cathedral to sing metrical psalms each
day at the service of Morning Prayer. In their zeal, they even occupied seats in the choir
of the church, ousting the vicars who normally sat there to recite the prayers. The
disturbed ministers admonished the people to cease, but despite the warning, the
visitors continued to interrupt with their psalm-singing.60 A flurry of impassioned letter-
writing ensued. Episcopal visitors (religious authorities sent to evaluate and correct
ecclesiastical institutions) Lord Montjoye, John Jewel (Bishop of Salisbury), and Raynold
Mohun took the side of the lay singers:
Whereas in the queen’s majesty’s late visitation in Exon, order was taken,
that the vicars of your church should weekly, and by course say the
morning prayer in the choir of your cathedral church, whereunto the
people might at time convenient meet together to serve God; and they so
resorting reverently, and in great numbers for their greater comfort and
better stirring up of their hearts to devotion, appointed amongst
themselves at every such meeting to sing a psalm, and altogether with
one voice to give praise unto God, according to the use and manner of the
primitive church; which order, taken by the visitors, you promised by
your corporal oath to see observed. We have now of late heard say, that
contrary to the said order, and your own oath, certain of your vicars have
scoffed and jested openly at the godly doings of the people in this behalf,
and by divers and sundry ways have molested and troubled them; and
that you the canons there, which of all others should most have rejoiced
hereat, and should have encouraged the people to go forward, have very
uncourteously forbidden them the use of your choir…we require and
charge you to see, that your vicars, and others your priests there not only
leave their frowardness, which they have used, but also that they aid and
60 David Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, Vol. 4 (London: 1737), 200-201; Herbert Reynolds,
The Use of Exeter Cathedral (London: Church Printing Company, 1891), 53-55.
40
assist the people in these their godly doings, and that you suffer them to
use your choir for that time…61
This letter not only commanded the ministers to allow the psalm-singing to continue but
also to assist them and make space for them in the choir.
In response, the Exeter ministers protested the disruption being caused and the
abuse being heaped upon them by the psalm-singers. The ministers argued that they
were following the order to say Morning Prayer daily, but that the order contained “no
mention made of such psalms to be sung.” Indeed, the proper “uniformity of common
prayer and service in the church” was being unlawfully interrupted. Therefore,
Which statute being so precisely made, and under so great pains, we
thought it our bounden duty, to stay this their presumptuous attempt,
proceeding of their private phantasms without authority, and that they
should no further obtrude such things to our ministers, both for the
discharge of us and them. And thereupon have had with divers the
authors thereof, and others in authority sundry conference, to cease in
such their songs; admonishing them of the said statute, and of their duty
of obedience to the same, and requesting them to cease such their doings,
till such time as order were taken therein by the superior powers; which
to do they have refused, and yet continue the same without further
interruption of us, ordering the choir here at their pleasures. How the
choir is abused by them, the ministers excluded out of their stalls, and we
reviled with unchristian and uncharitable words and reproaches, this
bearer can more at large declare to your honours.62
61 Wilkins, Concilia, Vol. 4, 200. 62 Ibid., 201.
41
This response, characterizing the common people as disobedient and presumptuous,
makes it clear that the problem was not so much the musical psalms and the devotion
they represented, but the interruption of the service of Morning Prayer (and the
resultant power struggle between clerics and laity). The Londoners and local citizens
were disrupting the ongoing work of the church in direct contradiction of the law.
Ultimately, however, the issue was decided by the ecclesiastical commissioners in the
people’s favor, and their right to metrical psalm-singing was upheld.63
Such tensions between singers of metrical psalms and those who wished to
maintain tradition emerged again at Merton College two years later, with even more
physically violent results.64 Senior dean William Hall was the leader of a small faction of
Catholic-minded Fellows who “did hide vnder a pece of our quere almost all our
popishe bookes of service with divers other monumentes of superstition.” Hall “wrote
an epistle to a frend of his in Lincolne…in whiche he shewed his malicious and cruell
minde towarde the professors of the truthe,” and even after avowing his conformity to
the Church of England attempted to convert others to papistry.65 It is perhaps
unsurprising, then, that Hall took issue with the replacement of Latin hymns with
English metrical psalms for the celebrations of high holy days. This decree had been
made in the absence of Hall and two other Fellows, who were all in London affirming
63 W. H. Frere, The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I (London: Macmillan, 1904), 44. 64 W. H. Frere, ed., Registrum Matthei Parker Diocesis Cantuarensis A.D. 1559-1575, Register 1, Vol. 2,
Canterbury and York Series, Vol. 36, 697, 699, 706-707, 711. 65 Ibid., 706.
42
their conformity before the High Commissioners. Hall would later protest that “every of
the viij seniors oughte to agree to all decrees to be made or els it is no decree.”66
However, his complaint nonetheless offered little justification for Hall’s actions on All
Saints’ Day (November 1), 1561.67
On this feast day, as was customary on such high holy days, the Fellows began to
sing after dinner—English metrical psalmody rather than the old Latin hymns, as per
the decree. Hall, as the most senior Fellow present, should have begun the singing;
when he did not, another began the psalmody in his place.68 Hall attempted to stop the
singing by force. Here is the story, in the words of Hall’s victim, James Leche:
vppon all saintes daie last after diner (as the custome and decree is), the
Deane not being there, I being senior in the Hall beganne Te Deum,
whiche psalme was appointed for that daie; and or ever we had songe
throughe halfe the psalme Mr. Hall being senior deane came vp the hall
like a madde man crieng alowde that we ought not nor shold not singe:
and comming to me verie furiouslie and in a marveilous rage, stroke at
my booke of psalmes to have smytten it into the fire; and fayling of his
purpose therein, plucked my booke by force out of my hand and threwe
it with greate contempte a farre waie from him on the floore, saieng verie
threatninglie with trembline bodie and wanne countenaunce (like as a
man beside him selfe) vnto the poore batchelers, Ar you piping still after
66 Ibid., 699. 67 This event has been frequently misdated in modern scholarship. Working only from Frere’s Visitation
Articles (Vol. 3, 121), which includes only the list of items of concern from Parker’s 1562 Merton visitation
but does not include the date (May 1562) or any of the subsequent answers by Merton Fellows, scholars
often mistakenly assume (or at least imply) that this event also took place in 1562 (see, for example,
Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 240-241). Norman Jones also puzzlingly misdates the event, saying it took
place not at All Saints’ 1561, but Christmas 1560: The English Reformation: Religious and Cultural Adaptation
(Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002), 118. 68 Frere, ed., Registrum Matthei Parker Diocesis Cantuarensis, 711.
43
his pipe (meaning me)? will you never have done puling? I shall teache
you to do as I bidd you.69
Just as Leche began singing the Te Deum, Hall struck the psalter from the hapless man’s
hands and berated him for leading the others astray. Leche was later proud of his self-
control, which allowed him not to engage in the physical altercation Hall so obviously
desired:
Mr. Hall in this his doing semed to vs to seke nothing els but either to
have fought with me, or els to have caused me to fighte with [him] (for so
had we done if I had bene as earnestlie bent against him, as he was sett
against me). Herein I have vsed the more wordes, for that this facte was
one of the impudentes dedes that ever I sawe, and most plaine against
our decree, and suche an one as all the papistes in the towne did
commend, as for a speciall example of a good shortnes in a just quarrell
against heresie. Surelie it can not be conceaved well in minde so grevous,
as it was then to see to, for thereby he had almost brought me to passe the
bandes of charitie, who had receaved the communion that same daie. It
was a mervelous greate terror and discurradgement to the godlie
disposed, no lesse incouragement and comforte to the papistes, but a
disquietnes in all the house.70
The ensuing commotion accomplished Hall’s goal of disrupting the practice of metrical
psalmody at Merton, but in the end, the orthodox Protestants prevailed:
And so we lackid our singing a greate time, till it happened Mr. Gifford to
fall from that faction and take with us for a time; who being second
deane, by my counsel brought in singing of psalmes againe contrarie to
Mr. Halls will, and with the greate displeasure of all the papistes in
69 Ibid., 706-707. 70 Ibid., 707.
44
Oxford for a season. Ellis shold we have had no singing of psalmes till
this daie.71
It should be noted that the Te Deum is not, in fact, a metrical psalm at all. However, a
metricized version of this hymn appeared in Day’s 1560/1561 Psalmes. Since the
1560/1561 Psalmes marked the first appearance of an English-language Te Deum in a
metrical psalter, it seems certain that Merton had a copy of that particular book. The
casual description of the Te Deum as a metrical psalm in these accounts also shows that
the metrical hymns included in Day’s psalters were thought of as part of the same genre
as metrical psalms.
This story of Merton College’s dramatic altercation tells us that in the early 1560s,
metrical psalmody was seen as diametrically opposed to continuing Roman Catholic
sympathies: metrical psalms were not only Protestant, but visibly anti-Catholic. By
Archbishop Matthew Parker’s visitation in 1562, English metrical psalmody had again
been restored at Merton, thanks to the defection of Mr. Gifford from the Catholic group.
Metrical psalmody was beginning to become the norm at English institutions and
representative of proper Christian practice in England.
The visitations of bishops to check on the functioning of a diocese and to ensure
that parish practice was doctrinally and practically in accordance with the new
Protestant orthodoxy provide us with a rich source of evidence: from visitation articles,
71 Ibid.
45
we can glean both desired reforms as well as where parishes went wrong. Some
visitation articles offered directives for churches to purchase and perform metrical
psalms. In 1562, Bishop Robert Horne’s Injunctions for Winchester Cathedral required
that
the Chanter of the said church clerks and choristers there shall…have in
readiness books of psalms set forth in English metre to be provided at the
costs of the church, and to sing in the body of the church both afore the
sermon and after the sermon one of the said psalms to be appointed at the
discretion of the said Chanter.72
It was common for churches to be required to purchase a psalter alongside the Book of
Common Prayer, English Bible, Books of Homilies, and so on; in this case, however, the
psalter called for is specifically a metrical one. Timothy Duguid has pointed out that it is
surprising that Horne, always an advocate for the unaltered English liturgy when an
exile during Mary’s reign, supported metrical psalm singing, which represented an
addition to the liturgy as prescribed in the BCP. Duguid suggests that it was perhaps
done for the benefit of Archbishop Parker, who would visit Winchester only a few days
later.73 However, Parker’s impending visitation could not have been Horne’s sole
motivation. Horne’s instruction was repeated in 1571; it would seem that Winchester
Cathedral was slow in responding to the multifaceted directive that choristers pay
attention to sermons, that the church provide books of metrical psalms, and that the
72 Frere, Visitation Articles, Vol. 3, 138. 73 Timothy Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice: English ‘Singing Psalms’ and Scottish ‘Psalm Buiks’,
c. 1547-1640 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), 187.
46
psalms be sung before and after sermons. Additionally, in 1567, Horne similarly
instructed chaplains at New College, Oxford, to sing metrical psalms before and after
the sermons.74
Jonathan Willis’s analysis of churchwardens’ accounts through the 1590s
provides evidence that churches were indeed financially investing in metrical psalmody
(he makes no arguments as to whether they were following instructions like those of
Bishop Horne, or whether such expenditures were of their own account). Willis
concludes that beginning in the late 1550s, many parishes purchased copies of psalters
often described as English, Genevan, “in meter,” or “with notes.” For this fourth case, as
in the others, the psalter in question is most likely the WBP, although Willis himself is
unwilling to state so with certainty. He supposes that choral metrical psalmody
probably stood alongside congregational singing of the WBP (and the partial psalters
that came before it), and that choirs may have given significant aid to the laity in helping
them learn the words and tunes of the psalter.75 More recently, Anne Heminger’s
archival study of London parish records c. 1540-1560, echoes Willis’s findings. Of the 22
parishes with extant records she has examined, twelve bought psalters in 1558/1559, and
three of these purchase records made specific references to psalms in meter or Geneva
books. In 1559/1560, 10 of the 22 parishes purchased psalters, and five of those included
74 “Ut capellani in choro post et ante conciones psalmos metrice conscriptos canent.” Frere, Visitation Articles,
Vol. 3, 189. 75 Jonathan Willis, Church Music and Protestantism in Post-Reformation England: Discourses, Sites and Identities
(Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), 121-128.
47
metrical psalms.76 St James Garlickhithe’s “It[em] p[ai]d for te deum & other salmes in
englishe meter” (4 pence) is particularly interesting in light of the altercation at Merton
College, which similarly centered around a metrical Te Deum.77
On the other hand, the practice of metrical psalmody was, most certainly, not
universally encouraged by church authorities. Such criticisms also demonstrate
churches’ actual practice. For example, Archbishop Parker and his bishops drafted a list
of diverse and problematic liturgical practices in 1565; among them, they noted the
dismaying tendency of some to “intermeddle Psalms in metre” rather than keep to the
liturgical order specified in the BCP.78 Clearly, Parker was not an absolute advocate for
metrical psalmody in all situations, despite his fondness for the genre as evinced by his
own printed Whole Psalter translated into English Metre (1567).
Finally, the WBP itself began to more explicitly promote the use of the public
performance of its psalms in churches. Even though Quitslund argues that the first
edition of the WBP properly refers to the fifty-first Injunction regarding the regulation
and licensing of printed books and not the forty-ninth Injunction regarding church
music, she acknowledges the difference between the publisher’s intention and the way
76 Private correspondence with Anne Heminger, November 2017. See her forthcoming dissertation:
“Confession Carried Aloft: Music, Sound, and Religious Identity in London, c. 1540–1560,” (Ph.D diss.,
University of Michigan, forthcoming). 77 London Metropolitan Archives Ms. 4810, fol. 10r. My thanks to Anne Heminger for sharing her research. 78 John Strype, The Life and Acts of Matthew Parker, Vol. 1 (Oxford, 1821), 302.
48
in which it was interpreted by the populace.79 Within a few years, the title page was
altered. No longer did it include the indeterminate statement, “Faithfully perused and
alowed according to thordre appointed in the Quenes maiesties iniunctions.” Instead,
beginning in 1566, the title page read, “Newlye set foorth and allowed to bee soong of
the people together, in Churches, before and after Morning and Euening prayer: as also
before and after the Sermon, and moreouer in priuate houses” (see Figure 3). This
description matches what we know of the actual practice of metrical psalm-singing in
parishes, and with this change, the WBP argued forcefully that this practice was entirely
in accordance with the rulings of the queen and the Church.
79 Quitslund, The Reformation in Rhyme, 243-244.
49
Figure 3. Title Page of the 1566 WBP80
80 STC 2437. Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the Bodleian Library.
50
Evidence from Patents
Furthermore, Day’s WBP aligned itself firmly with the English crown and the Church of
England in another sense, the title page advertising Day’s psalter patent granted by the
queen herself: “With the grace and privilege of her majesty the Queen, for seven years.”
In 1553, under Edward VI, Day had been granted his first printing patent, allowing him
to print only primers with catechisms. His first Elizabethan privilege in 1559 gave Day a
copyright of seven years for any original work printed at his expense. The second
privilege of 1567 extended the copyright to ten years. The third, in 1577, extended the
sole rights to print the WBP and several other works to John Day and now also to his son
Richard Day, for the entirety of their lives. All editions of the WBP, including those
printed by the assigns of Richard Day following John’s death in 1584, would
prominently advertise this psalter patent, and because of the immense popularity of the
psalter, there were frequent legal battles to combat pirated editions.81
The second Elizabethan privilege is particularly interesting. Not only was it the
first of Day’s patents to specifically name the WBP, identifying it as “the Psalmes of
David in Englishe Meter, with notes,” but the book was given primary importance,
listed even before the “ABC” that had long served as a mainstay of Day’s publishing
business. The privilege went on to state that the WBP, the ABC, and Day’s other books
81 The full text of all three privileges is given in Robert Steele, The Earliest English Music Printing (London:
Printed for the Bibliographical Society at the Cheswick Press, 1903), 21-26. See Chapter 6 for further
discussion of the psalter patent and its consequences.
51
could not legally be printed by anyone else, “so that no such Book or Bookes be
repugnaunt to the holy Scripture, or the lawes and order of our realme.” With this
wording, the privilege implied not only that pirated books would break both legal and
moral law, but also that Day’s works—particularly the named WBP and the ABC—were,
in fact, in accordance with Elizabeth’s laws as well as with Scripture. It serves as tacit
evidence of Elizabeth’s approval of the WBP’s claim to monarchical authorization and
religious authority.
Legitimizing Congregational Song
John Day consciously attempted to position his WBP as an invaluable resource for the
English laity, an authorized publication that met with approval of Queen Elizabeth, and
an authoritative Protestant text that stood with the Church of England and was
appropriate for its services. This position responded directly to England’s unique
religious and political situation, for unlike continental movements, English
Protestantism was intrinsically bound up with government and monarchy. The ideas
about music’s purpose and proper performance created in the first edition of 1562 (see
Chapter 2) and transmitted throughout the sixteenth century were taken up by the
English people as they enthusiastically adopted this psalter as a chief element of their
religious practice as members of the Church of England, along with their Bibles and
52
Books of Common Prayer (with which the WBP was often bound). With his WBP, Day was
successful in constructing a legitimate genre of congregational song for England.
The BCP, English Bible, and Books of Homilies were absolutely crucial to the
construction of the confessional identity of the Church of England. With these books, the
English people could attend uniform church services, read their Scriptures in their
vernacular, and hear preaching in support of Anglican polity. Alongside these texts, the
WBP enabled the English people to sing their faith. As churches were increasingly
purchasing—and required to purchase—copies of the WBP, it joined these other texts as
a symbol of the Church of England. Despite isolated instances of ongoing tension
between clergy and congregations regarding the proper use of metrical psalms in
liturgy—as we have seen, the laity were often far more enthusiastic about the practice
than ministers—the WBP became a functional and constitutive document recognized by
members of this church as a marker of their common identity and shared Protestant
faith.
53
Chapter 2. For “all sortes of people” “in one accorde”: Constructing an English Protestant Ideology of Music
Versification as Interpretation
Translators of Scripture are forced to navigate the conflicting impulses of fidelity to the
original text, the ideological impulses of the translator, and the transmission of the
Scripture to its audience in a way that allows meaningful engagement with its contents.
Translation is by definition interpretation. The process of versifying prose into poetic
form—as we will see, the WBP was largely adapted from Miles Coverdale’s prose
psalter—introduces additional challenges. Poetry that is rhymed and metrical is highly
restrictive, and word choice may prioritize the demands of the form over precision of
the translation. In the case of The Whole Booke of Psalmes, most of its psalms were
versified into common meter, often called “Sternhold’s meter”: paired “fourteeners”
made up of two lines of eight and six syllables, with end rhymes. Due to the limitations
imposed by its short phrases and frequent rhymes, this style has often been dismissed as
bad poetry. John Wesley, for example, wrote of “the miserable, scandalous doggerel of
Hopkins and Sternhold.”1 Sophisticated poetry and rhetorical complexity were found in
the freer psalm versifications of Mary Sidney and others, not in the far more popular
1 John Wesley, The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley, A.M., ed. John Telford, Vol. 3 (London: Epworth Press,
1931), 227. For more criticisms of the WBP, see Chapter 1.
54
WBP.2 The WBP was not a sophisticated poetic version of the Book of Psalms; however,
its enthusiastic adoption by the general populace may have been because of, rather than
in spite of this fact. Its poetry is accessible, easy to read and understand, and its message
is straightforward.
As this chapter will explore, part of this message is a clear and deliberate
articulation of musical aspects of Protestant devotion. The psalms of the WBP were not
newly-composed texts. As versifications of English translations, they created the
opportunity to adapt these biblical texts for particular purposes. Just as the Geneva
Psalter helped create a Calvinist confessional identity both as a material artifact (a
congregational songbook that became a marker of Calvinist practice) and through its
textual content (its words helping define a particularly Calvinist understanding of the
Bible), so the WBP helped construct English Protestantism as it played out in Church of
England churches and in English homes. Thomas Sternhold, John Hopkins, William
Whittingham, and the anonymous other poets who contributed psalms to the WBP
adapted Miles Coverdale’s existing English translation of the Book of Psalms, found in
2 Hannibal Hamlin, Michael G. Brennan, Margaret P. Hannay, and Noel J. Kinnamon, eds., The Sidney
Psalter: The Psalms of Sir Philip and Mary Sidney (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). For discussion of
musical aspects of Mary Sidney’s psalm versifications, see Linda Phyllis Austern, “Women, Psalms, and
Domestic Music-Making in Early Modern England,” in Psalms in the Early Modern World, ed. Linda Phyllis
Austern, Kari Boyd McBride, and David L. Orvis (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 77-114; Katherine R. Larson, “A
Poetics of Song,” in The Work of Form: Poetics and Materiality in Early Modern Culture, ed. Elizabeth Scott-
Baumann and Ben Burton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 104-122; Beth Quitslund, “Teaching Us
How to Sing?: The Peculiarity of the Sidney Psalter,” Sidney Journal 23:1-2 (2005): 83-110; and Micheline
White, “Protestant Women’s Writing and Congregational Psalm Singing: from the Song of the Exiled
‘Handmaid’ (1555) to the Countess of Pembroke’s Psalmes (1599),” Sidney Journal 23: 1-2 (2005): 61-82.
55
the 1535 Coverdale Bible (among others; recall Chapter 1).3 Thus their work emerged
directly out of an existing and official English Protestant text. The first Book of Common
Prayer (1549) prescribed Coverdale’s prose psalms as part of the Church of England’s
liturgy, making Coverdale’s psalms a central component of English Protestant religious
practice. Although John Day (who chose and commissioned the psalms included in his
final version of the complete psalter) and the versifiers were limited by their source
material—the psalms themselves, and Coverdale’s English translation—they
nevertheless found ways to convey their own interpretation.
What, then, does the WBP have to say about music? According to the psalter
which successfully positioned itself as authoritative within the English Protestant
tradition and authorized by the monarch, and which became the English Reformation’s
primary hymnal, what is music? What is it for? How should it be written and
performed? What—and where—is music’s proper place in worship? In this chapter, I
analyze the theological account of music as presented by the first edition of the WBP
(1562), considering questions of participation, accessibility, text selection, aesthetics, and
instrumentation.4 To do so, I engage in close reading of the WBP’s psalm versifications
and paratext, placing them in conversation with the parallel passages found in two
significant contemporary psalters: its primary source, the prose Coverdale Psalter; and
3 See Chapter 1, note 48. 4 For this research on the 1562 WBP (STC 2430), I worked with the British Library’s book-copy (shelfmark
C.25.g.3), viewed in person and via Early English Books Online, with additional consultation of Harvard
University’s book-copy (shelfmark HOU GEN STC 2430).
56
Robert Crowley’s Psalter of Dauid (1549), the only other sixteenth-century English
metrical psalter intended for use in church. Crowley’s Psalter has been relatively
neglected in modern scholarship. There is no modern edition of its text, and the sole
digital copy found on Early English Books Online is incomplete. The Crowley Psalter is
usually mentioned in a cursory fashion by musicologists discussing sixteenth-century
English sacred music because it contains “a note of four partes.” This single musical
setting, a harmonization in four parts of the seventh psalm tone in the tenor voice (see
Figure 4 below), was intended for use with all psalm texts. The Crowley Psalter was, as
Peter Le Huray and others have pointed out, the first complete English-language
metrical psalter (containing all 150 psalms), and also the first to contain harmonized
music.5 It was financially unsuccessful and never reprinted. Though it had little lasting
impact on English Protestantism and English musical culture, the Crowley Psalter serves
as a useful point of comparison, for like the WBP, it seems to have been compiled with
liturgical use in mind.6 Comparing these three psalters, my purpose is to consider the
5 Peter Le Huray, Music and the Reformation in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967, repr.
1978), 371-372; Robin A. Leaver, ‘Goostly Psalmes and Spirituall songes’: English and Dutch Metrical Psalms from
Coverdale to Utenhove, 1535-1566 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 136. 6 Rivkah Zim believes that Crowley’s texts were never liturgical: English Metrical Psalms: Poetry as Praise and
Prayer, 1535-1601 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 135. Beth Quitslund argues otherwise,
basing her assessment of Crowley’s liturgical intentions on the completeness of the psalter, the inclusion of
many liturgical canticles, the liturgical origin of the tune as a psalm tune, and Crowley’s statement that the
music is provided in order that the psalms be both sung and heard (presumably in a choral liturgy):
Reformation in Rhyme, 106-107. Robin Leaver too suggests that “there might have been a few churches in
which these metrical versions [of Crowley, Hall, Hunnis, and the Lumley Partbooks] were sung
experimentally during the latter Edwardian years”: Leaver, Goostly Psalmes, 139. Nicholas Temperley points
57
differing messages transmitted to the English people in early Protestant psalters. To
begin this work, I compiled a complete list of all references to music found within their
psalm texts; this can be found as Appendix 2.
“For it is good vnto our God to synge”: Music and the Psalms
In all three psalters, references to music in the psalms abound. As first-person prayers to
God expressing praise, thanksgiving, and occasionally great lamentation, many psalms
contain extravagant manifestations of emotion that often find expression in song.
Overwhelmingly, such references to song are found at the beginning or end of a psalm,
with the middle content reserved for explanation of God’s qualities or actions. With such
justification, the psalmist can do nothing else than “sing laud and praise.”7 While all
psalms in any translation will by their very nature contain mention of songs and singing,
the WBP is remarkable in its sheer frequency of mentions of music, often adding musical
references in instances where the Coverdale Psalter did not contain them (see Table 1).
Only very rarely does the WBP remove a musical reference found in the Coverdale
Psalter. Some of these additions and removals may be driven simply by the needs of the
poetic form, but it seems to me that the resultant statement about music is too consistent
out that there was no legal impediment to the use of metrical psalmody in daily liturgy at the time: Nicholas
Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, Vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 25. 7 Psalm 9:1, with similar sentiments frequently found throughout the Book of Psalms.
58
for the sum of these changes to be inadvertent. In comparison to the Coverdale Psalter,
the WBP adds mention of music fifteen times, while removing reference to music in six
passages. As I shall explain, some of these removals seem in service of the consistent
understanding of music transmitted by this text.
Table 1. Musical References in the Psalters
Coverdale Psalter Crowley Psalter WBP
62 passages 75 71
The WBP is not alone in its addition of references to music. As Table 1 shows, the
Crowley Psalter added even more passages about music than the WBP (although
without such a strong and consistent theological message about music, as we shall see).
Both the Crowley Psalter and the WBP at times convert the Coverdale Psalter’s non-
musical verbs such as “speak,” “talk,” “rejoice,” “give thanks,” and “praise” to “sing.”
Since the Crowley Psalter and the WBP were England’s first complete metrical psalters
to contain musical settings, this increase in the musical qualities of the psalm texts
themselves serve to enhance the psalters’ own identities. Both the Crowley Psalter and
the WBP, unlike the Coverdale Psalter, explicitly present psalms not only as scriptural
texts, but also as songs. Thus it makes sense that the psalm versifications found in these
two hymnals would amplify the psalms’ self-description as texts intended to be sung.
The WBP further enhances the musical identity of the psalms through their
visual presentation on the page. The Crowley Psalter included only a single musical
59
setting (see Figure 4). Designed to be used for all 150 psalms, the four-part tune was
found among the prefatory material, divorced from the psalms themselves.
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Figure 4. Music of the Crowley Psalter8
The music of the WBP, in contrast, is not consigned to the prefatory material but
is found in the main body of content. 65 tunes appear in the WBP (47 psalms and 18
8 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of Oxford University Brasenose College.
61
hymns), each with the first several verses set as text underlay. Placing words about
speech, and especially verbs describing praise and prayer, in the musical settings
transforms these explicitly spoken or neutral speech-actions into song when the psalter
is used as intended. For example, the verses which open Psalm 77, set as text underlay
accompanying its tune, read,
I with my voyce to God do cry,
with harte and harty cheare,
my voyce to God I lyfte on hyghe
and he my sute doth heare.
Visually on the page (see Figure 5), and aurally when the psalms are sung, this “voice”
which might otherwise be assumed to be a speaking voice becomes a singing voice.9
9 Traditionally, the speaking (or singing voice) is understood to be that of King David the psalmist, who was
nonetheless only one of several authors of the Book of Psalms. Very unusually, the WBP did not explicitly
assign authorship of the psalms to David. All four of Day’s partial psalters referenced David, with titles
“Psalmes of Dauid,” “Psalmes. Of David,” “Foure score and seuen Psalmes of Dauid,” and “The Residue of
all Dauids Psalmes,” but the title page of the WBP does not name David in either its short- or long-title.
Later editions of the WBP would substitute different prose arguments (prefacing each psalm) that discussed
David, but the first edition seems to have deliberately excised David’s authorship—alone of all psalters in
sixteenth-century England.
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Figure 5. Psalm 7710
Very often this process of placing text beneath music also has the effect of shifting the
temporality of these words, as in the opening verses of Psalm 104. When realized
audibly, this exhortation to praise God becomes a description of praise in progress, even
a song of praise itself: reader becomes singer, and future tense becomes present.
10 WBP 1562, STC 2430. Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of Harvard University’s Houghton
Library. Page 183.
63
My soule praise the lord:
speake good of his name.
O lord our great god,
how dost thou appeare,
So passing in glory that great is thy fame:
honour and maiestie in thee shine most cleare.
with light as a robe,
thou hast thee be clad
wherby all the earth
thy greatnes may see,
the heauens in such sort thou also hast spread,
that it to a curtaine compared may be.
Figure 6. Psalm 104 and its Text Underlay11
11 WBP 1562, STC 2430. Image from Early English Books Online. Pages 254-255.
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Because the WBP prints music directly under psalm texts, in contrast to the physically-
distant Crowley Psalter tune, many texts that accompany the WBP’s musical settings are
easily converted into musical references. This enhances the psalter’s overall presentation
of psalms as songs and contributes to the cumulative increase in musical imagery.
Occasionally, psalm texts given as text underlay already explicitly reference
music. Psalm 147, for example, begins,
PRaise ye the Lord, for it is good
vnto our God to synge,
For it is pleasante and to prayse,
it is a comely thyng,
the Lord his owne Ierusalem,
he buildeth vp alone,
and the disperst of Israell,
doth gather into one.
Elsewhere, text underlay begins neutrally but becomes musical. In Psalm 81, for
example, the voice spoken of in the first verse is made a singing voice through its
presentation as text underlay directly associated with a piece of music, before these
words go on to specify that the best way for the speaker to express him- or herself is
through song and the playing of instruments:
BE lyghte and glad in God reioyce
which is our strength & staie
be ioyfull and lyfte vp your voyce,
to Iacobs God I say,
prepare your instrumentes most mete
some ioyfull psalme to synge,
65
stryke vp with harp and lute so swete
on euery pleasant stryng.
In general, however, it would seem that the matching of psalms with tunes is not guided
by the preexisting presence of musical imagery. Many psalms that speak directly of
music and singing do not receive their own tunes, even those in which the opening
verses themselves contain plentiful musical references, such as Psalm 33:1-4:
YE rightuous in the Lorde reioyse,
it is a semely sight:
That vpright men with thankfull voyce,
should prayse the God of might.
Prayse ye the Lorde with harp and songe,
in Psalmes and pleasant thinges:
with lute and instrument among,
that soundeth with ten stringes.
Sing to the Lord a song most new,
with courage geue him prayes:
For why? his word is euer true,
his workes and all his wayes.
The WBP does not systematically match musical texts with musical settings. This
may be to its advantage: because any psalm may receive a tune, whether it explicitly
references music or not, it is made clear that all psalms are songs. And indeed, even for
psalms that are not given tunes of their own, there are still visual reminders that they are
meant as songs. Printed marginal annotations beside the first verse command readers to
“Sing this as the [number] psalm.” These tune references are not without error—printing
66
errors mislabeling the proper tune can cause confusion; see Chapter 6—but even in such
instances, the status of psalm as song is undeniable.
Sheer frequency of musical references does not by itself make the WBP a critical
component in the construction of an English Protestant musical aesthetic. Despite its
success and popularity, if the WBP did not portray worshipful music-making in a
consistent manner, it could not have contributed to England’s Reformation philosophy
concerning music. But the psalter is remarkably consistent in its manner of speaking
about music, transmitting a particularly Protestant understanding of music that is
largely in line with continental reformers’ attitudes towards music. In short, while it is
interesting that the WBP contains more musical references than the Coverdale Psalter, it
is far more important to track how these references are used and the message concerning
music that they convey.
“All sortes of people”: The Songs of a Christian Community
According to the Book of Psalms, faith in God is marked by praise of God in
thanksgiving for God’s actions. For Christians, the psalms demonstrate the belief that
proper piety includes this praise both in speech and in song. For reformers, the psalter
was caught up in broader statements about what it meant to be Protestant. Roman
Catholics sang psalms, but in Latin rather than the vernacular, and in Catholic liturgy,
psalms were sung by priests and choir rather than by congregation. Protestants saw
67
these practices as two levels of removal from the ordinary churchgoer, who neither
understood the language in which the psalms were sung nor sang themselves. Being
Protestant meant singing in praise of God as a community, and the WBP with its
increased musical references reflects this more thoroughly than the officially liturgical
Coverdale Psalter.
The WBP makes a powerful statement about who is able to sing. This begins with
its title page, which is clear about its intended audience: “all sortes of people” can use
this book.12 Michael Saenger has shown that title pages seek to define their customer and
in doing so, imply something about intended readership, central readership, and even
excluded readership. Social status, level of education, and gender could be (and often
were) strongly suggested by sixteenth-century English printed title pages.13 The act of
creating the ideal reader “must necessarily begin with both identification and negation,”
demonstrating who the audience is not in order to persuade the proper audience to
become purchasers of the book.14 A title page in Latin, for example, indicated the
exclusion of those who read only English, and signaled a higher level of scholarship in
the hopes of attracting the more literate. The WBP, on the other hand, does not exclude
12 Hamlin suggests that this is a return to Sternhold’s original goals for his published courtly poetry (devout
recreation for the godly), rather than (or perhaps in addition to) the Protestant reformers’ intent for all the
laity to become involved in church services: Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2004), 27. 13 Michael Saenger, The Commodification of Textual Engagements in the English Renaissance (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2006), 47. 14 Ibid., 49.
68
anyone from its readership. It is “Very mete to be vsed of all sortes of people” and for
“any [who] be afflicted,” for the benefit of themselves and “one another.” The WBP was
meant to appeal to all churchgoing English Christians across the bounds of their
particular religious distinctions: moderate Anglicans, the “hotter sort” of Puritans, and
even “church papists,” those Catholics who obediently appeared in the compulsory
Sunday services of the Church of England.15 The title page does not limit its desired
readership to a particular age range, even promoting its psalms as advantageous for
easily corruptible youth.
15 English Reformation historians have identified several varieties of lay Protestant conformity. Alexandra
Walsham examines “church papists” who remained Roman Catholic in their religious convictions but
attended church services for appearance’s sake: Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity and Confessional
Polemic in Early Modern England (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1993). Christopher Haigh’s “parish Anglicans” were
a part of the Church of England but without vigorous Protestant beliefs; they were seen by the godly
Protestants (Puritans) as failed Protestants: English Reformations: Religion, Politics, and Society under the Tudors
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). Judith Maltby describes “prayer book Protestants” as “women and men
who did conform and whose conformity grew beyond mere obedience to the prince…into an attachment,
perhaps even love, for the Church of England”: Prayer Book and People in Elizabethan and Early Stuart England
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 2. Identification of Puritans as “the hotter sort” of
Protestants comes from Patrick Collinson’s body of work; beginning in The Elizabethan Puritan Movement, he
discusses Puritans not as a group opposed to Protestants but among them, with only “differences of degree,
of theological temperature so to speak, rather than of fundamental principle”: The Elizabethan Puritan
Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 26-27. It is important to remember the problems
associated with such labels. Peter Marshall has critiqued the anachronistic use of such terms, identifying the
situations and contexts in which labels like “Protestant,” “evangelical,” “papist,” and “Puritan” were
employed and self-employed in the sixteenth century: “The Naming of Protestant England,” Past and Present
214 (Feb., 2012): 87-128. Peter Lake and Michael Questier have further discussed the problems with
assuming discrete categories at all, resisting the binary oppositions and the diminishing of individual
confessional differences created by the modern practice of labeling groups: “Introduction,” in Conformity and
Orthodoxy in the English Church, ed. Lake and Questier (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2000), ix-xx.
However, such categories have proven to be a useful tool for understanding the wide variety of religious
beliefs and practices in England in a period that is too easily reduced to a Catholic/Puritan binary or even a
Catholic/Anglican/Puritan ternary.
69
The title of the preface that follows reinforces this open readership by
announcing that the “Shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke” (and by
extension, as this is the first page of the book, the entire contents) is “made for such as
are desirous to haue the knowledge therof, for the singing of these Psalmes.” In other
words, this psalter is for anyone who wants to sing psalms. The implications are further:
everyone can sing, and psalms are designed to be sung, not merely read. The opening
lines of the preface place the emphasis on a certain subset of reader who wishes to sing
psalms: “the rude & ignorant in Song.” Although this designation may seem somewhat
discourteous today, these terms were customary and inoffensive descriptors for the
common people at the time. This address to “the rude & ignorant” provides an early
indicator of a crucial shift in the history of the printed book in England. Helen Brayman
Hackel has shown that in the late sixteenth and into the seventeenth century, reading
and book ownership in England were becoming increasingly available to a broader
audience beyond the gentry and clergy (the “gentle” or “learned” readers). In many
letters to the reader, this wider audience was named the “great Variety” of readers,
encompassing gentry and common reader alike. Book prefaces began addressing
“vulgar” readers directly and framing their contents as suitable for all social classes in
an attempt to capitalize on this growing market for books.16 Yet even as the authors of
16 Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England: Print, Gender, and Literacy (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005), 71.
70
letters to these readers acknowledged this expanding audience, they “resign[ed]
themselves to it or insist[ed] upon its inadequacy.”17 A preface might address its learned
and merely literate readers separately; Hackel provides many examples of seventeenth-
century prefaces that assume the participation of what Hackel calls “abecedarian
[elementary] readers” and are rather dismissive or critical of these rudimentary readers’
ability to fully engage with the book.18 The WBP, published in 1562, was already
attempting to engage a broad audience of all literate readers, not just learned elite.19
Unusual in its early date for this explicitly common audience, the music preface also
refrained from criticizing its readers’ reading ability. Hackel’s examples of books that
complain about their unlearned readership stand in stark contrast to books like the WBP
that provide introductory aids to assist untrained readers to master their contents.
All of this is completely in keeping with Protestant thought, which sought to
minimize the gap between laity and clergy. The English Reformation in particular was
characterized by a unity that was both ideological and enforced. John Wall has written
of the unique way in which the English Reformation utilized printing to reduce
diversity, in contrast to continental reformers for whom the printing press served as an
17 Ibid., 72. 18 Ibid., 72-73. 19 Sixteenth-century England’s reading culture also indicates that books like this could have been—and very
well may have been intended to be—read aloud. I will discuss this phenomenon in Chapter 3.
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avenue towards increased variety of theological opinion and biblical interpretation.20
Unlike its continental counterparts, English Protestantism was not marked by multiple
liturgical options, several endorsed and competing Bible translations, or Protestant
splinter groups. The Book of Common Prayer demanded liturgical and theological unity
across the Church of England. Similarly, the English monarch in his/her role as
“supreme head” (later, “supreme governor”) of the Church of England authorized
official Books of Homilies and English translations of the Bible. The immense popularity
of the WBP makes it another key figure in understanding how Protestantism was
promulgated and received. Certainly John Day would have been delighted for financial
reasons when his psalter became the standard metrical psalter for England, a place it
held for roughly three hundred years. No doubt both he and the religious authorities
who were carefully crafting this united front for the Church of England were glad to
have only a single metrical version of the psalms in wide circulation, one that enabled
and encouraged all English people to sing a uniform set of psalms. Thus the WBP
promotes singing as an essential part of an inclusive Christian community, advancing
the idea that English Protestantism is—or should be—marked by communal praise of
God. All true believers are exhorted to sing together.
20 John N. Wall, Jr., “The Reformation in England and the Typographical Revolution: ‘By this printing…the
doctrine of the Gospel soundeth to all nations,’” in Print and Culture in the Renaissance: Essays on the Advent of
Printing in Europe, ed. Gerald P. Tyson and Sylvia S. Wagonheim (Newark: University of Delaware Press,
1986), 209.
72
The psalter itself enables this through its inclusion of simple melodies that are
intended as music for the general populace, and are thus easy to sing and to learn.21
These tunes were monophonic (a single musical line sung by the community in unison
or in octaves), syllabic, and unaccompanied (although the lack of formal accompaniment
does not prove that congregations did not use organs as an aid in learning and singing
these melodies; I will return to the question of instrumental accompaniment later in this
chapter). By far the most common range for a single tune is an octave; two tunes span a
sixth, eight a seventh, eighteen a ninth, and five a tenth.22 All tunes collectively span two
octaves from C3 to C5, but most lie between C3 and G4—some tunes, then, are
uncomfortable for women either at pitch or transposed up an octave, but when sung
without accompaniment are easily transposable. Most tunes begin and end on the same
pitch.23 With only two exceptions, in which tunes end on an unexpected sharp third, the
21 On the origins of the tunes found in the WBP, and in many cases their prior appearances in earlier
publications in this family of psalters, see Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, Vol. 1, 33-34, 57-
58; and Leaver, Goostly Psalmes, 231, 233-236, 245-246, 249-250. Many tunes first appeared in the Anglo-
Genevan Psalter of 1556; subsequent editions of this psalter and Day’s own partial psalters added and
substituted tunes, some of which were new and others adapted from French or German sources. 22 Sixth: The Crede of Athanasius (Quicunque vult) and Psalm 136.
Seventh: The songe of the thre Children, The humble sute of the Sinner, The x Commaundements (of the
opening hymns), and Psalms 14, 35, 69, 95, and 147.
Ninth: Veni creator, The Lordes prayer (of the opening hymns), Psalms 1, 41, 59, 68, 77, 78, 81, 104, 119, 121,
124, 130, 137, 145, 148, and The xii Articles of the christian faythe.
Tenth: Te deum, Nunc dimittis, Psalms 88 and 112, and The Lords Prayer (of the closing hymns). 23 Only thirteen of these 65 melodies start on a different pitch than the tonic. Fifth above: Psalms 6, 30, 51,
112, 125, 126, 130, The Lords Prayer (of the closing hymns), and The xii Articles of the christian faythe. Fifth
below: The Lordes prayer (of the opening hymns), Psalm 21. Whole step above: Magnificat. Third below:
Psalm 41.
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concluding pitch is always the tune’s modal center.24 No tune uses a key signature other
than one or no flats, and only eleven contain any accidentals.25 Finally, these tunes
contain a great deal of stepwise motion that fills in intervallic leaps, making them easily
singable. See Table 2 for a summary of these musical features:
Table 2. Musical Features of the WBP’s Psalm Tunes
Range
Sixth Seventh Octave Ninth Tenth
2 tunes 8 32 18 5
Starting Pitch
Same as the
final
Fifth above Fifth below Whole step
above
Third below
52 tunes 9 2 1 1
Ending Pitch
Tonic Raised third
63 tunes 2
Accidentals
No accidentals Accidentals
54 tunes 11
Consider the tune assigned to the first psalm (see Figure 7). It begins and ends on
the final, D, and spans an octave, the climactic high D falling at the 2/3 mark (around the
Golden Mean). This music follows conventional rules for the composition of melodies:
24 Psalm 47 and The complaint of a Sinner end on the sharp third. 25 Tunes containing B-flat: Psalms 51, 112, 119, 126, 147; The Lord's Prayer (closing canticles).
Tunes containing E-flat: Psalm 130.
Tunes containing F-sharp: Psalms 141, 145, 147; The complaint of a Sinner.
Tunes containing C-sharp: The Lamentation.
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the melody reverses direction after leaps, and large intervals are usually filled in with
stepwise motion. With no melodic interval larger than a fifth and a high percentage of
movement by step, this tune, like the others throughout, (in the words of Hannibal
Hamlin) “combines stepwise motion with leaps of larger intervals in a way that lends
enough variety, yet without too much complexity.”26 It is neither difficult to learn nor to
sing.
Figure 7. Psalm 1
However, not all scholars agree that the tunes of the WBP are easy or that they
are of reasonable musical quality. Christopher Marsh has argued that “they were not the
26 Hamlin, Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature, 46.
75
most memorable or accessible of melodies” and that “[m]any of them also seem rather
featureless and lacking in a clear sense of direction.” Citing only a single source from the
early seventeenth century, he claims that “contemporaries too sometimes grumbled
about the Sternhold-Hopkins psalms because of ‘the difficultie of their tunes’. They were
hard to remember and harder to love.”27 Marsh notes that this tune for Psalm 1 is one of
the “long-lasting ‘official’ tunes’”: one of the few WBP tunes that was successful enough
to survive in common performance after published collections of harmonized psalms by
Thomas East and others promoted different “common tunes.”28 However, Marsh is
forced to confess that nevertheless “[i]n several respects, the two breeds of melody are
more similar”29—musically, there is less distinction between the so-called “official
tunes” and “common tunes” than he would like to admit. Nicholas Temperley too
would argue that in choosing Psalm 1 for my model, I have selected one of the higher-
quality tunes, an atypical example of the music in the WBP.30 However, I have chosen
this one precisely because it was one of the best-loved tunes, as its inclusion in every
sixteenth-century harmonized version of the WBP (many of which included only select
tunes) would indicate. As an example of successful “music for the people,” Psalm 1 is
among the finest.
27 Christopher Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2010), 412. 28 Ibid., 412-414. 29 Ibid., 415. 30 Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 58.
76
Perhaps the most commonly criticized musical feature of the WBP tunes in
modern scholarship is rhythm; Hamlin’s praise of the WBP tunes’ “rhythmic energy” is
an outlier.31 For example, Temperley wrote that the tunes which originated in the 1556
Anglo-Genevan Psalter “seem almost wholly lacking in melodic, rhythmic, or structural
vitality… Above all, these tunes lack the strong rhythmical framework [of popular tunes
associated with sixteenth-century English ballad verse].”32 The Psalm 1 tune includes
only three note values: whole note (semibreve), dotted whole note, and half note
(minim). Each musical phrase is set with smaller note values as it reaches its end, a
string of half notes that has the effect of speeding up the delivery of the conclusion of
each line of text. This acceleration has great rhetorical effect. However, the beginning of
each phrase is not so effective. Unimportant articles and conjunctions—“the,” “nor,”
“but,” “both,” “and”—are stressed, rather than the more important nouns and verbs that
immediately follow.
While few of the tunes of the WBP were taken directly from the Geneva Psalter,
most were stylistically influenced by those French tunes. The rhythms of Geneva Psalter
tunes were carefully crafted to fit the French language, long and short notes matching
their texts’ patterns of stressed and unstressed syllables. Unfortunately, this pairing does
not translate well into other languages. Among these rhythmic features was a long first
31 Hamlin, Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature, 46. 32 Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 34.
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syllable for each line of text. Though this trait does not fit English text well, it
nonetheless became characteristic of the tunes of the WBP. Thus, while the music of the
Geneva Psalter stressed intelligibility and accessibility, its words easily understood by
congregations and its melodies easily sung by amateur singers, this goal was not so
well-executed in its English iteration.33
The tunes of the WBP therefore attempted, with varying levels of musical
success, to make sacred singing easy and accessible for the laity. The idea that singing is
characteristic of Christian believers is reinforced by the psalm texts about music, which
emphasize both who can sing and who cannot. Throughout the WBP, the psalm texts
state that true believers can and should sing, and they are often exhorted to sing
together as a community. In Psalm 47:1, for example, the WBP strengthens the command
found in both the Coverdale and Crowley Psalters for “all ye people” to clap their hands
and sing unto God. The WBP contains that same instruction, but expands it: “YE people
all in one accorde, / clappe handes and eke reioyce: / Be glad and sing vnto the Lorde.”
The WBP conveys the impression that not only should all Christians sing, but they
should sing together as a single voice (using the provided monophonic psalm tunes?).
33 In reference to the Anglo-Genevan Psalter (1556), from which many of the WBP’s tunes were drawn,
Timothy Duguid argues that seeming problems in metrical accentuation in the psalm texts can be explained
by their musical settings. Misplaced textual accents are mediated by the chosen melodies. According to
Duguid, then, the text-setting in the Anglo-Genevan Psalter is calculated for clarity and understanding on
the part of the listener. He finds these tunes’ rhythmic text-setting more effective than I do: Metrical Psalmody
in Print and Practice: English ‘Singing Psalms’ and Scottish ‘Psalm Buiks’, c. 1547-1640 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014),
29-33.
78
The phrase “in one accord” or “with one accord” appears in eight of the WBP’s passages
that reference singing. It is a convenient rhyme, certainly—“one accord” pairs nicely
with “Lord,” which is helpful for a poetic form characterized by short phrases and
frequent rhymes—but the Crowley psalter, which also employs end-rhymes, uses this
phrase only once among its musical references. The WBP, in contrast, consistently
emphasizes the unity of Christians when singing communally “in one accord.” As in
other Protestant writings, the WBP presents all Christians as a unified group, with
ordained priests and laity joined together in praise. Frequent references to the singing of
the “saints” follows the Protestant understanding that all Christians are saints (not
merely those canonized by the Roman Catholic Church). Protestants across England and
the Continent would have identified strongly with the WBP’s version of Psalm 30:4:
“Sing prayse ye sainctes that proue and see, / the goodness of the Lord: / In memorye of
his maiestie, / Reioyse with one accord.”
According to the WBP’s psalms, the whole of creation also praises God alongside
faithful believers. The WBP’s psalm versifications amplify the singing of creation beyond
that found in the Coverdale Psalter, which describes birdsong only once, in Psalm
104:12: “Beside them shall the fowls of the air have their habitation: and sing among the
branches.” The WBP too speaks of birdsong here, and adds another discussion of the
singing of birds to Psalm 84, which tells of the hospitality of God in providing a home
for the sparrow. Coverdale’s translation reads, “Yea, the sparrow hath found her an
79
house, and the swallow a nest where she may lay her young: even thy altars, O Lord of
hosts, my King and my God.”34 The Crowley Psalter expresses a similar sentiment.
Meanwhile, the WBP’s parallel passage adds the sparrow’s response of song:
The sparrowes find a rome to rest,
and saue them selues from wrong:
And eke the swalow hath a neste,
wherin to kepe her yong.
These birdes full nigh, thin aulter maye)
haue place to sitte and synge:
O Lorde of hostes thou art I say,
my God and eke my kynge.35
Similarly, in Psalm 96, when the psalmist details the rejoicing of creation, both the
Crowley Psalter and the WBP specify that some of this joyous noise is musical, the trees
of the wood singing with gladness. All of creation—humans, animals, and the earth
itself—sings in praise of their Creator.
However, the WBP makes it clear that song is purely the action of created things.
According to the psalm versifications throughout, God is the source of music but does
not sing; God acts and listens. This is not to say that God does not have a voice. God’s
voice “doth rule the waters all” and “is of great force, / and wonderous excellent: It is
most mightye in effect, / and muche magnificent.”36 God’s voice is a creating voice: “For
at his worde they were, / All formed as we see: / At his voyce did appeare, / All thinges
34 Psalm 84:3. 35 Psalm 84:3-4. 36 Psalm 29:3-4.
80
in their degree.”37 God even speaks directly in some of the psalm texts, such as Psalm
81:13: “And yet my people woulde not heare, / my voyce when that I spake: / Nor Israell
would not obey, / but did me quite forsake.” While the word “gift” is not used to speak
of God’s gift of music to humanity, the WBP nevertheless reflects that Lutheran
conception of music,38 especially in Psalm 40:3: “To me he [God] taught a psalme of
prayse, / whiche I must shew abrode: / And sing new songes of thankes alwayse, / vnto
the Lorde our God.” Here, God is revealed to be the teacher of music, and humanity’s
response is songs of thanksgiving.
What of humans opposed to God’s people? The WBP depicts them as
fundamentally unable to participate: the heathen cannot sing. Enemies of God’s people
are never spoken of as singing or making music of any kind. Another of the WBP’s few
removals of a musical reference found in the Coverdale Psalter takes place in Psalm
69:13-14 (69:12 in Coverdale). Where the Coverdale Psalter described the music of the
critics of God’s people (“They that sit in the gate speak against me: and the drunkards
37 Psalm 148:6. 38 Among many other discussions of music as a gift of God, Luther wrote in his preface to the 1538
Symphoniae Iucundae, ““After all, the gift of language combined with the gift of song was only given to man
to let him know that he should praise god with both word and music, namely, by proclaiming [the Word of
God] through music and by providing sweet melodies with words”: Martin Luther, Luther's Works, Vol. 53,
Liturgy and Hymns, ed. and trans. Ulrich S. Leupold (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965), 323-324. Extended
discussion of this Lutheran conception of music as a gift can be found in Theodore Hoelty-Nickel, “Luther
and Music,” in Luther and Culture, ed. George W. Forell, Harold J. Grimm, and Theodore Hoelty-Nickel
(Decorah, Iowa: Luther College Press, 1960), 145-161; J. Andreas Loewe, “Why do Lutherans Sing?
Lutherans, Music, and the Gospel in the First Century of the Reformation,” Church History 82:1 (March,
2013): 69-89; Ulrich S. Leupold, “Luther’s Conception of Music in Worship,” The Lutheran Church Quarterly
13 (1940): 66-69; Paul Nettl, Luther and Music, trans. Frida Best and Ralph Wood (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg,
1948; repr. New York: Russel & Russel, 1967), Chapter 1; Carl F. Schalk, Luther on Music: Paradigms of Praise
(St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1988), 31-49.
81
make songs upon me.”), the WBP transforms these drunken songs into mere speech:
“Both hie and lowe, and all the throng, / that sit within the gate: / They haue me euer in
theyr tong, / of me they talke and prate.” In this narrative world, music—or indeed, any
worship at all—is only possibly for God’s people or for the converted, as in Psalm 22:27,
which describes conversion: “The Heathen folke shall worship hym.” Those who act in
opposition to God can speak but not sing. This is true even for the Israelites when they
turn against God, as described in Psalm 78.
Enemies of God’s people use their non-musical voices in dangerous ways. The
psalmist laments in Psalm 79:4 that “[t]he enemies at vs iest and mocke,” and the
heathen taunt the singing of the faithful in Psalm 137. Alternately, in several instances,
the heathen are described as having mouths but unable to speak.39 They do not employ
their voices rightly but use their tongues to cause harm to the faithful. In Psalm 109[:1-2],
the psalmist describes his enemies’ “wicked mouth and gilefull mouth” and “false and
lying tong.” He cries out to God for deliverance “from liers lips alway, / And tong of
false report,” and later, “From bloudy teeth, and theyr most cruell voyce. / Which as a
pray to eate vs woulde reioyce.”40 Psalm 140[:3] even describes the tongues of evil men
as adder’s poison. But the singing of God’s people can result in divine protection from
these harmful spoken voices. Psalm 18:3 makes this clear: “When I sing laud vnto the
39 Psalm 115[:5], Psalm 135[:16]. 40 Psalm 120[:2], Psalm 124:6.
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Lorde, / most worthy to be serued: / Then fro[m] my foes I am right sure, / that I shalbe
preserued.”
“In psalmes, Hymnes & spirituall songs”: Genre in The Whole Booke of Psalmes
To this point, I have examined who, according to the WBP, can and should sing. I turn
now to the question of what they should sing. Generally, the psalms identify the works
to be sung as simply “songs.” Psalm 96:1 reads, “SYng ye with prayse vnto the Lorde, /
New songs of ioy and mirthe.” Psalm 98:1 says similarly, “O Syng ye now vnto the
Lorde, / a new and pleasaunt songe.” Several more times, the songs are specified as
“new”: “A new song I will sing O God”; “SIng ye vnto the Lorde our God, / a new
reioysing song.”41 Of course, this description of “new songs” is not original to English
translations of the psalms, but for those English churchgoers who could remember the
pre-Reformation days of chant by professional choir, the congregational metrical psalms
of the WBP must have seemed very new indeed. Psalm 129, which would in later
editions of the WBP be replaced by a different version, even suggests the topic for a
song: “Of Israell thys may now be the song, / euen from my youth my foes haue oft me
41 Psalm 144[:9], Psalm 149[:1].
83
noied / A thousand euils since, I was tendre & yonge / Thy haue wrought, yet was I not
destroyed.”42
Occasionally, the designation “songs” is joined by or replaced by the more
specific term “psalms.” This happens considerably more often in the WBP than in either
the Coverdale or Crowley Psalters. Three times in the Coverdale Psalter (Psalm 81:2,
Psalm 95:2, and Psalm 98:6), readers are exhorted to sing psalms. Both the Crowley
Psalter and the WBP maintain all three of these references to psalms in a musical context
but also add additional ones. I read this as a kind of conscious self-promotion, these
musical psalters promoting sung performance of the psalms. The Crowley Psalter does
this only once, in Psalm 30[:4], in a passage made all the more interesting by its addition
of not only “psalm” but also “hymn”: “Ye that haue felt the Lordes mercye, synge a
Psalme vnto hym: / Set forth the memorye of hys holynes with an hymne.” The WBP, on
the other hand, adds reference to psalms five times throughout the psalter. In Psalm
9:11, where the Coverdale Psalter counseled readers to “praise the Lord which dwelleth
in Sion,” and the Crowley Psalter made the command musical (“Synge to the Lorde that
doeth abyde in the cyty Syon”), the WBP becomes even more specific, telling its readers
to “Sing Psalmes therfore vnto the Lorde, / that dwelleth in Sion hill.” The WBP further
specifies the singing of psalms in Psalms 27:8, 33:2, and 68:32; neither Coverdale nor
42 Psalm 129:1.
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Crowley Psalters made mention of psalms in these passages. The WBP’s Psalm 40:3 even
indicates God as the source of psalm-singing: “To me he taught a psalme of prayse.”
From its very beginning, the WBP supported the singing of psalms in Christian
practice, its title page prominently displaying two quotations from the Bible: “If any be
afflicted let him praye, and if any be mery let hym syng Psalmes.” and “Let the worde of
God dwell plentuouslye in all wisedom teachinge & exhorting one another in psalmes,
Hymnes & spirituall songs, & sing vnto the Lord in your herts.” These verses, James
5[:13] and Colossians 3[:16]43 are drawn from New Testament writings referencing the
Book of Psalms, which serve to validate the Hebrew Psalms as a part of Christian
worship. These two epistles to early Christian communities provide instructions that
psalm-singing should play a role in both one’s individual life (cf. James 5) and common
life (cf. Colossians 3). Of course, by the sixteenth century, appeals to these particular
verses as reasons to sing the psalms were not new, nor was the WBP unique in
promoting them. They had appeared on the title pages of earlier English books of
devotional music: Coverdale’s Goostly Psalmes (printed by John Rastell for John Gough,
c. 1535) and the partial psalters Day had published prior to the WBP. Such prominent
43 The Geneva Bible, the first English-language Bible to assign verse numbers within chapters, was not
allowed to be published in England until 1575 (New Testament only) and 1576 (complete Bible). See Naseeb
Shaheen, “Misconceptions about the Geneva Bible,” Studies in Bibliography 37 (1984): 156-157. Thus we
should not be surprised that these Scripture quotations are not clearly identified by both chapter and verse.
Interestingly, many of the WBP’s psalm versifications do include verse numbers. Throughout this chapter, I
have added verse numbers in editorial brackets to clarify discussion of particular passages for which verse
numbers are not printed.
85
placement of Scripture verses on title pages was characteristic of Protestant prints,
demonstrating the supercessionist metanarrative (see Chapter 1) which argued that
Protestantism had recaptured the spirit and truth of the ancient church as a corrective to
Roman Catholic abuses.
Even today, Christians remain unsure of the intended distinction in Colossians
3:16 between “psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs.” Are these three genres different in
text, theology, musical style, or use? Are they, in fact, three descriptors for a broader
genre of sacred vocal music? It is perhaps instructive to consider how these terms were
understood in early modern musical culture. Johannes Tinctoris’ Terminorum musicae
diffinitorium (“Dictionary of Musical Terms,” compiled before 1475 and printed c. 1495)
was among the first such glossaries of musical terminology.44 In this treatise, Tinctoris
defined “hymn” and “hymnist” in only general terms: “A hymn is the praise of God in
song;”45 “A hymnist is one who sings hymns.”46 The Brussels manuscript of Terminorum
musicae diffinitorium adds the following definition of a “song”: “A song is anything
which can be sung.”47 These definitions tell us little of a possible perceived distinction
between a “song” and a “spiritual song,” or a “hymn” and any other sacred vocal work.
44 The Latin text and its English translation can be found in Johannes Tinctoris, Dictionary of Musical Terms,
transl. Carl Parrish (London: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963). 45 “Hymnus est laus dei cum cantico.” Ibid., 36-37. 46 “Hymnista est ille qui hymnos canit.” Ibid. 47 “Carmen est quicquid cantari potest.” Ibid., 76-77.
86
A more closely-related English source, however, is more helpful. John Merbecke
[Marbeck], author of the 1550 Booke of Common praier noted and therefore one of
England’s foremost Protestant musical thinkers, published his commonplace book A
Booke of Notes and Common places in 1581. In his entry “Singing,” Merbecke wrote:
Let the word of the Lord abound plenteously in you, teach & admonish
ye one another, in Psalmes, Hymnes, and spirituall songs [marginal note:
Coll.3.16], singing in your hearts with grace. By these wordes Paule
expresseth two thinges, first that our songs be the word of God, which
must abounde plenteously in us, and they must not serue onely to giuing
of thankes, but also to teach and admonish. And then it is added with
grace, which is thus to understand, as though he shoulde haue sayde
aptlye and properlye both to the senses and to measures, and also unto
the voices. Let them not sing rude and rusticall things, neither let it be
immoderately, as doe the Tauerne hunters. To the Corinthians, where he
intreateth of an holy assembly, the same Apostle writeth after this
manner. When ye assemble together according as euery one of you hath a
Psalme, or hath doctrine, or hath tongue, or hath reuelation, or hath
interpretation, let all things bee done unto edifieng. By which wordes is
declared that singers of songes and Psalmes, had their place in the
Church.48
Even when quoting and then commenting upon Colossians 3:16 specifically, Merbecke
too fails to make a strict distinction between “psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs” as
separate categories. Instead, he identifies the three as a broader group of musical genres
that can appropriately be used in liturgical settings. Unlike “rude and rusticall things,”
psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs are edifying to the congregation, teaching and
48 John Merbecke, A Booke Of Notes and Common places (London: Thomas East, 1581), [1017-1018]
(misnumbered in the original as 1015-1016).
87
admonishing the singers in addition to giving thanks to God. Following his gloss upon
Colossians 3:16, Merbecke turns to discuss 1 Corinthians 14:26, concluding that “singers
of songes and Psalmes, had their place in the Church.” From Merbecke we learn that
English Protestant musical thought—or at least one of its most prominent thinkers—
made no effort to distinguish between psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs, but instead,
between music that was appropriate for church and music that was not. This distinction
was based on function: sacred songs could be recognized by the edification that resulted
from singing them. We see too that nonscriptural texts had a recognized and legitimate
place in Christian communities (and, by extension, in the Church of England).
This may help to explain why the main content of the WBP was structured in
three parts—a set of hymns, all 150 psalms, then another set of hymns—without
comment. The hymns, which included some metrical versions of canticles for Morning
and Evening Prayer as well as some key catechetical texts (see Figure 8), stood alongside
the psalms as useful religious texts.49 By including metrical versions of many of the
canticles of the English services required by the 1559 Book of Common Prayer—Venite
exultemus, Te Deum, Benedicite (Song of the Three Children), Benedictus, and
Quicunque vult for Morning Prayer; and Magnificat, Nunc dimittis, and Veni Creator
for Evening Prayer—the WBP made a strong case for the appropriateness of its own
49 One of Martin Luther’s strongest arguments in favor of music considered hymns a means of disseminating
theology; many of Luther’s own compositions were catechetical hymns.
88
liturgical use.50 And, like Merbecke’s distinction between psalms, hymns, and spiritual
songs and “rude and rusticall things,” the WBP’s title page argues that the contents of
this hymnal are intended to displace “all vngodly Songes and Ballades, which tende
only to the nourishing of vyce and corrupting of youth.”
Opening hymns:
Veni creator
Venite
Te deum
The songe of the thre Children (Benedicite)
The song of Zacharias (Benedictus)
Magnificat
Nunc dimittis
The Crede (Quicunque vult)
The lamentation of a sinner
The humble sute of the sinner
The Lordes prayer (Pater noster)
The x commaundements
Closing hymns:
The x commaundements (Audi Israel)
(with A prayer)
The Lords praier
The xii articles of our faith (The Crede)
A prayer vnto the holy ghost
Da pacem domine
The complaint of a sinner
A prayer (A Lamentation)
A thankesgeuing
Preserue vs Lorde
Figure 8. Hymns in the WBP
“Now in thy congregations” and “priuately for their solace & comfort”: When and Where to Sing
Designations of what to sing are joined by descriptions of the proper location and
frequency of worshipful song. According to the WBP, praise of God should be sung
50 The Geneva Psalter too contained liturgical canticles—including, in some editions, the non-scriptural
Creed—despite John Calvin’s stated desire to employ only scriptural texts for liturgical song, with
preference for the psalms.
89
daily, even multiple times a day. Psalm 119:164 depicts an extravagant devotion that
offers God frequent praise in thanksgiving for God’s abundant goodness: “Seuen times a
day I prayse the Lord / singing with hart and voyce: / Thy rightuous actes and
wonderfull, / so cause me to reioyse.” Psalms 61:8 and 96:2 also make the case for daily
song. Psalm 108[:2] suggests music-making in the morning (“Awake my viole and my
harpe, / swete melody to make, / And in the morning I my selfe, / right early will
awake.”), and Psalm 77:6 at night (“By night my songes I call to mynde, / once made thy
prayse to shew: / And with my hart, much taulke I finde, / my spirites doth searche to
knowe”). Each day should contain song, both morning and night, as Psalm 92:1-2 makes
clear:
IT is a thing, bothe good and meete,
to praise the highest Lorde:
And to thine name O thou most hye,
to sing in one accorde.
To shew the kindnes of the Lorde,
betime ere day be light,
And eke declare his truth abrode,
when it doth draw to nyght.
Like the rhyme “Lord”/“one accord,” “always” pairs conveniently with “praise.” Thus
in Psalm 35:30, 40:3, and 71:8, believers are exhorted to sing with thankfulness “always”
in order to laud, praise, and honor God. And in Psalm 89:1, the psalmist claims that “TO
syng the mercyes of the Lorde, / my tounge shall neuer spare.” According to the WBP,
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then, worshipful singing should take place constantly: every day, morning and evening,
and always; not only on certain days or at limited times.
Where should this singing take place—in a church or at home? The WBP
advocates for both. Psalm 68:25 makes allowances for congregational singing: “The
singers goo befrre[before] with ioy, / the minstrels folow after: / And in the midst the
damsels play, / with timbrell and with taber. / Now in thy congregations, / (O Israell)
prayse the Lord: / And Iacobs whole posteritie, / geue thankes with one accorde.”
However, most of the argument for using these psalms in a church setting is found not
in the text of the psalms themselves but among the prefatory material. As I have already
discussed in Chapter 1, the WBP’s title page claims that the book has been “Faithfully
perused and alowed according to thordreappointed in the Quenes maiesties
Iniunctions,” a statement that is usually interpreted today and was clearly interpreted
by some in the period to be a reference to the forty-ninth Elizabethan Injunction, which
allowed for the singing of “an hymn, or suchlike song to the praise of Almighty God” in
the liturgies of the Church of England. The title page goes on to describe how readers of
the psalter can use the book: in addition to enabling congregational singing, the WBP is
advertised as “Very mete to be vsed of all sortes of people priuately [domestically] for
their solace & comfort.” The music preface too characterized the “singing of Psalmes” as
a “godly exercise” in which a community “in the common place of prayer…with one
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voyce” may “render thankes & prayses to God.”51 Alternately, purchasers of this book
can sing psalms “priuatly by them selues, or at home in their houses.”52 This prefatory
essay, like the title page, created space for the singing of psalms by individuals
privately, devotionally as a household, and as a congregation in church. Further
encouragement of domestic performance can be found within the psalms themselves.
Psalm 118[:14-15] suggests singing in the home: “The lorde is my defence and strengthe /
my ioy, my mirth and song: / He is become for me in dede, / a sauiour most strong / The
right hand of the lord our God, / doth bring to pas great thinges: / He causeth voyce of
ioy and health, / in rightous mennes dwellynges.”
As a group, these psalms advocate for singing in community—in the company of
other Christians, “in one accord”—far more strongly than they specify a location.
Communal congregational singing was only sporadically a part of Roman Catholic
practice,53 and the Reformation shift to the vernacular enabled communal singing in an
entirely new fashion. And indeed, while domestic devotion was undeniably a vital part
of medieval English Catholicism,54 Protestants across Europe stressed and re-stressed
51 Sig. +.ii.r. 52 Sig. +.ii.r. 53 Joseph Herl, for example, has written of pre-Reformation congregational singing in Germany; though
evidence is scant and the extent of the congregational singing remains unknown, it is clear that lay
hymnody did exist prior to Luther. See Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three
Centuries of Conflict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 28. 54 The classic text is Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400-c.1580, 2nd
ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).
92
communal devotion within the home and the importance of families (especially
mothers) in religious education.
In Luther’s House of Learning, Gerald Strauss acknowledges that while “marriage
and the Christian household were crucially important to reformers,” it is also true that
“[v]ery little of what they declared on marriage, parenthood, and household
management had not been said before.”55 Earlier Roman Catholics too placed great
emphasis on matrimony and family life. However, the Lutheran Reformation idealized
the domestic educational scene to a much greater extent. To wit: “Woodcut illustrations
show how reformers imagined the scene: paterfamilias at head of table, wife and
daughters to one side, sons to the other, servants at the lower end, the whole company
respectfully attentive to the patriarchal voice reading aloud from a huge tome resting
before him.”56 (We shall see this sort of scene in the cultural context immediately
surrounding the WBP in Chapter 3 of this dissertation.) In Lutheran reformed thought,
parents—especially fathers—were expected to be the source of significant religious
instruction for their children (even as the reformers also expressed some anxiety
regarding the individual parent’s judgment).57
55 Gerald Strauss, Luther’s House of Learning: Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore
and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 108. 56 Ibid., 115. 57 Ibid., 116-131.
93
England was no different; in Reformation England too the godly household was
considered a crucial site of religious change.58 Meanwhile, Kenneth Charlton has shown
through inductive study of fragmentary evidence that in early modern England, the
mother (as well as the father) took an active role in the domestic religious education of
children and servants, despite cultural fears about the weakness of women.59 Both
parents, then, were involved in the religious formation of their Protestant children. And
it seems likely that among other texts, they employed the WBP to do so. Several scholars
have noted out that with its musical metrical psalms allowing for communal psalm-
singing and its catechetical hymns, the WBP served as a source for both domestic
devotion and domestic religious education.60
“Prayse ye the Lorde with harp and songe”: Aesthetics and Instrumentation
The final question I will explore is that of aesthetics and instrumentation: how should
the WBP’s psalms and canticles be sung? What advice do the WBP’s psalms give
58 Recent discussion of this theme, and the scholarship that has contributed to it, can be found in Alexandra
Walsham, “Holy Families: The Spiritualization of the Early Modern Household Revisited,” in Religion and
the Household, ed. John Doran, Charlotte Methuen, and Alexandra Walsham (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell
Press, 2014), 122-160. 59 Kenneth Charlton, “‘Not publike onely but also private and domesticall’: Mothers and familial education
in pre-industrial England,” History of Education 17 (1988): 1-20; idem, “Mothers as educative agents in pre-
industrial England,” History of Education 23 (1994): 129-156. 60 Walsham, “Holy Families,” 128-129 (though she seems to conflate the WBP and Day’s 1563 Whole Psalmes
in Foure Partes); Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 249-250; Jonathan Willis, “‘By These Means the Sacred
Discourses Sink More Deeply into the Minds of Men’: Music and Education in Elizabethan England,”
History 94 (July 2009): 303-304.
94
regarding the manner of singing, and does the psalter express any partiality to particular
vocal qualities or possible musical accompaniment?
Some psalms display preferences regarding musical aesthetics. Psalm 47:1 asks
“YE people all in one accorde” to “Be glad and sing vnto the Lorde, / with swete and
pleasaunt voyce.” Psalm 71:25 echoes this sentiment, the psalmist describing his singing
as demonstrating “pleasant voyce,” and Psalm 97:9 prompts Sion and Judah to “make a
pleasaunt noyce.” Sweet, pleasant singing is praiseworthy, while other vocal attributes
beyond timbre, such as range and volume, go unremarked.61
The psalms describe ideal tone quality but not a potential singer’s ability to
sightread, lead others in song, or invent their own songs. However, while the ability to
improvise or to serve as a musical leader were beyond the needs of congregational
psalmody, this does not mean that the WBP regarded musical knowledge as
unnecessary. Psalm 47:6 exhorts readers to “all skillful, prayses syng.” The ideal psalm-
singer is not only pleasant in voice but also skillful in musical knowledge. In Chapter 4, I
explore how the WBP emphasized musical literacy as a goal of English Protestant
musical culture through its two forms of musical didacticism.
Far more important than vocal quality is the attitude of the singer. In his
Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536), John Calvin explained that because liturgical
61 “Sweetness,” of course, is not a uniquely Protestant virtue. For example, the epistle dedicatory of William
Byrd’s 1605 Gradualia (a thoroughly Catholic set of polyphonic Mass propers) speaks of the “sweetness” of
sacred words. See Kerry McCarthy, Liturgy and Contemplation in Byrd’s Gradualia (New York: Routledge,
2007), 11, for further discussion of this preface.
95
song is a form of prayer, it must be approached by the singer with the proper posture,
stemming from the heart: “it is fully evident that unless voice and song, if interposed in
prayer, spring from deep feeling of heart, neither has any value or profit in the least with
God” and again, “we do not here condemn speaking and singing but rather strongly
commend them, provided they are associated with the heart’s affection.”62 The WBP
places similar emphasis on the emotional condition of the singer: believers should sing
with an attitude of thankfulness and joy. Psalm 33:1 notes that “it is a semely sight: /
That vpright men with thankfull voyce, / should prayse the God of might.” Psalm 69:32
advises that praise be shown “with a song: / I will extoll the same alwayes, / with harty
thankes among.” Psalm 66:7 and 98:5 command singing “with joyful voice,” the latter
further advising that readers “Geue thankes to God, sing and reioyce / to him with ioy
and mirth.” Psalm 100:1, Psalm 118[:14], Psalm 132[:9], and Psalm 132[:17] all prompt
believers to sing with joy and mirth. Even instrumentalists are in Psalm 92:3-4
encouraged to play “With all the mirth you can inuent” and, like the psalmist, to “have
ioy, in harte and voyce.”
Finally, I turn to the fraught question of instruments. The debate over the
inclusion of instruments in worship was a tense point of contention in Protestant
thought. Luther and most (but not all) Lutherans encouraged the continued use of
62 John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. John T. McNeill, trans. Ford Lewis Battles (Philadelphia:
The Westminster Press and London: S. C. M. Press, Ltd., 1960; repr., Louisville: Westminster John Knox
Press), 894.
96
organs.63 Calvin and subsequent Calvinists rejected the use of instruments, approving
only of unaccompanied unison congregational song.64 Zwingli occupied the other far
end of the spectrum, allowing no instruments and indeed no music at all in church
services.65 In England too, instruments were the source of much debate, with many
English reformers aiming to silence the organ altogether, with others continuing to
support the use of instruments in worship. Official Church of England policy was
agnostic; there was no mention of organs in the royal injunctions of 1547 or 1559, and an
attempt to ban “the use of organs and curious singing” at the Convocation of 1563 failed.
Arguments for and against the use of organs in churches can be found throughout the
period, as can evidence both of organ destruction and church payment for organs and
organists.66
63 Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism, 108-110; B. L. Horne, “A Civitas of Sound: On Luther and Music,”
Theology 88 (1985): 25-26; Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications (Grand Rapids:
William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2007), 91-92. 64 The most focused and extensive discussion of Calvin’s views on instruments can be found in W. David O.
Taylor, “John Calvin and Musical Instruments: A Critical Investigation,” Calvin Theological Journal 48:2
(November 2013): 248-269. Broader discussion of Calvinist belief and practice regarding the organ can be
found in Randall D. Engle, “A Devil’s Siren or an Angel’s Throat? The Pipe Organ Controversy among the
Calvinists,” in John Calvin, Myth and Reality: Images and Impact of Geneva’s Reformer, ed. Amy Nelson Burnett
(Eugene, Oregon: Cascade Books, 2011), 107-125. 65 For discussion of Zwingli’s rejection of music in worship, see Charles Garside, Jr., Zwingli and the Arts
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), 43-75. 66 Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice, 190-192; William P. Haugaard, Elizabeth and the English
Reformation: The Struggle for A Stable Settlement of Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968),
166-182; Marsh, Music and Society, 394-405; Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme, 260-262; John Strype, Annals of
the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, Vol. 1, Part 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1824), 475, 500; Jonathan
Willis, Church Music and Protestantism in Post-Reformation England: Discourses, Sites and Identities (Farnham,
Surrey: Ashgate, 2010, 100-101, 114-116, 140-145; idem, “Protestant Worship and the Discourse of Music in
Reformation England,” in Worship and the Parish Church in Early Modern Britain, eds. Natalie Mears and Alec
Ryrie (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 131-132.
97
When considered in relation to the spectrum of Protestant thought, from Luther’s
support of instruments through Calvin’s rejection of instruments in favor of
unaccompanied unison congregational singing to Zwingli’s rejection of any music at all,
the WBP demonstrates a surprisingly Lutheran bent. Because these psalms are not
newly-composed texts but versifications of Scripture, they cannot stray too far from their
source material. Descriptions of instruments in the original Hebrew Book of Psalms are
maintained in this psalter: worshiping Christians play instruments. Sometimes this
instrumental music is worshipful in its own right, most obviously and exuberantly in
Psalm 150[:3-5]: “His prayses with the princely noyse, / of sounding tropet [sic] blowe. /
Praise him vpon the viole and, / vpon the harp also. / Praise him with timbrell and with
flute, / orgaines and virginalles: / With sounding cimbals praise ye him: / praise him
with loud cimballs.” More often, instruments function as accompaniment to their own
players’ songs or those of others. Exhortations like that of Psalm 33:2, “Prayse ye the
Lorde with harp and songe, / in Psalmes and pleasant thinges: / with lute and
instrument among, / that soundeth with ten stringes” are common.
These descriptions of instrumental accompaniment would be unremarkable in
themselves except that, as in the case of singing specifically “psalms” and not just
“songs,” the WBP’s versifications modify the existing English translations and present a
wholly new understanding. The accompaniment of sacred music becomes concretely
encouraged rather than abstractly hypothetical through the deliberate addition of
98
common Elizabethan instruments. Twelve instruments are named in the WBP’s psalm
versifications: harp, lute, trumpet, timbrel, viol, the generic “string,” flute, tabor, shawm,
organ, virginal, and cymbals. Table 3 lists the psalms in which these appear.
Table 3. Musical Instruments in the WBP’s Versifications
Instrument Psalms in which it appears
Harp 33, 43, 49, 57, 71, 81, 92, 98,
108, 137, 147, 149, 150
Lute 33, 57, 71, 81, 92
Trumpet 47, 81, 87, 98, 150
Timbrel (tabret) 68, 149, 150
Viol 108, 144, 150
Generic “string” 33, 57, 92, 144
Flute 149, 150
Tabor (tabret) 68
Shawm 98
Organ 150
Virginal 150
Cymbals 150
By far the most common instrument mentioned in the psalm versifications is the
harp, and string instruments as a group dominate. This is entirely in keeping with the
nature of the psalms; their original Hebrew texts, while sometimes difficult to translate
precisely, name string instruments in the overwhelming majority.67 The harp or lyre,
famed instrument of choice of King David, is a symbol of the psalms themselves, and it
is unsurprising that it appears with such frequency. But in contrast to the original
67 Jeremy Montagu, Musical Instruments of the Bible (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2002), 83.
99
Hebrew texts, and more importantly, unlike the Coverdale translation, the WBP adds
additional Elizabethan instruments. The Coverdale Psalter names harp, lute, trumpet,
timbrel, tabor (tabret), shawm, and cymbals. However, flute and organ are new
additions found in both the Crowley Psalter and the WBP. Most interesting in my view
are the additions—found in the WBP alone—of viol (Psalm 108, Psalm 144, and Psalm
150) and virginal (Psalm 150). These two instruments were among the most
characteristic of Elizabethan instruments and were staples of amateur music education,
especially for young gentlewomen.68
Their inclusion ties the WBP’s psalm texts to this historical time and place,
making these Scriptures immediate and relevant for readers, who can see their own
culture reflected in these depictions of music-making. Psalm 150 in particular (quoted
above) reads as a reasonably inclusive list of Elizabethan instruments, naming trumpet,
viol, harp, timbrel, flute, organ, virginal, and cymbals. The original Hebrew text
contained a ram’s horn (shofar), two forms of lyre (which Coverdale translated as lute
and harp), timbrel, strings, two types of cymbals, and an air-powered instrument that
translates better as “woodwinds” than as “organ.”69 The addition of not one but two
68 Linda Phyllis Austern, “‘Sing Againe Syren’: The Female Musician and Sexual Enchantment in
Elizabethan Life and Literature,” Renaissance Quarterly 42, No. 3 (Autumn, 1989): 429-430; Suzanne Lord,
Music from the Age of Shakespeare: A Cultural History (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2003), 120-121; David
C. Price, Patrons and Musicians of the English Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 42,
45; Walter L. Woodfill, Musicians in English Society from Elizabeth to Charles I (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1953), 224. 69 Montagu, Musical Instruments of the Bible, 82-83.
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keyboard instruments in Psalm 150—organ and virginal—makes the WBP further
distanced from the original Hebrew.70 By not merely naming generic or ancient Hebrew
instruments, but noticeably adding Elizabethan ones, this metrical psalter seems to come
down strongly in support of the use of instruments in both domestic and church musical
worship. (Yet it is interesting to note that, as Nicholas Temperley has observed, there is
little evidence that the metrical psalmody of the WBP was actually performed with
organ accompaniment, despite the advocacy found within the psalter itself.)71
The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ English Protestant Musical Identity
In its musical ideology, the WBP displays a distinctive Protestant identity. This printed
religious book was influenced by both Lutheran and Calvinist ideas, but it privileged
certain aspects of each in order to accommodate and reinforce the state-sponsored
Church of England, of which all English Christians were officially a part, regardless of
their own personal theological commitments. Jonathan Willis has written of the
Calvinist bent of the official and unofficial pronouncements of the Church of England,
many of which demonstrated (depending on the document) a mild to scathing distrust
70 Also interestingly, such additions of musical instruments are matched by a removal of “dance” from
depictions of musical performance. In both Psalms 149[:3] and 150[:4], Coverdale’s discussion of music and
dance is removed in both the Crowley Psalter and the WBP. This perhaps clarifies the psalters’ intention to
provide options for song within a Christian liturgical context. 71 Nicholas Temperley, “Organ Settings of English Psalm Tunes,” The Musical Times 122, No. 1656 (Feb.,
1981): 123-124. Christopher Marsh’s guess that organs “probably filled this function” remains but a
compelling hypothesis until further evidence is discovered: Music and Society, 422.
101
of music.72 Other writings were more ambivalent, and sixteenth-century English
Protestantism was marked by complex arguments regarding the meaning of music and
its ideal practice. Into this environment, the WBP contributed a philosophy of music and
a framework for worship that was to influence the English church for several centuries.
Consider the WBP’s relationship to the Church of England. By claiming state
authorization, the WBP reinforced the idea that any aspect of English Protestantism
required the approval of the official state church. Ambiguity in the Elizabethan
Injunctions and the Book of Common Prayer meant that while metrical psalms were not
explicitly allowed, neither were they barred from liturgy, and many parishes across
England took advantage of the loophole.
The WBP also accords with many of the theological commitments of the
Protestant Reformation. The book claims continuity with scriptural practices and the
ancient church, demonstrating the Protestant way of using history (the supercessionist
metanarrative described in Chapter 1). It makes the role of the laity more significant,
increasing their congregational participation and providing new opportunities for
domestic devotion. The WBP contains only monophonic music rather than polyphony,
enforcing musical (and implying social) unity. Its tunes are accessible, easy to sing and
to learn, and the book even contains an introductory music theory treatise that can teach
the musically uneducated the skills they need to participate. While it included no
72 Willis, “Protestant Worship and the Discourse of Music,” 133-134, and passim.
102
explicit discussion of the didactic role of music in teaching religious doctrine, the WBP
was employed as a useful resource for domestic devotion and religious education.
The WBP seems to have a complicated relationship with one of the most
important Protestant commitments: the primacy of the word. Nowhere does the text—
main content or prefatory material—state that music is employed in the service of the
words. In fact, the music preface is placed before the “Treatise made by Athanasius,”
giving music greater prominence than the text explaining the proper use of the psalms.
In many subsequent editions, the music preface would be removed (see Chapters 3 and
4) but Athanasius’s treatise would remain. The prefatory matter of the initial edition,
however, seemed to elevate music over the psalm texts. Yet only the ordering of the
prefatory essays conveys this idea. In all other respects, text is implicitly presented as
more important than music. While every psalm is prefaced with the initials of the
versifier (and Sternhold’s and Hopkins’ names are prominently displayed on the title
page), none of the composers is ever identified. (This is especially interesting,
considering the rising importance of musical authorship in early modern printing.73)
And as we shall see in Chapter 6, the WBP was plagued by music printing errors
throughout the Elizabethan editions, which points to much more careful typesetting of
text than of notes.
73 See Kirsten Gibson, “Author, Musician, Composer: Creator? Figuring Musical Creativity in Print at the
Turn of the Seventeenth Century,” in Concepts of Creativity in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. Rebecca
Herissone and Alan Howard (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013), 63-86.
103
Collectively, the text and paratext of the WBP are undeniably Protestant.
Sometimes the psalter’s themes incline towards Calvinism, due in large part to the
influence of the Geneva Psalter. Yet surprisingly, in light of the aborted possibility of a
Lutheran-based English congregational song tradition represented by Coverdale’s
Goostly Psalmes (banned in 1546), the WBP also demonstrates distinctively Lutheran
sentiments. Only true Christian believers sing, the psalm texts argue, and they should
sing daily, both in church and at home. They should sing psalms (a Calvinist
commitment) but may also sing hymns and canticles (a Lutheran perspective). More
important is the proper attitude of the singer, who must always sing to God with
thankfulness and joyfulness, and with a pleasant and skillful voice. Psalms can, and
perhaps should, be accompanied by instruments—through its addition of specifically
Elizabethan instruments to its psalm texts, especially its invocation of the organ in Psalm
150, the WBP takes a definite stance against Calvinists’ and Zwinglians’ opposition to
the use of instruments (and especially the organ) in worship. Taken together, the
prefatory matter, hymns, and psalms of the WBP constructed a particularly English
Protestant understanding of music as a part of the psalter’s role in creating the religious
culture of a unified Church of England.
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Chapter 3. ‘Without any other help sauing this book’: Musical Literacy, General Literacy, and Music Instructional Texts
To argue that the WBP served as a means of increasing musical literacy among the
common people in Elizabethan England, it is important to first lay the groundwork by
addressing some fundamental questions. What do we mean by “musical literacy”? What
do modern scholars know about musical literacy rates in sixteenth-century England?
Did musical literacy rates improve by the end of the sixteenth century, and if so, for
whom, how much, and how quickly? What were the various means of obtaining musical
literacy, and were they equally accessible to all?
For reasons that will shortly become clear, I will not begin with the most
foundational question of how musical literacy might be defined. Instead, I would like to
start by exploring what scholars have said regarding musical literacy rates in sixteenth-
century England. Few musicologists have attempted to estimate them. In 1953, Walter L.
Woodfill wrote of the practice of lining out metrical psalmody (a musical leader sings
each phrase to the congregation, who repeats it; see Chapter 6 for discussion of this
practice) as evidence for widespread musical illiteracy, concluding that the general
populace, although some people might perform both vocal and instrumental music, was
105
musically illiterate.1 This extremely low estimate of musical literacy rates is due in part
to Woodfill’s narrow definition of “musical literacy,” which he seems to limit to the
ability to perform polyphonic madrigals, ayres, and “the finer music for virginals, lute,
and viol.”2
Thirty years later, David Price provided the most extensive discussion of musical
literacy in sixteenth-century England, tracking factors that contributed to what he saw as
an unmeasurable but unmistakably upward trend in musical literacy across social
classes.3 Price attributed the development of musical literacy to several causes, including
educational institutions, international travel, private music tutors, the encouragement
provided by guides to courtly behavior and by imitation of royalty, increased musical
repertoire, and printed music instructional manuals. Even in arguing that musical
literacy rates improved, he offered no estimate as to the exact level of improvement:
“There is no way to precisely assess the practical level of achievement reached by
different members of this musically ‘literate’ society, but it was evidently higher and
more broadly-based than the level reached by individual amateurs at any time
previously in England.”4
1 Walter L. Woodfill, Musicians in English Society from Elizabeth to Charles I (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1953), 201-202. 2 Ibid., 201. 3 David C. Price, Patrons and Musicians of the English Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1981), 1-47. 4 Ibid., 2.
106
Thus not only do we have no quantitative estimates regarding musical literacy
rates in sixteenth-century England, we do not even have consensus among musicologists
as to whether musical literacy rates improved at all or whether the general populace
remained functionally musically illiterate at the turn of the seventeenth century. These
disagreements are indicative of a deeper underlying problem: defining musical literacy
itself. Even in discussing evidence for musical literacy (or the lack thereof), neither of
these scholars defines precisely what he means by the term. Price stresses the
importance of defining musical literacy but then fails to explicitly do so.5 Options
abound. Do we consider someone musically literate if he or she can sing? play
instruments? improvise? play from a musical score? compose? Implicitly throughout his
chapter, Price seems to settle upon “the ability to play or sing from a music book” as his
definition. This definition demands several skills, including not only the ability to read
music but also the ability to sing or play an instrument and the ability to translate
written music into performance through that medium.
Outside the disciplinary bounds of musicology, a historian has recently
contributed to this discussion. In Music and Society in Early Modern England, a social
history of music and musical culture in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England,
Christopher Marsh offers an explicit explanation and confident assessment of musical
literacy rates. Defining musical literacy as simply “reading music,” removing the
5 Ibid., 1-2.
107
performative aspects of music-making, which he separates as “musicality,” Marsh gives
ample evidence of a society that took great pleasure in music, demonstrated frequent
willingness to participate, and often exhibited highly skilled performance. Indeed, he
concurs with Woodfill that musical literacy levels were extremely low, but he agrees
with Price that they were rising (though Marsh implies without stating outright that he
believes this rise occurred in the seventeenth century, not the sixteenth). Marsh paints a
picture of a culture that was highly musical but not musically-literate, even among
professional musicians, whom Marsh describes as often far more reliant upon memory
than the ability to read music.6
And yet, we must wonder how sixteenth-century English people themselves
thought about musical literacy. Before settling upon a definition for purposes of this
study, it may prove instructive to examine their own. There is no shortage of texts about
music written in sixteenth-century England, and though they do not employ the term
“musical literacy,” they are clear in their explanations of culturally-valued musical
knowledge and can thus give us a sense for what it meant to be educated in music.
Conduct manuals make it clear that musical knowledge was considered an essential
form of cultural sophistication.7 Musical proficiency was the mark of a gentleman—
6 Christopher Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2010), 4, 6-7, 173, 204, and passim. 7 A great many excerpts from conduct manuals discussing music can be found in Pamela F. Starr, “Music
Education and the Conduct of Life in Early Modern England: A Review of the Sources,” in Music Education
108
though a gentleman (or gentlewoman) must be careful not to become too proficient in
musical performance lest they become associated with lower-class musical
professionals.8
As in the medieval period, early modern England understood two forms of
musical knowledge, speculative and practical. In the Annotations following the main
body of text in A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke, Thomas Morley wrote,
As for the division, Musicke is either speculatiue or practicall. Speculatiue is
that kinde of musicke which by Mathematical helpes, seeketh out the
causes, properties, and natures of soundes by themselues, and compared
with others proceeding no further, but content with the onlie
contemplation of the Art. Practical is that which teacheth al that may be
knowne in songs, eyther for the vnderstanding of other mens, or making
of ones owne, and is of three kindes: Diatonicum, chromaticum, and
Enharmonicum. …9
Musica speculativa can be understood as the theoretical aspects of music: philosophical
and metaphysical study of harmony, proportion, consonance, and the music of the
spheres; the effect of musical sounds on the listener, modal affect, and the healing power
of music; as well as the role of music in education.10 Musica practica, on the other hand,
in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Russell E. Murray, Jr., Susan Forscher Weiss, and Cynthia J. Cyrus
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010), 193-206. See also Marsh, Music and Society, 174-175. 8 Marsh, Music and Society, 174-178, 199. 9 Thomas Morley, A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke, (London: Imprinted by Peter Short,
1597), Sig. ¶.1.r-v; emphasis in original. 10 John Hollander, The Untuning of the Sky: Ideas of Music in English Poetry 1500-1700 (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1970), 26-37.
109
encompassed the practical aspects of musical performance: technical skills; composition;
and in Morley’s words, “al that may be knowne in songs.” The distinction between the
two can also be thought of as contemplative vs. active and discourse vs. performance.
The relationship between musica speculativa and musica practica in early modern
England was a complex one which modern scholars have only just begun to untangle. In
the early modern period across Europe, the primacy of speculative music was beginning
to give way to practical music, but the transition was by no means straightforward or
universal. Though speculative and practical music are now often described as
increasingly disconnected in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, several scholars
have shown that in England these two spheres were not so separated.11 England’s
sixteenth-century practical music instruction books often open with brief discussions of
speculative music, and William Bathe’s and Thomas Morley’s practical music theory
treatises were influenced by speculative musical ideas, as Joseph Ortiz has shown.12 For
the learned English gentleman to be considered truly musically-literate, he would need
to demonstrate a certain level of expertise in both musical performance and musical
discourse, being able to perform music (preferably at sight) and/or compose, as well as
11 Linda Phyllis Austern, “Words on Music: The Case of Early Modern England,” John Donne Journal 25
(2006): 199-244; Joseph M. Ortiz, Broken Harmony: Shakespeare and the Politics of Music (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2011), Chapter 3. Roger Bray in “Music and the Quadrivium in Early Tudor England,”
Music and Letters 76, No 1. (Feb., 1995): 1-18, attributes the unusually strong connection between practical
and speculative music in early sixteenth-century England to the nature of the music degrees at Oxford and
Cambridge, and their strong emphasis on liturgical church music. 12 Ortiz, Broken Harmony, 104-119.
110
speak about music in a rhetorical or philosophical fashion.13 There is even evidence that
in the beginning of the seventeenth century, the ability to speak about music (musica
speculativa) was considered by some (particularly John Taverner, the early seventeenth-
century Gresham College music lecturer) to be an even more practical (in the sense of
“utilitarian”) form of musical knowledge than musica practica itself.14
Thus Price’s implicit definition of musical literacy as “the ability to play or sing
from a music book,” the definition I have adopted for this study, constitutes one half of
early modern England’s dual understanding of musical knowledge—musica practica, not
musica speculativa. In fact, this definition of musical literacy does not encompass all
aspects of musica practica—Morley’s definition, as we have seen, includes compositional
ability—yet “the vnderstanding of other mens [songs]” is considered a fundamental part
of this form of musical knowledge. It is not anachronistic to limit my definition of basic
musical literacy to musica practica because even sixteenth-century English musicians saw
musica practica as a prerequisite to the study of musica speculativa. In his Briefe
Introductione to the True Art of Musicke (1584), William Bathe wrote of the necessity to
learn the musical knowledge needed to sing before attempting other musical study. In
doing so, he seems to confuse musica speculativa with composition, but in either case, he
13 Austern, “Words on Music,” 205. 14 Joseph M. Ortiz, “Democratizing Music: Concepts of Musical Literacy in Early Modern England,” North
American British Music Studies Association Conference, August 4-7, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY.
111
proves my point that the ability to sing from a musical score was considered the most
basic form of musical literacy.
It may be that it will seem absurd, and against order to many, that this
tractation of music practice should go before the other of speculation, as it
would seem against reason that a physician should learn to practice
before he hath the knowledge; in it is to be understanded therefore, that
singing is not to music, as the practice of physic is to the science thereof,
but rather as reading to grammar: for as reading is not the practice of
grammar, but rather the congrue making of Latin, so singing is not the
right practice of the right speculation of music, but rather artificial setting
is the speculation: and as by good order reading must go before
grammar, so it were not against order, that singing should go before
setting, although the one may be had without the other insomuch as a
note is the thing that is most materially entreated of in all the first book,
and as it were the subject of this former part called, ars cantandi, to which
the naming, time, quantity, &c. doth belong: it were not unfit thereof to
give some apart description, whereby the nature of it might be the better
known…15
15 William Bathe, A Briefe Introductione to the True Art of Musicke (London: 1584). The original is now lost, but
much of the text survives in transcription in Andrew Melville’s early seventeenth-century commonplace
book (University of Aberdeen Library MS 28). A transcription of this manuscript can be found in William
Bathe, A Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song, ed. Kevin C. Karnes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 112-126. I
make an exception to my usual practice of providing the original spelling in the main text because Melville’s
transcription is written in Scottish dialect: “It may be that it will seeme absurde, and against order to manye,
that this tractation of musicke practice should go befoir the other of speculatione, as it would semme against
reasone that a phisitiane should learne to practice befoir he hath the knowledge, In it is to be vnderstanded
thair for, that singing is not to musik, as ye practice of physick is to ye science thairof, bot rather as reading
to gramer: for as reading is not ye practice of gramer, bot rather the congrue making of Latine, so singing is
not ye richt practice of ye richt speculationne of musick, but rather artificicall setting is ye speculatione: and
as by guid ordour reading must goe befoir gramer, so it var not against ordr, that singing soud go befor
setting, although the on may be had vithout ye vther inso much as a not is the thing that is must matiriallie
intreated of in all the first book, and as it var ye subiect of this former part called, ars cantandi, to quhich the
naming, tyme, quantitie, &c. doth be long: it var not vnfit thairof to giw sume apart descreptionne, vharby
ye natur of it micht be ye better knawen…” (Fol. 41r-v)
112
Having decided on a working definition of musical literacy, the next question
may now be considered: did a would-be musician need to know how to read words in
order to learn how to read music? When attempting to estimate musical literacy rates,
neither Woodfill nor Price considered whether general literacy rates may have
influenced musical literacy rates. Would an inability to read hinder an early modern
English person’s ability to learn music?
General Literacy Rates in Elizabethan England
The primary source for this discussion, one unavailable to Woodfill and only barely
available to Price, is David Cressy’s 1980 Literacy and the Social Order, which remains the
single most definitive—though certainly not unchallenged—quantitative study of
general literacy rates in early modern England.16 Cressy’s statistical analysis is based on
incidences of signatures found in signed oaths and ecclesiastical court records (wills,
marriage license records, and court depositions). Because reading and writing were
taught as separate skills, and reading was always taught first, if a person could sign his
or her name we can be reasonably sure that he or she could also read—or so Cressy’s
logic goes. Through detailed statistical analysis focused primarily on variations by
region and social class, Cressy identified a social hierarchy of literacy wherein
16 David Cressy, Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and Writing in Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1980).
113
gentlemen, the clerical elite, and professionals (lawyers, professors, and the like) were
most likely to be able to read; laborers and women the least likely; and craftsmen,
tradesmen, yeomen, and husbandmen somewhere in the middle.17 He is also deeply
interested in regional differences—Durham, for example, remained one of the few places
in which gentlemen remained largely illiterate (36% illiteracy rate) even when all other
areas of England saw near-complete literacy for this elite class.18
Because of his hierarchical and geographic interests, Cressy is reluctant to give
broad figures serving as overall literacy rates. However, he does identify several trends.
In Elizabethan England, gentlemen were nearly all literate (with the exception of
Durham and the far northeast). Tradesmen and craftsmen saw an increase in literacy
rates from approximately 25% literate in the 1560s to 50% by the beginning of the
seventeenth century. Women were almost universally illiterate in both the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, their overall literacy rates failing to improve until the eighteenth
century (with the exception of London, which saw improvement in women’s literacy
beginning in the late seventeenth century). The accession of Elizabeth I marked the
beginning of a period of educational advancement and progress in literacy following the
educational recession caused by the dissolution of the monasteries under Henry VIII,
and despite a second period of educational recession from 1580-1610, the end of
17 Ibid., Chapter 6. 18 Ibid., 142.
114
Elizabeth’s reign still saw significant overall increases in general literacy.19 Cressy’s best
guess places overall literacy rates at the end of the sixteenth century as 20% for men and
5% for women (with the gentry and professional classes at or near 100%), up from 10%
for men and 1% for women at the beginning of the century.20
Cressy’s figures have been sharply criticized in the years since his study was
published. Many have critiqued his faith in the reliability of signatures to function as
signifiers of literacy. While most scholars do agree that reading was taught before
writing and that therefore, the ability to sign one’s name does serve as a marker that the
signer can read, many have reservations that signatures can provide us with an accurate
reading of literacy levels. To begin with, the nature of Cressy’s source material
(government-sponsored oaths and ecclesiastical court records) has in some quarters
been sharply criticized on methodological grounds (for example, how complete are
these surviving records?).21 Precisely because reading was taught before writing, we can
be sure that many who did not sign could, nonetheless, read. Poor men and women of
all classes, who might be given enough schooling to read, were unlikely to be given the
opportunity to progress past reading to the skill of writing. Thus it seems likely that
19 Ibid., Chapter 7. 20 Ibid., 176. 21 For further reading on criticisms of Cressy’s project, see Jonathan Barry, “Literacy and Literature in
Popular Culture,” in Popular Culture in England, c.1500-1850, ed. Tim Harris (New York: St. Martin’s Press,
1995), 69-94; Wyn Ford, “The Problem of Literacy in Early Modern England,” History 78 (Feb., 1993): 22-37;
and Keith Thomas, “The Meaning of Literacy in Early Modern England,” in The Written Word: Literacy in
Transition, ed. Gerd Baumann (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 97-131.
115
Cressy’s figures vastly overestimate illiteracy and particularly underestimate the
reading abilities of these two groups.22 Furthermore, non-literate marks do not
necessarily function as a sign of illiteracy. For example, some people intentionally signed
with religious symbols of their professions, even if they themselves could read (thus
creating an additional cause of Cressy’s supposed underestimation of literacy rates).23
Even the ability to read was not a single skill that one either had or did not. Keith
Thomas has pointed out that the situation was far more complicated due to the wide
variety of forms of the written word in diverse scripts, typefaces, and languages.
Blackletter (gothic) typeface was significantly easier for an early modern reader than
roman typeface (the situation has since reversed).24 Secretary hand and various legal
hands would be impossible for the untrained to understand. Additionally, many
professional fields, including academic scholarship, law, administration, and medicine
relied upon Latin; literacy for them therefore necessitated reading knowledge of Latin as
well as English. Should we consider a person who could read the printed word in
blackletter but not in roman typeface to be illiterate? What if he could read a printed
book but not a handwritten letter or a legal text, or if she could read a book in English
22 James Daybell, “Interpreting letters and reading script: evidence for female education and literacy in
Tudor England,” History of Education 34, No. 6 (Nov., 2005): 695-715; Margaret W. Ferguson and Mihoko
Suzuki, “Women’s Literacies and Social Hierarchy in Early Modern England,” Literature Compass 12/11
(2015): 575-590. 23 Thomas, “The Meaning of Literacy,” 102-103. 24 Ibid., 99-101. The comparative accessibility of blackletter vs. roman typeface will prove to be an important
point in Chapter 4.
116
but not in Latin? It is difficult to determine literacy rates when the definition of general
literacy was itself so fluid.25
Thus Cressy’s quantitative study of signatures does not give definitive literacy
rates. At worst, his detailed statistical study tells us little of literacy rates save the
incidence of signatures in certain documents. Yet his figures are the only ones we have,
and when correlated with other forms of research regarding literacy, the broad
conclusions Cressy hesitated to draw do paint a picture of increasing literacy rates
across sixteenth-century England: perhaps unevenly according to location, social class,
and gender, but nonetheless improving. However, “improving” does not yet mean
“good.” At the end of the century, most people beyond the male gentry could not read,
and the chance that someone could read fell precipitously on the lowest rungs of the
social hierarchy.
Methods of Obtaining Musical Literacy
It seems clear that any estimate of musical literacy rates must take general literacy rates
into account. If we accept my definition of musical literacy, we are left with the
troublesome question: was it necessary to be able to read in order to learn to read music?
If most people—80% of men and 95% of women, according to Cressy’s figures—could
not read, there could have been widespread difficulty in obtaining musical literacy. In
25 Thomas, “The Meaning of Literacy,” 99-102.
117
this section, I explore forms of music education in sixteenth-century England. How
might someone learn music? What were aspiring student musicians taught, and who
taught it to them? When and where did this education take place? Who were the
students; to which members of society were these methods available?
It takes some training to understand the written language of music—pitches,
clefs, rhythmic durations, accidentals, etc. However, this training need not come from a
book. It was, and still is, entirely possible to learn to read music (if not the lyrics below)
with the help of another person. With the benefit of an instructor and with musical
scores on hand, no general literacy would be required. The necessity of general literacy
varied according to the means of acquiring musical literacy.
There were several options available to the aspiring Tudor musician.26 The most
comprehensive musical training was available to choristers through monastic schools
(but only until Henry VIII’s 1536-1540 suppression of the monasteries, resulting in the
closure of the monastic choir schools as well), through song schools (a type of
elementary school, different from reading and writing schools; most of these were
dissolved by Edward VI in 1547), or through cathedral song schools, which survived the
English Reformation. Musical skills taught to choristers included plainsong, pricksong
(mensural notation), figuration (singing chant in a rhythmicized manner), faburden,
26 Much of this section comes from David G. T. Harris, “Musical Education in Tudor Times (1485-1603),”
Proceedings of the Musical Association, 65th Sess. (1938-1939): 109-139, supplemented with other secondary
sources as listed.
118
descant (singing counterpoint to written chant at sight), square-note (improvising
against mensural melodies which did not come from chant), counter (improvising a
melody below chant), and organ-playing. Later in the sixteenth century, chorister
education shifted focus from liturgy and improvisation, adopting a greater emphasis on
instruments and composition. Many (though not all) of these choristers were poor; all
were male. 27
Upper-class boys had additional opportunities to learn music through grammar
schools, universities, and private music tutors. Scholars disagree on the extent of music
education provided by grammar schools; traditionally, most have believed that few
sixteenth-century English grammar schools provided any music education at all.28
Bernarr Rainbow attributes this lack of music in grammar school curricula to John
Merbecke’s failure in the 1540s to imitate Luther and Calvin (and Loys Bourgeois) in
ensuring the role of music in education—without a strong musical leader persuading
them otherwise, English reformed schools did not emphasize musical studies.29 Yet
toward the end of the century, Rainbow argues, more schools began to offer music
education, including the Merchant Taylors’ School, St Paul’s School, Christ’s Hospital,
27 Jane Flynn, “The Education of Choristers in England During the Sixteenth Century,” in English Choral
Practice, 1400-1650, ed. John Morehen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 180-199. 28 Foster Watson, “The Teaching of Music in the 16th and 17th Centuries,” in The English Grammar Schools to
1660: their Curriculum and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908), 205-221; Peter Le Huray,
“The Teaching of Music in 16th Century England,” Music in Education 30 (1966): 75-77; Price, Patrons and
Musicians, 35-39; Susan Forscher Weiss, “Didactic Sources of Musical Learning in Early Modern England,”
in Didactic Literature in England, 1500-1800, ed. Natasha Glaisyer and Sara Pennell (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2003), 40-62. 29 Bernarr Rainbow, Music in Educational Thought and Practice (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2006), 64.
119
and Bridewell. The first two of these were due to the efforts of their headmaster, Richard
Mulcaster, who published Elementarie (1582), an educational account that included an
impassioned defense of music education and a plan for its instruction.30 Mulcaster’s
Elementarie, however, does not serve as evidence for more widespread advances in
grammar-school music education. Watson, who has perhaps the most skeptical view of
music in grammar schools, notes that multiple later educational books fail to mention it,
concluding that Elementarie’s promotion of music education had little to no impact.31
More recently, the prevailing pessimistic understanding of grammar-school
music education has been challenged by historians Christopher Marsh and Jonathan
Willis.32 Marsh’s wide-ranging archival work has turned up hitherto-unknown evidence
of musical education at a number of grammar schools, but he also strives to read beyond
grammar schools’ official documents: “The foundation charters of non-specialist
grammar schools did not often mention tuition in music, but these documents may not
necessarily be a reliable guide to the actual extent of such tuition.”33 Circumstantial
evidence supports Marsh’s claim that some or even many grammar schools did offer
musical education even if their records do not indicate it.34 Willis too advocates for
“scratching beneath the surface” of pedagogical manuals and school records, and in
30 Ibid., 86-88. 31 Watson, “The Teaching of Music,” 212. 32 Marsh, Music in Society; Jonathan Willis, “‘By These Means the Sacred Discourses Sink More Deeply into
the Minds of Men’: Music and Education in Elizabethan England,” History 94 (July 2009): 294-309. 33 Marsh, Music and Society, 7. 34 Ibid., 7-9.
120
doing so, located mentions of required musical performance at several schools. “Music
did have an important role to play in some schools,” Willis writes. “Perhaps these were
exceptions. But they were significant ones.”35 It seems reasonably certain, then, that at
least some grammar schools (particularly at the end of the sixteenth century) did
provide some level of study in music for their male students.
Oxford and Cambridge both offered doctorates and bachelor’s degrees in music
to the elite men who attended university. This education consisted of music lectures
more speculative than practical (based on Boethius’ De Musica) and, despite the fact that
the lectures focused so heavily on musical philosophy, also required the submission of
original choral compositions, often a polyphonic mass setting.36 University-level
education was also available, free of charge, at Gresham College in London.37 Founded
in 1597 by the bequest of merchant and financier Sir Thomas Gresham, this college
offered open lectures to the general public by professors of Divinity, Law, Rhetoric,
Music, Physic, Geometry, and Astronomy. According to Gresham’s 1597 charter, these
lectures were created “for the credit of the place, the more encrease of learning, and
greater honour of the founder.”38 These lectures were given in both Latin and English
(unlike the Latin-only courses at Oxford and Cambridge), so that everyone—both the
35 Willis, “By These Means,” 299-300. 36 Harris, “Musical Education in Tudor Times,” 123-129; Rainbow, Music in Educational Thought, 85-86. 37 Harris, “Musical Education in Tudor Times,” 130-131; Rainbow, Music in Educational Thought, 83-85; Ortiz,
“Democratizing Music.” 38 Qtd. in John Ward, The Lives of the Professors of Gresham College (London: Printed by John Moore, 1740), iv.
121
English-speaking citizens of London and any possible European visitors—might
understand them:
And for as much as the publick reading the said lectures is to be
performed in that manner, as may most tend to the glory of God, and the
common benefit of the people of this city, which we doubt not to be the
principal ends of the said founder in ordaining of the said lectures; and
for that the greatest part of the inhabitants within the city understand not
the Latin tongue, whereby the said lectures may become solitary in a
short time, if they shall be read in the Latin tongue only; and yet withal it
is very likely that diverse strangers of forreign countries, who resort
thither, and understand not the English tongue, will greatly desire to hear
the reading of the said lectures, whereby the memory of the said
found[e]r in the erecting of the said college for the encrease of learning
may be divulged, to the good ensample of forreign nations, and the
honour and credit of this honourable city: it is thought meet, that the said
solemn lectures be applied to the best benefit and contention of the
auditors of both sorts.39
According to John Strype’s 1720 Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, a reprint
and expansion of John Stow’s 1598 Survey of London, Gresham defended its English
lectures on several grounds. Not only were lectures in English thought to be more
appealing and more useful to the general populace, but the English lectures were
thought to serve as less competition to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge:
Reasons why the Lectures in Gresham College ought to be in English. Viz.
Because the Good that would ensue would be more Publick.
And the Founder seemed to have a more special Respect to the Benefit of
the Citizens; of whom few understand the Latin Tongue.
That there would be more Hope of Contribution from the Citizens for the
39 Ibid., v.
122
perfecting this and other good Works…
That it would be less offensive and damageable to the Universities, that
this Reading be in English.
That the Maior, Aldermen, and Commonalty, to whom the ordering of
these Lectures is committed by the Will of the Founder, thought
themselves bound in Conscience to provide that they might be read to the
greatest Profit.
That if they be read in Latin, some of the Learned might probably resort to
them at first for Novelty’s Sake, but in short Time they would become
Solitary and void of Auditors…
That the Grecians taught all Parts of Learning in their own Tongue…
And Lastly, It will farther the Estimation of Learning among the People,
and will give them such a Taste of Learning as not to despise it, as the
ruder Sort do; and make them withal to find their own Wants, and how
necessary it is to have Learned Men among them.40
Gresham’s music lecture was to be read twice each week, from 3 to 4 pm on
Thursday and Saturday afternoons, “the theorique part for one half hour or thereabouts,
and the practique by concent of voice or of instruments for the rest of the hour; whereof
the first lecture is to be in the Latin tongue, and the second in the English tongue.”41
However, for the first ten years of Gresham College’s existence, music lectures were
given only in English because John Bull, Gresham’s first Professor of Music, spoke no
Latin: “because at this time, Mr. Doctor Bull is recommended to the place by the queen’s
most excellent majesty, being not able to speak Latin, his lectures are permited to be
40 John Stow, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, ed. John Strype, Vol. 1 (London, 1720), 128;
emphasis in original. 41 Qtd. in Ward, The Lives of the Professors, viii.
123
altogether in English, so long as he shall continue the place of the musick lecturer
there.”42
Finally, many elite households, inspired by the court of Henry VIII in the 1540s,
which imported a great many Italian musicians, began to employ resident
instrumentalists who also served as music tutors.43 Such teachers were easily available to
gentry families, especially if they lived near a major city. These private music tutors
made music education available even to upper-class women, in addition to men—
indeed, they typically taught children and women of the household, but not older men.44
One such example of a male music tutor teaching musical basics to a young woman,
played for humorous effect, can be found in Shakespeare’s The Taming of the Shrew (Act
III, Scene 1), when Hortensio, taking on the role of private music tutor, attempts to
express his love for Bianca under the guise of teaching her the gamut:
Hortensio. Madam, before you touch the instrument
To learn the order of my fingering,
I must begin with rudiments of art,
To teach you gamouth [gamut] in a briefer sort,
More pleasant, pithy, and effectual,
Than hath been taught by any of my trade;
And there it is in writing fairly drawn.
42 Ibid. 43 Price, Patrons and Musicians, 11-13. 44 Marsh, Music and Society, 198. Close study of Thomas Whythorne’s employment as a music tutor, and
contemporary fears of romantic love between tutors and their female students, can be found in Katie
Nelson, “Love in the music room: Thomas Whythorne and the private affairs of Tudor music tutors,” Early
Music 9, No. 1 (2012), 15-26.
124
Bianca. Why, I am past my gamouth long ago.
Hor. Yet read the gamouth of Hortensio.
Bian. [Reads.]
“Gamouth I am, the ground of all accord:
A re, to plead Hortensio's passion;
B mi, Bianca, take him for thy lord,
C fa ut, that loves with all affection.
D sol re, one cliff [clef], two notes have I,
E la mi, show pity or I die.”
Call you this gamouth? Tut, I like it not.
Old fashions please me best; I am not so nice
To change true rules for odd inventions.45
Yet most of these opportunities to learn music from an instructor—at grammar
school, at university, or from a private tutor—were available only to the gentry (and, at
that, mostly to upper-class men). Cathedral song schools were available to lower-class
boys, but only a limited subset of them. Gresham College’s public lectures were
theoretically available to all, but only within the geographical confines of London, and
only for those with enough flexibility in their work to be able to attend them. Indeed, it
seems likely that Gresham College functioned more as a networking center for academic
elites rather than a center of education for lower classes.46 Most of the opportunities to
learn to read music without being able to read words were only available to that portion
of England’s population who already knew how to read words.
45 William Shakespeare, The Taming of the Shrew, in The Riverside Shakespeare, ed. G. Blakemore Evans, J. J. M.
Tobin, et al., 2nd ed. (Boston: Wadsworth, 1997), 157. Act III, Scene 1, lines 64-81. 46 Private correspondence with Joseph Ortiz, May 9, 2017.
125
Elizabethan Music Instructional Texts
Access to music education for the lower classes was far more limited. The most widely-
available means of obtaining musical literacy in sixteenth-century England were printed
music-educational materials: the music primers often found at the front of instrumental
tutors, music theory treatises, and the music-instructional prefaces of The Whole Booke of
Psalmes. Nine of these English music instructional books were printed between 1561 and
1603 (see Table 4).47 Prior to 1561, the genre of the printed vernacular music theory text
did not exist in England.
Table 4. Printed Music Theory Texts
Author Title Publication Info
and STC
Number
Type of
Instructional
Material
Number
of Known
Editions
Through
1603
Anonymous A shorte Introduction
into the Science of
Musicke (music preface)
in The Whole Booke of
Psalmes.
Appeared first in
Psalmes. Of David in
Englishe Metre (London:
John Day, 1560/1561).
London: John
Day, 1562; STC
2430; and
subsequent
editions
Psalter preface 12
47 Thomas Robinson’s Schoole of Musicke (London: Thomas Este [East]) was printed in 1603, but the
dedication to King James I makes it clear that it falls outside the range of Elizabeth’s reign. An instrumental
tutor for lute, pandora, orpharion, and viola da gamba, containing two sets of brief music-instructional
material, it is kin to the other instrumental tutors from this period, unusual only in its mimicking of the
dialogue format used in Morley’s Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke.
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Anonymous To the Reader
(solmization preface) in
The Whole Booke of
Psalmes
London: John
Day, 1569; STC
2439.5; and
subsequent
editions
Psalter preface 44
Adrian Le
Roy,
translated by
J. Alford
A Briefe and easye
instrution to learne the
tableture to conducte and
dispose thy hande vnto
the Lute (1568).
Reprinted in A Briefe
and Plaine Instruction to
Set All Musicke of Eight
Divers Tunes in
Tableture for the Lute
(1574).
Possibly reprinted in
[The breffe and playne
instruction to lerne to
play on the gyttron and
also the Cetterne]
[1569?], of which only a
fragment of music
survives.
London: Ihon
Kyngston for
Iames
Roubothum,
1568; STC 15486.
London: Ihon
Kyngston, for
Iames
Rowbothome,
1574; STC 15487.
? London, 1569?;
STC 15486.5.
Primer found
in
instrumental
tutor
2,
possibly 3
P. Delamotte A Brief Introduction to
Musicke [lost]
1574 1
William
Bathe
A Briefe Introductione to
the True Art of Musicke
[only a manuscript
transcription survives]
London: Abel
Jeffes, 1584
Freestanding
treatise
1
William
Bathe
A Briefe Introduction to
the Skill of Song
London: Thomas
Este [East], [c.
1596]; STC 1589
Freestanding
treatise
1
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Anonymous The Pathway to Musicke London: William
Barley, 1596; STC
1433
Primer found
in
instrumental
tutor
1,
possibly 2
(lost 1593
edition?)
Thomas
Morley
A Plaine and Easie
Introduction to Practicall
Musicke
London: Peter
Short, 1597; STC
18133
Freestanding
treatise
1
The first edition of the WBP, published in 1562, included a brief introduction to
music theory as the first of its two prefaces, titled “A shorte Introduction into the Science
of Musicke, made for such as are desirous to haue the knowledge therof, for the singing
of these Psalmes.” This was not, however, the first appearance of this anonymous work;
it was first printed in John Day’s second partial psalter, the 1560/1561 Psalmes. Of David
in Englishe Metre. This “music preface,” as I will refer to it, was the very first printed
English-language music theory text. Beginning in 1569, some editions of the WBP
included a different, far shorter music-educational preface: a single page detailing the
use of the solmization syllables printed in the music throughout the psalter.
One might argue that the tiny half-page introduction to John Merbecke’s Booke of
Common Praier Noted (1550) might also be called a “music instructional text,” and that it
pushes the date for England’s first printed vernacular music theory text back by a
decade. Merbecke’s small introduction has been excluded from this study because it
differs in tone and content from the other music instructional texts. The BCPN’s preface
does not attempt to educate the reader in the rudiments of music theory; it is descriptive
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only, naming the four rhythmic values printed in the book. Merbecke has rechristened
the usual values, and he employs this preface not to teach (for example) the relative
values of breve and semibreve, but simply to identify for his readers their new names
(e.g. “The first note is a strene note and is a breue.”).48 Even the WBP’s similarly short
solmization preface has a greater educational function, not only naming the musical
notation (solmization syllables) found in the book that follows and demonstrating its use
but also specifying that the preface is intended “for the helpe of those that are desirous
to learne to sing” and that the material has been provided that the reader might “easily
call him [a note] by his right name, as by these two examples you may the better
perceiue.” Merbecke’s preface, in contrast, is solely concerned with listing the new
names for rhythmic values.
The WBP’s solmization preface was very nearly the second in the genre of
printed music theory in England, narrowly beaten by Adrian Le Roy’s Briefe and easye
instrution [sic] (1568), which was reprinted in Le Roy’s better-known Briefe and Plaine
Instruction of 1574. This was an English translation of a French lute instruction book, and
the music-theoretical preface was intended only for teaching the musical knowledge
necessary for playing the lute. Its intended audience came to the text with no prior
48 The full text of Merbecke’s preface is as follows: “In this booke is conteyned so muche of the Order of
Commo[n] prayer as is to be song in Churches: wherin are vsed only these iiii. sortes of notes, [music
example showing the four note values as printed in the BCPN] The first note is a strene note and is a breue.
The second a square note, and is a semy breue. The iii. a pycke and is a mynymme. And when there is a
prycke by the square note, that prycke is halfe as muche as the note that goeth before it. The iiii. is a close,
and is only vsed at ye end of a verse.” (sig. A.ii.r)
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instruction in music: “In the meane tyme I desire thee (that hast no entraunce in this
arte, for whom this booke is particularly made) to bestowe certaine howres, at thy
conuenient leasure, to reade and marke this little instruction.”49 P. Delamotte’s Brief
Introduction to Musicke, also published in 1574, is now lost, but it too is believed to have
been a translation of continental music theory.50 Thus the first known printed English
theory texts were not full-scale music textbooks authored by English theorists, but
psalter prefaces and translations of continental music theory.
The first freestanding English music textbook by an Englishman was William
Bathe’s Briefe Introductione to the True Art of Musicke (1584). The original book, now lost,
survives in a seventeenth-century manuscript transcription. Bathe’s True Art was
adapted and expanded into his Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song, published c. 1596.51
Skill of Song has the distinction of being the first surviving full-scale music theory
textbook, but it is surprisingly small for such an important work—just 35 pages of text,
plus title page, seven pages of music, and a fold-out table detailing solmization
assignments for various key signatures. Its intended audience was made up of those
49 Adrian Le Roy, A Briefe and easye instruction [sic] to learne the tableture to conducte and dispose thy hande vnto
the Lute englished by J. Alford Londenor (London: Imprinted by Ihon Kyngston for Iames Roubothum, 1568),
Epistle to the Reader, no page numbers or signature information given. 50 Sakurako Mishiro, “The Influence of Continental Music Theory on English and Scottish Music Theory, c.
1560-1670,” (Ph.D thesis, University of Manchester, 2013), names this work instead A Brief Instruction of
Musicke collected by P. Delamotte. She states that it was probably comprised of translated excerpts from early
continental writings, edited by Delamotte. 51 For extensive discussion of the two treatises, and the relationship between them, see Kevin Karnes,
“Bathe’s A Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song: History, Context, Significance,” in William Bathe, A Briefe
Introduction to the Skill of Song, ed. Kevin Karnes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 3-53.
130
adults who had not received music education in their youth, and Skill of Song promised
its readers that it would supply their lack quickly and easily: “Diuerse haue repented in
their age that they were not put to sing in their youth; but seeing that by these rules, a
good skill may be had in a moneth: and the ways learned in foure or fiue dayes: none
commeth too late to learne”52
In the 1590s, two more theory treatises appeared. First, in 1596, the anonymous
Pathway to Musicke was published, which has been identified as the original introduction
to William Barley’s New Booke of Tabliture (a tutor for lute, orpharion, and bandora).53 The
Pathway to Musicke was heavily influenced by continental music theory. A year later,
early modern England’s most famous music theory textbook was published: Thomas
Morley’s Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke, a freestanding work like
Bathe’s but far more extensive. Also like Bathe’s, Morley’s book was written for the
benefit of those would-be musicians who had no access to any other form of musical
instruction: “to further the studies of them, who (being indewed with good naturall
wittes, and well inclined to learne that diuine Art of Musick) are destitute of sufficient
masters.”54 Morley promised his readers that, assuming they could sing a hexachord
(“that any of but meane capacitie so that they can but truely sing their tunings, which we
commonly call the sixe notes, or vt, re, mi, fa, sol, la”), they “may, without any other
52 Bathe, Skill of Song, sig. A.3.v. 53 John M. Ward, “Barley’s Songs without Words,” Lute Society Journal 12 (1970): 5-22. 54 Morley, A Plaine and Easie Introduction, sig. B.1.r.
131
help sauing this booke, perfectly learn to sing, make discant, and set partes well and
formally togither.” Thus A Plaine and Easie Practicall Introduction assumed a higher level
of prior musical knowledge than any of the other music theory treatises of its time. Not
only would its users need to be able to read, but they would also have to possess a
minimum standard of singing proficiency—a far cry from Le Roy’s audience of those
“[who] hast no entraunce in this arte.”
In sum, the genre of vernacular printed music theory treatises in Elizabethan
England encompassed psalter prefaces, prefaces in instruction books for the lute and
other instruments, and freestanding music theory textbooks. They demonstrated a wide
range of instructional goals, assumptions about readers’ prior musical knowledge, and
the amount of musical content they attempted to teach. None, however, required their
readers to consult any additional musical texts—as Morley put it, “without any other
help sauing this booke.” (Though as we will see in Chapter 4, some encouraged readers
to seek help from a more skilled musician.) Indeed, most of these treatises specifically
positioned themselves as replacements for other, neglected forms of music education.
Interestingly enough, music-theoretical prefaces never appeared in books of song,
probably because the partbook format would have necessitated printing any such
preface multiple times.
Of these nine works of music theory, the WBP’s prefaces were by far the most
widely available. Most of the other theory treatises were printed only once. Le Roy’s
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Instruction is found in two editions (possibly three—it may have been included in Le
Roy’s [Breffe and playne instruction to lerne to play on the gyttron and also the Cetterne]
[1569?], of which only a fragment of music survives). There may be a lost second edition
of the anonymous Pathway to Musicke from 1593.55 Morley’s Plaine and Easie Introduction
was reprinted in 1608 (beyond the range of this study). These single editions—or even
two or three—cannot measure up to the eleven editions of the WBP that contained the
music preface or the fully 44 that had the solmization preface. The WBP was a more
plentiful and certainly more popular book than any other printed music theory treatise
in Elizabethan England.
The numerous editions and high availability of the WBP, however, could not
solve the problem of general literacy. Beyond the upper class, most English people were
caught in a contradiction: unable to read, but unable to gain access to those methods of
music education that eliminated the need to read; while those who could read were also
the most likely to have alternative ways to learn how to read music.
Learning From Printed Texts Without Knowing How to Read
It would seem that Cressy’s quantitative analysis of general literacy rates places serious
limitations on any estimate regarding musical literacy rates. Beyond the male gentry,
55 Jeremy L. Smith, Thomas East and Music Publishing in Renaissance England (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2003), 85.
133
most sixteenth-century English people could not read. Thus the very people who,
lacking private tutors and higher education, needed printed music instruction books in
order to learn to read music were unlikely to be able to read them. The WBP’s two music
prefaces were by far the most abundant of these printed texts and therefore the most
widely-available means of obtaining musical literacy. Yet their ability to substantively
improve musical literacy rates was sorely hampered by poor general literacy rates. How
many people were actually able to read them?
Yet traditional ideas of literacy did not necessarily limit the spread of musical
knowledge from printed texts. We cannot judge access to the music education found in
music theory treatises by literacy rates alone. Sixteenth-century England had a culture in
which gaining knowledge was often a communal practice. Music instruction, like other
forms of education, could be learned from others (beyond professional teachers).
Though records were not kept, it is certain that the lower classes organized informal
musical instruction for musical performance, including bagpipe and drum.56 If even one
of these educators could read music, he or she could pass this knowledge on to others,
none of them needing general literacy.57
56 Marsh, Music and Society, 214. 57 See discussion of the seventeenth-century practice of “lining out” in Chapter 6.
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In addition, reading aloud was still a common practice. Silent reading originated
in the medieval period in a monastic context,58 but reading aloud as a general rule
endured throughout the sixteenth century. In Elizabethan England, members of the
lower class were almost certainly reading aloud, and even the gentry, who commonly
had the ability to read silently, often chose to read aloud as a form of sociable
entertainment.59 When a text is read aloud, access to its contents is granted by a single
literate individual to all listeners, literate or not. It would take only one literate person to
share the contents of a book with many. This practice greatly increased access to printed
works, placing the reader in the role of a performer realizing a text to an audience—or in
the role of instructor tutoring his students in music.
As we saw in Chapter 2, Protestant reformers especially advocated for reading
aloud at home as a form of religious education. We do in fact have evidence of John
Day’s metrical psalms being employed in a context of domestic education. In 1563, one
year after releasing the first edition of The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Day published a set of
four-part harmonizations of tunes from that psalter. Despite the collection’s title, The
Whole Psalmes in Foure Partes, it does not actually include all 150 psalms, but it contains a
large number of psalms and hymns, many of them in several different settings. It also
58 On the development of silent reading in the medieval period, see Paul Saenger, “Silent Reading: Its Impact
on Late Medieval Script and Society,” Viator 13 (1982), 367-414; and idem, Space Between Words: The Origin of
Silent Reading (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997). 59 Roger Chartier, “Leisure and Sociability: Reading Aloud in Early Modern Europe,” in Urban Life in the
Renaissance, ed. Susan Zimmerman and Ronald F. E. Weissman (Newark: University of Delaware Press,
1989), 103-120.
135
contains an intriguing woodcut depicting a scene of family life found on the verso of the
title page of three out of the four partbooks (contratenor, tenor, and bassus, but not
medius, which has a different woodcut honoring Queen Elizabeth). In this image (see
Figure 9), a father sits on a throne-like chair in a sparsely-furnished room, instructing his
wife and four children in solmization. One of the sons holds a toy, and another holds a
book—in upright rather than oblong format, and therefore not one of the Whole Psalmes
in Foure Partes partbooks (but perhaps a copy of The Whole Booke of Psalmes). Day’s
woodcut portrays his ideal audience for this set of partbooks in particular, and metrical
psalms in general: a Protestant family with a practice of patriarchal domestic musical
education. In Chapter 4, I will return to this image to discuss its depiction of the
Guidonian hand; for now it serves as evidence of oral teaching enabling the use of
metrical psalters by the illiterate.
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Figure 9. Woodcut From Day’s Whole Psalmes in Foure Partes60
I showed in Chapters 1 and 2 that Day’s WBP was intended as a prescriptive
Protestant religious text, demonstrating what English Protestant identity ought to be: a
musically-literate congregation singing together in community. Yet the WBP was
published at a time when a significant number of its intended audience could not use
these materials in the way they were intended. Poor general literacy rates were a
problem for the psalter, its music-instructional prefatory material relying on users of the
hymnal knowing how to read or having access to a literate person who could read it out
loud. Only a few people needed to be able to read—and to read music—in order to lead
60 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the British Library.
137
the others. In this way, poor general literacy rates were not so much an obstacle to the
WBP’s educational mission as they might first appear.
138
Chapter 4. ‘For the helpe of those that are desirous to learne to sing’: The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ Music-Educational Prefaces
I argued in Chapter 1 that John Day’s prefatory material successfully situated The Whole
Booke of Psalmes as an authoritative and authorized Protestant text, thus claiming for this
hymnal the opportunity to shape English Protestant devotional culture. In Chapter 2, I
showed that one of the commitments of Protestantism—English or otherwise—was the
active musical participation of the laity. The WBP both reflected and shaped its musical
culture, emphasizing in words and in music the value of singing psalms in unison as an
inclusive community. In this chapter, I make this dissertation’s central argument:
alongside its identities as devotional scriptural text and congregational hymnal, the WBP
served as a music instruction book, and indeed, as the first and most easily accessible
work of popular music education in sixteenth-century England; and that it was born
from Protestant ideology regarding the Christian practice of music. The psalter is
evidence that English Protestantism saw not only verbal literacy as a primary goal but
musical literacy as well: if being a Protestant meant becoming an active part of musical
139
worship, then it was crucial to teach all the laity to sing well, enabling them to fully
inhabit that identity. 1
To accomplish this goal, the WBP included two main didactic features that aimed
to teach readers the rudiments of musical knowledge: an instructional letter to the
reader on the fundamentals of reading music and a system of printed solmization
syllables to aid in sight-singing. The “Shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke”
found in the first edition of 1562 served as an introductory treatise in music theory, one
intended to aid readers in learning to sing the Psalms and any other “playne and easy
Songes as these are.” Other editions included a music typeface that contained
solmization syllables along with a new preface explaining their use.2 Throughout this
chapter, I will refer to these two educational aids as the “music preface” and the
“solmization preface.”
Scholars have long known of the existence of these two musical prefaces. In 1900,
John Stainer examined them along with prefaces from several other sixteenth- and
1 A useful introduction to several facets of Protestantism’s relationship to general literacy in England can be
found in Alec Ryrie, Being Protestant in Reformation Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), Chapter
11. 2 The printing of solmization syllables in musical staves was not unique to Day’s WBP; it could be found
earlier, on the Continent, in Louis Bourgeois’ Le Droict Chemin de Musique (Geneva, 1550; to be discussed in
Chapter 5). It would also be used in Bathe’s c. 1596 Skill of Song (sig. B.iii.v) and Barley’s 1596 Pathway to
Musicke (sig. B.ii.v - B.iv.r). However, the WBP marked the first known use of printed solmization in
England. Indeed, the WBP’s printed solmization influenced those examples that followed—Jessie Ann
Owens has pointed out that Bathe’s printed solmization is a four-part setting of Sternhold’s Psalm 4 with the
“church tune” taken from Thomas East’s 1592 Whole Booke of Psalmes: With Their Wonted Tunes: Jessie Ann
Owens, “Concepts of Pitch in English Music Theory, c. 1560-1640,” in Tonal Structures in Early Music, ed.
Cristle Collins Judd (New York: Garland Publishing, 1998), 240n58.
140
seventeenth-century psalters from England, France, and Germany in order to show that
the psalter offered unique scope for the provision of musical instructions, and that
“pioneers of congregational psalmody” did so intentionally in order to “secure an
intelligent, as well as a general participation in its rendering.”3 In 1982, Bernarr Rainbow
published a set of facsimiles of English psalter prefaces from the sixteenth through the
nineteenth centuries (including the music preface and the solmization preface from the
WBP), along with his own introductory essay that similarly argues that many psalters
provided elementary instruction in music for the general populace.4 Rainbow links this
method of providing popular music education to Protestantism, aligning the English
prefaces with Lutheran and Calvinist school-curriculum psalmody. Rainbow also reads
into Stainer’s “On the Musical Introductions Found in Certain Metrical Psalters” a
similar claim for a relationship between Reformation ideology and psalter prefaces;
however, this argument is not actually to be found in Stainer’s article.5 Both authors note
that Protestants were the source of this new form of popular musical instruction,
however, neither fully explains why, nor do they consider the prefaces in close
relationship with the other music theory treatises published in sixteenth-century
3 John Stainer, “On the Musical Introductions Found in Certain Metrical Psalters,” Proceedings of the Musical
Association, 27th Sess. (1900-1901): 1. 4 Bernarr Rainbow, ed., English Psalmody Prefaces: Popular Methods of Teaching, 1562-1835 (Kilkenny, Ireland:
Boethius Press, 1982). 5 Bernarr Rainbow, “Introduction,” in English Psalmody Prefaces: Popular Methods of Teaching, 1562-1835
(Kilkenny, Ireland: Boethius Press, 1982), 1-2.
141
England. How do the WBP’s two prefaces enact the Protestant music-educational
mission?
My research into the music-pedagogical nature of the WBP, and particularly its
two prefaces, extends the work of Stainer and Rainbow. My archival research has
revealed that both forms of musical didacticism were far more prevalent than
scholarship currently acknowledges. In this chapter, I will show how the two musical
prefaces found in the WBP helped to advance the cause of popular music education (and
what, exactly, they taught). Close analysis of the language found in these two prefaces
makes it clear that this push towards increased musical literacy was indeed a
theologically-motivated Protestant impulse.
Frequency of the Prefatory Material
Musicological scholarship regarding the WBP’s two musical prefaces has historically
suffered from a quantitative problem: dates and frequency of these two psalter prefaces
have often been unknown, omitted, or simply errant. Older scholarship was highly
interested in identifying all appearances of the musical prefaces but was limited by the
comparatively few surviving primary sources known at the time, which made it
impossible to compile a complete list. As a result, these works continually misdated the
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first appearance of the solmization preface.6 Newer secondary literature, including work
by Nicholas Temperley, Jessie Ann Owens, and Timothy Duguid, accurately lists the
dates of each preface’s first appearance, but makes no effort to identify the dates and
frequency of future appearances.7 Scholars who discuss both prefaces often make it seem
that the solmization preface completely replaced the music preface, while in truth there
was a lengthy period of overlap in which both forms of musical didacticism appeared
(but never in the same edition). My own research has been greatly aided by increased
library cataloging and reporting, coupled with online resources like Early English Books
Online, which allows the viewing of digitized prints, and the English Short-Title
Catalogue, a database of editions and their locations worldwide. These resources have
allowed me to undertake a comprehensive survey of all known surviving Elizabethan
WBP editions. I am not the first person to take on this task—Temperley spearheaded
exactly this sort of project for his Hymn Tune Index, as did Timothy Duguid in order to
6 In chronological order: Stainer, “On the Musical Introductions Found in Certain Metrical Psalters;” Robert
Steele, The Earliest English Music Printing (London: Printed for the Bibliographical Society at the Cheswick
Press, 1903); Henry Watson, “The Article ‘Psalter’ in Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians (New
Edition),” Musical Times (Sept., 1907): 596-597; David G. T. Harris, “Musical Education in Tudor Times (1485-
1603),” Proceedings of the Musical Association, 65th Sess. (1938-1939): 109-139; D. W. Krummel, English Music
Printing 1553-1700 (London: The Biographical Society, 1975); Rainbow, “Introduction,” in English Psalmody
Prefaces. 7 Nicholas Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1979); Owens, “Concepts of Pitch in English Music Theory;” Timothy Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in
Print and Practice: English ‘Singing Psalms’ and Scottish ‘Psalm Buiks’, c. 1547-1640 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014).
143
track changes to tune references8—but I am the first to concentrate on prefatory
materials rather than texts or tunes.
To show that this attempt to improve the musical literacy of the masses was not
merely a single publisher’s impulse in one single year (John Day in 1562), but a key part
of the English Protestant agenda, I have viewed as many Elizabethan editions of the
WBP as possible. The English Short-Title Catalogue lists 141 known editions between
1562 and 1603; I have discovered two additional unlisted editions. (See Appendix 1 for a
complete list of these editions and their features.) Of these 143, I have viewed 133 via
Early English Books Online or in person. This has allowed me to track publishers’
choices in prefatory material across Elizabeth’s reign.
As discussed in Chapter 1, John Day’s first edition of The Whole Booke of Psalmes
in 1562 featured two prefatory texts: the music preface and the Athanasius treatise.
While some later editions echoed this preliminary content, many did not, and the
aggregate set of all WBP editions made use of a broad variety of prefatory material,
including the music preface, the solmization preface, two different translations of the
Athanasius treatise, other passages from Scripture and by church fathers, or even no
prefatory content at all.
8 Nicholas Temperley, The Hymn Tune Index: A Census of English-Language Hymn Tunes in Printed Sources from
1535 to 1820, 4 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); also found at http://hymntune.library.uiuc.edu;
Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice.
144
Scholars have not ignored the mutability of subsequent editions. The standard
reference for any study of the WBP, Nicholas Temperley’s Music of the English Parish
Church, briefly acknowledged this without further comment: “Certain prose items (the
treatise of Athanasius, musical introduction, and prayers for domestic use) varied from
edition to edition.”9 Beth Quitslund has been tracking textual changes, and the fruits of
her work to understand the method behind the WBP’s sixteenth- and early seventeenth-
century instability was presented in a 2013 public lecture.10 More recently, Timothy
Duguid’s Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice presented his own findings regarding
musical changes to tunes and the assignment of tune references.11 We can also look
forward to a more extensive discussion of changes both textual and musical in the essays
accompanying the forthcoming critical edition of the WBP, a joint project by Temperley
and Quitslund.12
I have identified six distinct categories of preliminary content, which has enabled
me to compile a new set of statistics regarding the frequency of the two musical
prefaces. In ordering these six groups, I have emphasized chronology rather than
frequency, numbering them according to their first occurrence. Thus, for example,
9 Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 55. 10 Beth Quitslund, “Adaptation and Popularity: Building The Whole Booke of Psalmes 1547-1577,” Psalm
Culture and the Politics of Translation Conference, London, July 16, 2013. This material will appear in the
forthcoming critical edition of The Whole Booke of Psalmes. 11 Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice. 12 Beth Quitslund and Nicholas Temperley, eds., The Whole Book of Psalms: A Critical Edition of the Texts and
Tunes, 2 vols., Renaissance English Text Society Publications 36 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press,
forthcoming).
145
although in this period it was far more common for a psalter edition to lack the music
preface than to have it, Group 1 (psalters with music prefaces) is listed before Group 2
(psalters with Athanasius treatise but without music preface), since the former first
appeared in 1562 and the latter in 1565. Thus the order in which I discuss these
categories is not a hierarchy of prevalence, but a chronological listing that helps us track
publishers’ choices when printing new editions. Table 5 outlines the frequency of each of
these six groups; for the details of each edition, including the group to which it belongs,
see Appendix 1. The reason for this level of detailed description is to show that for each
new—and newly typeset—edition, publishers chose from a number of possible
preliminary texts, each with a different emphasis. Thus some editions stressed musical
literacy, others consistency with historical theological tradition, and others affordability.
These ongoing changes offer insight into the changing goals of the psalter’s multiple
publishers and the (perceived) needs of the populace.
Table 5. Psalter Groupings
Group Psalter type First
occurrence
Number of editions
(out of the 133
viewed)
Percent
Group 1 Music preface and
Athanasius preface
1562 11 8.27%
Group 2 Athanasius preface 1565 35 26.32%
Group 3 Solmization preface 1569 44 33.08%
Group 4 Different prefatory
material
1577 3 2.26%
Group 5 No prefatory material 1578 34 25.56%
Group 6 Text only 1590 6 4.51%
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Psalters with musical didacticism
(Groups 1 and 3)
55 41.35%
Psalters without musical didacticism
(Groups 2, 4, 5, and 6)
72 58.65%
Group 1: Music Preface and Athanasius Preface (11 editions, 8.27%)
The first edition of the WBP in 1562 contained, in this order, the frontispiece, two
prefaces (first, the introductory music theory treatise and second, the translation of a
treatise by St. Athanasius, Opusculum in Psalmos—for more on the significance of the
Athanasius treatise, see Chapter 1), a set of hymns, settings of all 150 psalms, a second
set of hymns, a set of prayers, the index, and the colophon. This basic structure would be
preserved for most future editions of the psalter, though not without occasional and
sometimes quite significant changes, as we shall see in the other groups. This first
edition established an initial model for its prefatory material (music preface followed by
Athanasius treatise), which would be repeated in the next two years (1563 and 1564
editions) and then reappear sporadically through 1583. None of these Group 1 psalters
included the solmization preface (for that, see Group 3). The eleven psalters in this
group were not all printed in the same format; some (including the first edition) were
octavos (8o) and others quartos (4o).
The 1564 edition (STC 2432) is particularly interesting because it is the only one
to explicitly call attention to the inclusion of the music preface. Its title page contains the
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line “Whereunto is added a short introduction to learne to syng the Psalmes.” This
advertisement represents a commercial impulse, viewing this educational aid as a
selling point. It also increased the public visibility of the WBP’s utility as an aid to
musical literacy.
Group 2: Athanasius Preface (35 editions, 26.32%)
Just three years after the first edition, the 1565 WBP (STC 2434) would omit the music
preface, its prefatory material consisting only of the Athanasius treatise. This became the
standard template for the WBP, and it would not be long before psalters lacking the
music preface outnumbered those containing it. In total, 35 of the 133 viewed WBP
editions contained the Athanasius treatise without the music preface, with publication
dates ranging from 1565 through 1603 (the end of this survey).
A few of the Group 2 psalters also included additional prefatory material. The
1567 WBP (STC 2436/2438) contained a copy of Day’s psalter patent on the verso of the
title page; it was the only surviving WBP edition to call attention so blatantly to Day’s
legal rights as England’s sole publisher of metrical psalters. A 1582 edition (STC 2461)
included a woodcut on the verso of the title page and several more woodcuts
throughout.
There is a great deal of variation among this group. Formats, for example, ranged
from folio (2o) all the way down to thirty-twomo (32o). Some of folio-sized Group 2
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psalters demonstrated a particularly ornate visual style (see Figure 10). I think of these
as “presentation psalters,” akin to the Alamire presentation manuscripts: large and
illustrated as lavishly as the medium allowed, intended as much to be seen as performed
from.13 The WBP presentation psalters printed large blackletter type in a single column
(allowing an entire fourteener to fit on a single line, rather than the more typical two-
column layout, which required the division of each verse into lines of eight and six
syllables). Several additional kinds of type in various fonts and font sizes were used for
contrast, mostly among the prefatory apparatus accompanying each psalm or for the
occasional Gloria patri. Music was printed in larger-than-usual typeface with woodcut
initials. Other printed shapes and symbols were used to fill blank space on pages,
including vertical lines separating stanzas, fleuron medallions, and decorative borders.
Concentrated mostly around the turn of the seventeenth century but appearing as early
as 1565, these presentation psalters are the most visually arresting of all Elizabethan
WBP editions, representing one extreme on the continuum of psalter editions ranging
from highly economical to highly sumptuous.
13 On the visual presentation style of the Alamire manuscripts, see Herbert Kellman, ed., The Treasury of
Petrus Alamire: Music and Art in Flemish Court Manuscripts, 1500-1535 (Ghent: Ludion, 1999).
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Figure 10. Presentation Psalter14
Group 3: Solmization (44 editions, 33.08%)
The third group consists of the 44 psalters that printed solmization syllables,
accompanied by a short, one-page preface explaining these syllables. The first surviving
solmization psalter was printed in 1569 (STC 2439.5). The majority of this group
contained no other prefatory material; however, the following five editions also
included the Athanasius treatise following the solmization preface: c. 1570 (STC 2441.5),
14 WBP 1572, STC 2442.7. Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of General Theological Seminary.
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1578 (STC 2451.5), c. 1580 (STC 2456.6), 1581 (STC 2459.5), and 1583 (STC 2466.9). The
other 39 editions that did not print the Athanasius treatise stressed only musical
learning without theological justification.
Group 4: Different Prefatory Material (3 editions, 2.26%)
The three psalters of Group 4 are an interesting set, containing entirely different
prefatory material than that of all other WBPs printed in Elizabethan England. These
editions date from 1577 (STC 2449.5), 1593 (STC 2485), and 1599 (STC 2498.5). In contrast
to the usual Athanasius treatise and possibly the music preface, they contain quotations
from Ecclesiasticus (a deuterocanonical book of Scripture) and Augustine’s Confessions,
“A treatise made by Athanasius, vpon the psalmes, in Ann. Dom. 379” (a translation of
Pros Markellinon), as well as the essay “Of the vse and vertue of the Psalmes by
Athanasius” (a translation of Opusculum in Psalmos). This second piece of writing by
Athanasius is the same work as the standard Athanasius treatise found in most WBPs
(“A Treatise made by Athanasius the great, wherin is set forth how, and in what manner
ye may vse the Psalmes…”). However, it is not the same translation. The Group 4
version is a slightly condensed version of the translation of Opusculum in Psalmos found
in Archbishop Matthew Parker’s Whole Psalter translated into English Metre, a metrical
psalter published by John Day in 1567 that, up until now, has no known relation to the
WBP beyond the name of its publisher. Indeed, almost all of the new prefatory material
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in the Group 4 psalters is excerpted from the Parker Psalter (the brief Ecclesiasticus
quotation is the only exception).
All three Group 4 psalters are tiny thirty-twomos (32o), the smallest format in
which the WBP was printed. (Not all thirty-twomos, however, are in this group; see
especially Group 6.) The small format—the books are just over three inches tall—
necessitated reduced title pages that lacked some of the usual textual features. However,
the seeming goal of economy suggested by the page size is belied by the addition of the
extra prefatory material. In addition, the psalters print the standard prefatory apparatus
before each psalm (Latin incipit, psalm number, author, prose argument, and tune
reference). Many other editions (particularly among Group 5) do away with prose
arguments in the interest of preserving space. This begs the question: why do the Group
4 psalters have so much unnecessary material? Their page size may be small, but the
books themselves are very thick, and the extra paper needed did not serve to make these
books cheap. It is unclear why Day provided this unusual version of his psalter, but
these editions did serve to introduce additional paratextual material that contributed to
the authoritative Protestant identity of the WBP.
Group 5: No Prefatory Material (34 editions, 25.56%)
The 34 psalters making up Group 5, which first appeared in 1581, had no prefatory
material at all (although a few had woodcuts on the verso of the title page, a choice that
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required time and effort but did not necessitate extra paper). They were usually printed
in very small typeface, and many lacked the arguments that introduced each psalm,
which also helped save space. While most of the WBP editions used their prefatory
material as a means of transmitting Protestant ideas and shaping their readers’ approach
to the psalms, this group seemed to stress financial economy.
Group 6: Text Only (6 editions, 4.51%)
Six psalters concentrated at the end of Elizabeth’s reign not only had none of the usual
prefatory material, but also contained no musical notation within the psalter: 1590 (STC
2477.5, a pirated edition printed by “Iohn Legate, Printer to the Vniversitie of
Cambridge”), 1595 (STC 2490.5), 1597 (STC 2492a.5), 1599 (STC 2498), 1600 (STC 2501),
and 1601 (STC 2504). All six were miniature thirty-twomos (32os), like Group 4. Their
only prefatory matter is a list which specified the canticles found at the end of the book
(themselves a reduced set of the usual opening and closing canticles). The feature that
most sets off the Group 6 psalters, however, is their complete lack of printed music—
these text-only editions even remove the tune references. From a music-educational
standpoint, these psalters lacked any pedagogical features at all. By this point, the psalm
melodies were widely known, so it is probable that readers of the Group 6 psalters could
still have sung these texts. However, the editions themselves presented the metricized
psalms as spoken poetry rather than hymns, hearkening back to the original Sternhold
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books of courtly poetry but now with devotional (rather than the original courtly and
political) purpose.15
Publisher Choices
Across these six groups, the content of the WBP, its psalms and hymns, remained largely
the same.16 This content could by accompanied by a wide range of possible prefatory
material, and each new edition represented choices on the part of the publisher(s).
Should a given edition be fairly standard, meaning that it included the Athanasius
treatise with no other prefatory material, or should it contain the music preface, or
solmization syllables and accompanying preface? It might eschew the usual prefatory
essays and substitute several from the Parker Psalter. Perhaps it should include no
prefatory material, a cheaper option for both producer and consumer. Or it might not
even contain music at all.
The Temporal Relationship Between the Music-Theoretical Prefaces
In summary, the music preface appears in 11 editions out of the viewed 133, about 8%;
solmization appears in 44 editions, about 33%. Both of these figures are significantly
15 On the courtly identity and political purpose of Certayne psalmes and Al such psalmes, see Beth Quitslund,
The Reformation in Rhyme (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), Chapters 1-2. 16 See Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice on tune changes and Quitslund, Reformation in Rhyme
on textual changes.
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higher than modern scholarship has realized. Nearly half of the surviving editions of the
WBP contained one of these two didactic features, demonstrating a consistent concern
for the musical knowledge of the book’s readers. Indeed, only seven calendar years did
not see the publication of at least one WBP edition that contained one of these two forms
of musical didacticism. Day’s contribution to musical literacy for the common people
was a regular feature of this publication across the entire Elizabethan period. This data
makes it clear that music education was not a one-time experiment or casual effort, but
an ongoing priority for the publishers of the WBP.
Figure 11. Frequency of the Music-Theoretical Prefaces
In Figure 11, each box represents an edition. Red boxes indicate those editions
which printed the music preface, and blue boxes the ones that included solmization.
Grey boxes represent editions that did not contain either form of musical didacticism,
and the thirteen black boxes indicate editions I have not yet been able to see. (A
complete list of these editions, categorized by group number, can be found as Appendix
1.) As this timeline shows, the music preface appeared in the first edition of the WBP,
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was reprinted in the next few years, and was then sporadically printed into the 1580s.
Why did it endure into the 1580s, well after solmization psalters were introduced in
1569, rather than being discontinued when solmization was introduced as an
alternative? No edition includes both the music preface and solmization; solmization is
clearly considered an alternate form of educational aid.
Conversely, why did the music preface cease to appear after 1583, while
solmization psalters, once introduced, were almost continually reproduced? The start to
an answer is biographical: John Day died in 1584, and the psalter began to be published
by his son Richard (or more accurately, by assigns of Richard Day; see Chapters 1 and 6
for more details about ownership of the psalter patent following John Day’s death).
However, Day’s death alone does not account for the disappearance of the music
preface. The new publishers maintained many of the other options regarding prefatory
material (Groups 1-5 all originated with John Day; only Group 6, the text-only psalters,
would be introduced by one of Richard Day’s assigns). It seems plausible that Richard
Day’s assigns realized that the music preface had become, in a way, obsolete, or at least
no longer absolutely necessary to allow the general public access to music education in
the form of a printed music theory treatise. In 1584, William Bathe published his Briefe
Introduction to the True Art of Musicke, which was England’s first large-scale printed
music instructional text (see Chapter 3 for more on Bathe’s True Art). In ceasing to print
the music preface in future WBP editions, Richard Day and his assigns yielded way to
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Bathe’s True Art, choosing not to compete with this far more extensive theory textbook.
Perhaps the new publishers assumed that with Bathe’s treatise in print, the English laity
had separate and sufficient access to this educational material. It seems likely too that
the WBP was making a final, definitive shift to solmization as its primary form of
musical didacticism: 1583 saw four editions printed with solmization, more than in any
other year.
The Music Preface
Upon opening the 1562 WBP, the first content encountered was an epistle to the reader
titled “A shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke, made for such as are desirous
to haue the knowledge therof, for the singing of these Psalmes.”17 This “music preface,”
as I call it, provided basic instruction into the fundamentals of music. However, this
preface did not originate in the first edition of the WBP. It first appeared in one of John
Day’s partial psalters, the 1560/1561 Psalmes. Of David in Englishe Metre (STC 2429; it is
twice-dated because title page and colophon list different dates of publication). With the
exception of a woodcut on the title page verso, the music preface was the only prefatory
material in the 1560/1561 Psalmes. Neither source gives authorial attribution for this
essay. The content of the music preface did not change when it was reprinted in the
17 Sig. +.ii.r through +.vii.r. Special thanks to Kerry McCarthy, Jessie Ann Owens, and Nicholas Temperley
for their correspondence with me regarding this preface.
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WBP, with the exception of several small but significant printing errors, which will be
discussed at length in Chapter 6. Half of the woodcuts were re-used; the other half were
remade but contain the same content. See Appendix 3 for a complete transcription of
this text as printed in the 1562 WBP.
The music preface has a clear commercial quality, especially its first page, which
advertises quick and easy learning:
I haue set here in the beginning of this boke of psalmes, an easie and
moste playne way and rule… Wherby (any diligence geuen therunto)
euerye man may in a fewe dayes: yea, in a few houres, easely without all
payne, & that also without ayde or helpe of any other teacher, attayne to a
sufficient, knowledg, to singe any Psalme contayned in thys Booke, or
any suche other playne and easy Songes as these are.18
This music preface is “easie and moste playne,” understandable to all; this exact
descriptor would be maintained and reversed in Thomas Morley’s famous Plaine and
Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke of 1597. In her study of English music theory
treatises in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Rebecca Herissone has observed
that English treatises were less comprehensive than their continental counterparts, and
dealt primarily with “musical rudiments and the rules of composition, known
collectively at the time as practical music.”19 Simplicity and brevity were prized, and
descriptions like “plain,” “easy,” and “brief” show up in many titles—in addition to
Morley’s treatise, we have Le Roy’s Briefe and easye instrution [sic] (1568) and Briefe and
18 Sig. +.ii.r. 19 Rebecca Herissone, Music Theory in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 1.
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Plaine Instruction (1574), Delamotte’s Brief Introduction to Musicke (1574), and Bathe’s
Briefe Introductione to the True Art of Musicke (1584) and Briefe Introduction to the Skill of
Song (c. 1596). See Chapter 3 for further discussion of these other music-theoretical
works.
This passage from “Shorte Introduction” also claims that this music preface is all
that is needed to gain a working understanding of the rudiments of music theory: in
only a few hours, without help from any other text or teacher, a student will gain all the
knowledge he or she needs to sing these psalms and other “playne and easy Songes as
these are.” It makes no claims to offer sophisticated musical training, which is an
accurate reflection of the little treatise. The preface itself later admits that its reader does
need additional outside aid, suggesting the reader seek help from another person or an
instrument in order to learn how to sing the hexachord:
Moreouer it is to be noted, that there are vi. voyces, or Notes, signified
and expressed by these vi. sillables: vt: re mi, fa, sol, la, by whiche through
repetition of them, may be song al songes of what compasse so euer they
be, which vi. notes, ye must learn to tune aptely of some one that can
already sing, or by som Instrument of musike, as the Virginals, or some
other suche like, Which thing wel learned, ye shal nede none other
teaching of any.20
This is entirely in keeping with the genre of epistles to the reader; Heidi Brayman
Hackel notes that “[s]ome books, particularly handbooks that teach a particular skill,
20 Sig. +.iii.v through +.iv.r.
159
urge less skilled readers to obtain help when they are puzzled about a meaning in the
text.”21 Encouraging readers to get help from a more experienced reader was a familiar
tactic of early modern printed books, whose authors greatly feared misinterpretation.
This assumption of outside aid would reappear in another music theory treatise, when
Adrian le Roy’s 1568 A Briefe and easye instrution described its utility in its epistle to the
reader in very similar terms: “Thou shalte vnderstande by this little treatise the
tablytorie for the Lute, howe thou mayest accorde or tune the same, eyther by arte or by
erae, the disposition of the hande…whereby thou mayest easily learne by thy selfe, with
very small helpe of a teacher.”22
Later in the “Shorte Introduction,” the author continues to advertise
understandable teaching and quick learning: “And for a plainer learning therof, I haue
set before your eyes, those vi. notes ascending and descending… For these two examples
well had, and tuned a righte, all other songes and Psalmes, with little vse and a small
labour will sone be attayned vnto.”23 The familiar, second-person address from the
author of the epistle to the reader (“ye”) is typical of Tudor literature. It is curious, then,
that this direct address does not appear on the first page of the music preface. It is not
until the reader (or, perhaps more importantly, potential reader) is invested enough in
21 Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England: Print, Gender, and Literacy (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005), 118. 22 Adrian Le Roy, A Briefe and easye instruction [sic] to learne the tableture to conducte and dispose thy hande vnto
the Lute englished by J. Alford Londenor (London: Imprinted by Ihon Kyngston for Iames Roubothum, 1568),
Epistle to the Reader, no page numbers or signature information given. 23 Sig. +.iv.r
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the book to turn the page that the reader is addressed directly. Finally, the music preface
itself would in at least one later year be considered marketable: the 1564 edition of the
WBP (STC 2432) advertises the inclusion of this music preface right on its title page:
“Whereunto is added a short introduction to learne to syng the Psalmes.”
Unlike the typical Tudor epistle to the reader, the “Shorte Introduction” does not
overtly attempt to control the reader’s reception of the main body of content that
follows, but this letter does attempt to influence the reader’s approach to the psalter by
enabling a particular—a musically accurate—reading of the musical notation that
accompanies the psalm texts. The address to “the rude & ignorant in Song,” like other
such letters to the reader, describes the benefit of reading the book and implicitly pleads
for the reader to approach the book in the proper spirit (in this case, with the
appropriate musical training). The first page of the music preface (that all-important
page for advertising purposes) praises “the singing of Psalmes” as a “godly exercise” in
which a community “in the common place of prayer…with one voyce” may “render
thankes & prayses to God.”24 The page goes on to offer additional locations outside the
church building: a purchaser of this book can also sing psalms “priuatly by them selues,
or at home in their houses”25 This first page also describes the contents of the “Shorte
Introduction” that follow: “I haue set here in the beginning of this boke of psalmes, an
24 Sig. +.ii.r. 25 Ibid.
161
easie and moste playne way and rule, of the order of the Notes and Kayes of singing,
whiche commonly is called the scale of Musicke, or the Gamma vt.”26 Thus the music
preface functions both as a letter to the reader, complete with the genre’s usual style and
aim, and simultaneously as a music theory treatise. Later in this chapter, I will discuss
the conventions of this epistle to the reader genre in greater depth and explore the
implications of this dual identity.
The majority of the music preface—fully seven and a half pages out of eleven—is
concerned with “the scale of Musicke, or the Gamma vt.” Its primary purpose is to teach
its readers how to identify pitches, both in an illustration of the gamut and on musical
staves. The treatise makes it clear that this is the single most important musical skill:
In this table, or gamma vt, is conteyned all, what is necessari to the
knoweledge of singing Wherefore it must be diligentlie waid & muste
also be perfectly committed to memory, so that ye can redely and
distinctly say it without boke, both forwarde and backward: that is,
vpward and downward And this is the greatest pain that ye nede to take
in this trauayle.27
The provided woodcut image (see Figure 12), with illustrated organ pipes enclosing
each hexachord and reinforcing the musical, physically-produced nature of each
theoretical pitch, and lengthy accompanying explanation allow readers to name each
pitch. Readers are taught how to specify pitches according to their names taken from the
gamut (e.g., “G sol re ut”) and then how to assign hexachordal solmization syllables.
26 Ibid. 27 Sig. +.ii.v
162
Figure 12. Gamut Woodcut from the WBP’s Music Preface28
Comparatively little space is allotted to the rhythmic values of notes and rests
(only two and a half pages). The treatise introduces this content in more casual fashion
than its section on note names, though it still recommends that the reader take pains to
memorize it: “Ye haue also in youre songes diuers fourmes and figures of Notes. Of
which all, it behoueth you to knowe bothe the names and value.”29 Multiple woodcut
illustrations depicting these rhythmic values allow for less explanatory textual content
(see Figure 13). The music preface teaches their names: large, long, brief/breve,
28 WBP 1562, STC 2430. Image from Early English Books Online. Sig. +.ii.v. 29 Sig. +.v.v.
163
semibrief/semibreve, minim, crotchet, and quaver. It also explains how dots (“pricks”)
lengthen a value by half: “If there chaunce any pricke to be set by anye of these Notes,
the pricke is worthe in value the Note next following it.”
Figure 13. Woodcut Illustrations of Rhythmic Values from the WBP’s Music Preface30
30 WBP 1562, STC 2430. Photographs taken by the author, courtesy of the British Library. Sigs. +.v.v through
+.vi.v.
164
The conclusion to this aptly-named “Shorte Introduction” lists topics that are not
covered: “a full and absolute knowledg of the nature of the scale,” intervals, consonance
and dissonance, modes (temporal, not diatonic), perfection and imperfection of rhythmic
values, and the correct way of drawing notes’ stems and beams:
To set out a full and absolute knowledg of the nature of the scale, the
differences betwene notes and halfe notes, & halfe notes betwene
themselues, of interualles, proportions: and which notes concorde and
agree together, and which disagree. What modes there are: and how
many. What is perfection, what imperfection: How notes oughte to be
bounde together, and what theyr value is so bounde, tayled vpwarde or
downeward: perteineth to a iust Introduction to the arte of Musike. These
thinges before taught, seme at this time, for the poore vnlearned and
rude, sufficiente and inoughe to the atteyning of such knowledg in
singing as shall be requisite to the singing of Psalmes conteined in this
boke, for which cause only they are set out.31
The author of this “Introduction” seems almost apologetic for the incomplete nature of
this preface.32 These omitted topics, critical for composition and improvisation, were
deemed essential in the other English theory treatises printed later in the sixteenth
century (Le Roy’s Instruction is an exception, concerned as it is with teaching its
audience to read and play from lute tablature). The musical basics taught by the music
preface encompass only the first third of Morley’s Plaine and Easie Introduction,
“Teaching to Sing;” Morley’s treatise went on with two more sections, “Treating of
Descant” and “Treating of composing or setting of Songes.” The longest section in
31 Sig. +.vi.v through +.vii.r. 32 Sig. +.vii.r.
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Bathe’s Skill of Song is Chapter 4, “For Tune,” in the second half of the book, “The post
rules of Song”; this section teaches concepts omitted in the WBP: intervals, concords,
discords, and the rules for composing counterpoint over an existing tune. Even the short
Pathway to Musicke not only taught the gamut, hexachords, clefs, keys, and rhythmic
values, but also briefly explained intervals, mood, time, prolation, augmentation,
diminution, imperfection, alteration tactus, syncopation, proportion, descant,
consonance and dissonance, and the basics of composing counterpoint. In contrast, the
music preface lacks some basics; for example, it does not explain time signatures—
strangely, the chart depicting a tree of rhythmic values (refer to Figure 13) includes C2
and cut-C symbols without explanation, which contrasts with the lengthy explanation of
all parts of the gamut woodcut. The music preface does not even explain the
arrangement of half steps and whole steps in the hexachord (which is why, as discussed
above, the reader is told to seek outside help from another singer or instrument).
However, despite these omitted music theory concepts, the author of the “Shorte
Introduction” is confident that he has included all of the material necessary to fulfill the
purpose of this introductory treatise.
Yet in some ways, the preface provides more music theory than is needed for
singing the psalm tunes of the WBP. The extensive discussion of the complete gamut, for
example, far exceeds the actual total range of the tunes, which collectively span C3 to
C5, with all but two tunes falling in the even more limited span of C3 and A4. In another
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part of the treatise, discussion of rests explains why they are useful in polyphony,
though there is no polyphonic music in the WBP: “There are also oftentimes in singing,
Pauses or Restes, set in songes, sometime where diuers parts are, for swetnes of the
armonye, and apte repetityons & reportes.”33 The treatise does seem to be intended, as
the first page says, to equip buyers of the WBP with the music education needed to make
use of other books of music as well: “euerye man may…singe any Psalme contayned in
thys Booke, or any suche other playne and easy Songes as these are.”34
One might think that this “Shorte Introduction” was a generic music theory
treatise, commissioned or somehow acquired by John Day from a musician unknown
who was unaffiliated with Day’s psalter project. That the preface’s author is unknown is
not out of the ordinary; Hackel has pointed out that “In their preparatory and curatorial
roles, preliminaries and marginalia are the most explicitly collaborative parts of a
printed book. Unlike the main text, they are often of indeterminate or suppressed
provenance.”35 However, there are too many internal references to psalms in general and
to this psalter in particular within the music preface for its author to have been
completely unaware of the treatise’s intended placement at the start of the WBP. The
opening page, which I have now often quoted, writes of “the godly exercise of singing of
Psalmes” and argues that the preface will enable readers “to singe any Psalme
33 Sig. +.vi.r-v. 34 Sig. +.ii.r. 35 Hackel, Reading Material, 92-93.
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contayned in thys Booke.”36 The last sentence of the preface states that the entirety of its
music-theoretical content has been laid out in order to enable its readers to sing the
WBP’s psalms: “These thinges before taught, seme at this time, for the poore vnlearned
and rude, sufficiente and inoughe to the atteyning of such knowledg in singing as shall
be requisite to the singing of Psalmes conteined in this boke, for which cause only they
are set out.”37 Further self-referential allusions to the psalms and to the book itself
appear sprinkled throughout. For example, after teaching readers how to identify
whether a pitch is placed on a line or space in the musical staff, the treatise cautions, “so
also in the songs of your Boke, ye se[e] rules and spaces”38 One passage even
demonstrates the author’s knowledge of the specific tunes that accompany the psalm
texts: “but all these Kayes ar not signed or set in these Psalmes: but onely ii. or three
most commonly c, or e, or b.”39
Having outlined the preface’s music-theoretical content, I would like to add
some brief thoughts considering this preface in relation to musica speculativa, one of the
two kinds of musical knowledge discussed in Chapter 3. The title of the treatise itself, “A
shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke,” refers to music as a science, alluding to
its place in the quadrivium and, for the knowledgeable reader, bringing to mind
36 Sig. +.ii.r. 37 Sig. +.vii.r. 38 Sig. +.iii.v. 39 Sig. +.iii.r. The treatise means “f” rather than “e;” see Chapter 6 for discussion of this frequent error in the
typesetting of the 1562 edition’s music preface. In this passage, the author is grouping discussion of clefs (C
and F clefs) with mention of the two options for B available in the gamut (B-natural and B-flat).
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philosophical study of music’s place in education and in the universe. The preface’s
intended audience of the musically-illiterate, however, would have little to no
understanding of the references being made by this description of music as a science.
The treatise itself does not contain any explanation of these speculative concepts, and so
the reference remains passing, demonstrating the author’s expertise but failing to
educate the reader. Throughout the treatise, there is no explanation of the moral effect of
music or good singing, or the effect of music on one’s emotions or health. A great many
music-theoretical concepts are overlooked, some of which—harmony and consonance in
particular—fall under the realm of musica speculativa. Indeed, in this music preface and
unlike many other sixteenth-century printed English music theory treatises (as in, for
example, Bathe’s Skill of Song and Morley’s Brief Introduction—see Chapter 3), musica
speculativa and musica practica are never named or their relationship explained.
This very short, practical treatise falls entirely under the realm of musica practica
(technical skills and composition), and—containing no instruction in composition—is an
extremely incomplete exemplar of that genre. Its singular purpose was to provide an
elementary form of music education for its general audience. While it is not a complete
music theory treatise in comparison with its contemporaries, it could certainly provide
some sight-singing ability (though neither compositional technique nor improvisatory
singing). And as I have shown in Chapter 3, this preface was by far the most widely-
available music theory treatise for the general populace in sixteenth-century England,
169
with twelve editions published between 1561 and 1583 (one in the 1560/1561 Psalmes and
eleven in WBPs) in comparison with the single edition of most other music theory
treatises (at most, the possibly three editions of Le Roy’s Instruction).
The Solmization Preface
In contrast to the eleven-page music preface, which covered a wide but, as we have seen,
incomplete variety of music theory topics, the solmization preface is contained on a
single page and covers only one concept: how to understand the solmization syllables
printed in the music throughout the psalter (see Chapter 5 for a complete transcription).
The earliest surviving WBP edition to include solmization syllables and the
accompanying preface is STC 2439.5, which was printed in 1569 and survives in only
one copy, held at the Bodleian Library. Later editions did not change its content,
although spelling does vary, and a series of editions near the end of the sixteenth
century contain a recurring error (to be discussed in Chapter 6).
At first glance, this preface seems to describe a standard hexachordal
arrangement of solmization syllables. The use of these syllables throughout the psalter,
however, is by no means straightforward. Chapter 5 is devoted to close analysis of the
WBP’s system of fixed-scale solmization (distinctly different than contextual
hexachordal solmization), so I will not repeat myself here. More important for this
chapter’s argument is the fact that no solmization psalter included the music preface,
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and no WBP edition including the music preface printed solmization syllables. The
printed fixed-scale solmization syllables with accompanying preface is clearly
considered an alternate form of educational aid, one at odds with the more traditional
hexachordal solmization described in the music preface.
I promised in Chapter 3 to return to the woodcut found in Day’s 1563 Whole
Psalmes in Foure Partes, in which a father instructs his wife and four sons in solmization
using the Guidonian hand (recall Figure 9). Before the publication of the first solmized
WBP in 1569, this very closely-related collection of music from the same publisher
offered a distinct visual image of the teaching of traditional hexachords, one that
reinforced the woodcut image of the gamut found in the music preface. Both the music
preface and the woodcut demonstrate traditional hexachords, and it becomes clear that
the WBP did not introduce the idea of fixed scales from its beginning.40 The solmization
preface is not only an alternate form of musical education in comparison with the music
preface, it is a conflicting one. Instead, 1569 was a significant watershed moment in the
history of English music theory: the point at which fixed-scale solmization was
introduced (as I show in Chapter 5, about thirty years prior to Bathe’s and Morley’s
treatises, which have up until now been thought to be the advent of fixed-scale
solmization). And yet, we do not know who authored the solmization preface or
40 This realization comes in part from Kirsten Gibson, who is, to my knowledge, the first to point out that the
father in the woodcut is teaching his children the hexachord: “Age, Masculinity and Music in Early Modern
England,” in Gender, Age and Musical Creativity, ed. Catherine Haworth and Lisa Colton (Farnham: Ashgate,
2015), 55-56.
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assigned syllables to the WBP’s tunes, so we cannot know who is responsible for this
theoretical shift. STC 2439.5 took the trajectory of English music theory in a different
direction.
One might speculate that the two music-theoretical prefaces were intended for
different audiences, the simpler, single-page solmization preface meant for singers who
merely needed a guide to singing and did not need the more comprehensive musical
education provided by the music preface. This presentation echoes the basic educational
hierarchy employed in the music education of sixteenth-century choristers, in which
solmization was the first musical concept taught, even before the gamut.41 The
solmization preface, then, offered the first step toward musical literacy: solmization
syllables taught before letter names.
That hypothesis is problematized, however, by the typefaces employed by the
two prefaces. All eleven of the surviving music prefaces were printed using blackletter
font. The solmization preface, on the other hand, was consistently printed in italic roman
typeface as well as some un-italicized roman typeface for its two musical examples (text
underlay naming the solmization syllables). Although the situation is reversed for us
today, some have argued that in sixteenth-century England, blackletter was much easier
for the average person to read than roman type. Consequently, both roman and italic
41 Jane Flynn, “The Education of Choristers in England During the Sixteenth Century,” in English Choral
Practice, 1400-1650, ed. John Morehen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 183.
172
type became associated with more sophisticated, intellectual, and academic works, while
blackletter was commonly employed when books were aimed at a more inexperienced
or less literate readership. This pattern was found in many popular genres of religious
printed texts, including catechisms, Bibles, and cheap print. It was not until the
seventeenth century that the position would reverse, roman type becoming the more
common and readable typeface.42 Why would the simpler solmization preface be printed
in roman typeface and the more comprehensive music preface in blackletter? The
specific addresses to the reader in each preface fall along these same lines, the music
preface directed to “the rude & ignorant in Song” and the solmization preface to the
“gentle Reader.” Yet these assumed audiences seem counterintuitive—shouldn’t it have
been the other way around, the easier preface printed in the easier typeface and thus
specifically aimed at the less educated reader?
An alternative reading of the semitics of blackletter does not offer much more
clarity. Zachary Lesser does not concur with Thomas’s argument that blackletter was
easier to read, arguing instead that use of the typeface signified not literate ability but
Englishness, English musical knowledge, English state authority, and nostalgia for
42 Keith Thomas, “The Meaning of Literacy in Early Modern England,” in The Written Word: Literacy in
Transition, ed. Gerd Baumann (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 99; Ian Green, The Christian’s ABC: Catechisms
and Catechizing in England c.1530-1740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 7, 255-256. Green points out that the
choice of typeface was not always representative of strong publisher intentions but might also reflect
physical limitations such as a shortage of pieces of type. John Day’s large print shop, however, was unlikely
to face this problem.
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antiquity.43 This interpretation does not solve this question of the WBP’s preface
typefaces but instead presents a different puzzle. If blackletter symbolized English
musical knowledge, we would expect the music preface with its very traditional
medieval and continental music-theoretical content to be placed in roman typeface, and
the uniquely English solmization preface to be printed in blackletter. Yet this is not the
case. Only the last of Lesser’s constellation of meanings—blackletter evoking a “past-
ness” referencing antiquity—has any apparent significance for the WBP’s prefaces: the
traditional form of music theory printed in blackletter and the new solmization scheme
in roman typeface.
We do have evidence that the solmization preface was thought to be useful. STC
2478 (dated 1591) is one of the WBP editions that contains no prefatory material. A copy
of this edition that is now held at the British Library bears witness to the utility of the
solmization preface.44 One enterprising reader took advantage of the blank title page
verso and wrote in the music examples from the solmization preface (see Figure 14).
This manuscript annotation is a faithful transcription of the solmization preface,
complete with solmization letters in the musical staves and the full syllables printed
beneath, as well as the solmization preface’s idiosyncratic spelling of the third syllable as
“MY,” although the reader originally copied a few of the text-underlay syllables
43 Zachary Lesser, “Typographic Nostalgia: Play-Reading, Popularity, and the Meaning of Black Letter,” in
The Book of the Play: Playwrights, Stationers, and Readers in Early Modern England, ed. Marta Straznicky
(Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2006), 103-108. 44 British Library shelfmark 3435.bb.29.
174
incorrectly and later corrected the error. Solmization syllables are not printed in STC
2478, but the reader apparently still found it helpful to refer to a handy summary of
them when approaching the psalter and its tunes.
Figure 14. Manuscript Addition of Solmization Preface Music Examples45
Protestant Advocacy for Musical Literacy
As I showed in Chapter 3, the WBP’s music and solmization prefaces were unique
among the music theory works produced in sixteenth-century England. They were
neither introductory essays found in instrumental instruction books like Le Roy’s
Instruction or the anonymous Pathway to Musicke, nor freestanding music theory
textbooks like Bathe’s True Art or Skill of Song and Morley’s Plaine and Easie Introduction.
45 WBP 1591, STC 2478. Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the British Library. Title page verso.
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The WBP’s two music-theoretical psalter prefaces were accompaniments to Protestant
books of congregational song. This section will explore two Protestant facets of these
materials. First, both prefaces employed sacred or even scriptural language that allowed
them to serve as religious instruction or even as prayers. Second, both prefaces were
simultaneously theoretical treatises and epistles to the reader, making a statement about
their audience that was unusual in sixteenth-century English print culture (and
especially in musical print culture).
Prefaces and Prayers
Both prefaces employ religious language that gives sacred meaning to this musical
education, emphasizing that the musical skills taught were intended for the purpose of
enabling and encouraging the singing of psalms. The music preface explains that the
singing of psalms is a “godly exercise” that serves as “thankes and prayses to God,” and
that this musical devotion could take place in a variety of settings and communities,
both in church and at home. The final section of the solmization preface is even more
prayerful in nature: “Thus I commit thee vnto him that liueth for euer, who graunt that
wee may sing with our hartes and mindes vnto the glory of his holy name. Amen.”
These words serve as a benediction for the reader and singer, using language similar to
Scripture and liturgical collects. It is assumed that the reader is gaining this theoretical
knowledge for the improvement of his or her devotional life.
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Music Theory Treatises and Epistles to the Reader
Both music-theoretical prefaces clearly indicate their simultaneous and parallel function
as epistles to the reader with the title or running title “To the Reader,” and both name
and address their readers directly. The music preface advertises itself as intended “for
such as are desirous to haue the knowledge…” and the solmization preface describes its
“gentle Reader” as one who is “desirous to learne to sing.”
What, then, is an epistle to the reader? Though the utility of this genre may seem
obvious, open-ended, and optional to modern readers, in the context of sixteenth-
century English printing, the presence of prefatory letters was an expected part of the
early modern printed book and their function was well-understood and bound by a set
of conventions. An epistle to the reader addressed the reader directly, interpreted the
following text for that reader, and prompted some desired reader response. There have
been several studies of early modern English epistles to the reader, which, taken
together, offer a multifaceted picture of the content and goal of this prefatory genre.
Michael Saenger has taken a commercial approach to early modern paratexts. In
his view, prefatory materials were directed not primarily to readers but to potential
readers, advertising and presenting the content that followed in an effort to convince a
viewer in a bookshop to become a purchaser.46 A prefatory epistle was therefore
46 Michael Saenger, The Commodification of Textual Engagements in the English Renaissance (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2006), 1.
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a disguised advertisement which promotes the book and entices the
reader into a particular frame of mind most suited to enjoying that
particular book… It is a private epistle, but not to a person who exists
prior to its consumption. Rather, it is directed (whether explicitly or
through subterfuge) to the imaginary customer which it helps to create.47
Usually paired with an epistle dedicatory, the epistle to the reader was “marked by a
contrastingly low tone of address,” and colloquial rather than formal language.48 The
epistle dedicatory, directed to an influential dedicatee in the hope of financial
remuneration, adopted a lofty tone, but the letter to the reader (seemingly
individualized but in truth directed to all potential readers except the hoped-for patron)
instead assumed a lower-class and far wider audience: “the former is formal, figuring
the work as an inadequate private gift, whereas the latter is colloquial, figuring the work
as a good bargain on sale to the public.”49 Both types of epistles aimed at financial
success, but the method for obtaining that success varied. Because the dedicatee was
chosen by the author, but anyone could become a book’s reader, the letter to the reader
was different in both tone and intent.
Neither an epistle dedicatory nor the epistle to the reader, however, filled the
role which we assign to modern introductions: describing and summarizing the book
itself. Instead of discussing the content of the book that follows, the early modern epistle
to the reader attempted to dictate the reader’s approach and response to the text. John
47 Ibid., 55, emphasis in original. 48 Ibid., 63. 49 Ibid., 63.
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Kerrigan has examined the ways in which addresses to the reader define and
circumscribe the appropriate audience for a given work, further shaping their audiences
by attempting to describe (but also constrain and compel) the reader’s approach; these
letters “attempt to manage reader-responses editorially.”50
Helen Brayman Hackel describes this phenomenon as “constructing the gentle
reader.”51 Rather than wooing the prospective reader (as in Saenger’s conception of
commercially-oriented paratext), Hackel argues that “many early modern authors and
publishers composed prefaces that tried to shape and control the reception of their
books. Three tactics, often used together, recur in many prefaces: the construction of a
‘gentle reader,’ a bid for protection, and the opposition to a hostile reader.”52 In defining
the ideal (friendly, uncritical, and impartial) reader, the address to the reader served as a
gateway, “drawing in desirable readers and sending others away.”53 The “gentle,”
“courteous,” “friendly,” “docile,” “discreet,” “Christian,” and “learned” reader (these
are ubiquitous and nearly interchangeable descriptions of readers, many with class
associations54) may be constructed in part by the epistle’s presumptive assumption of
50 John Kerrigan, “The editor as reader: constructing Renaissance texts,” in The Practice and Representation of
Reading in England, ed. James Raven, Helen Small, and Naomi Tadmor (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996), 110. 51 Hackel, Reading Material, Chapter 3. 52 Ibid., 116. 53 Ibid., 87. 54 Ibid., 116.
179
such traits: “the business of the preface is to shape each unknown reader into a
receptive, pleasant reader.”55
These studies of the epistle genre help inform our understanding of the ways in
which the WBP’s “Shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke” and solmization
preface “To the Reader” interacted with their genre and would have been understood by
their audience. Like a traditional epistle to the reader, the theoretical prefaces attempted
to influence the reader’s approach to the psalter by enabling an accurate reading of the
musical notation that accompanies the psalm texts. Addressed to a broad audience,
demonstrating a definite commercial quality, and attempting to influence their
audience’s approach to the book’s main content, these letters to the reader participated
in their genre—yet they also served an educational function, teaching music-theoretical
content. In doing so, the WBP’s two music-theoretical prefaces stretched the limits of the
conventional epistle to the reader.
While epistles to the reader were common in printed books of the time, it was
highly unusual to include one without also an epistle dedicatory. In the context of
sixteenth-century English music printing, this singular epistle was almost unheard of. To
understand how the WBP fit into its context, I consulted 78 instances of printed music
from England between 1530 (the first known example of music printing in England) and
1603 (the end of the reign of Elizabeth I, so Thomas Robinson’s 1603 Schoole of Musicke,
55 Ibid., 117.
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dedicated to James I, was beyond the scope of my search), looking to see what prefatory
material was printed in each text. The complete list is available as Appendix 4. This list
is not entirely comprehensive; it lacks Sarum liturgical books, broadsides (single sheets,
including William Byrd’s Gratification unto John Case), later editions of these books
(including Thomas East’s hidden editions56), Day’s partial psalters published after the
advent of the WBP, and Scottish editions of the WBP. Everything on this list, however, is
a multi-page book of printed music (including music theory treatises, which contained a
great many musical examples), and it is representative of musical print culture in
sixteenth-century England. In Appendix 4, I have indicated the prefatory material each
book included: epistle dedicatory, epistle to the reader, or other prefatory material,
including woodcuts, indices and other lists or tables, other prefatory essays, prologues,
dedicatory poems, and endorsements.
Of these 78 music prints, it is far more common to see an epistle dedicatory than
an epistle to the reader: in total 52 have epistles dedicatory and 30 have epistles to the
reader. As Table 6 shows, while 32 prints have only an epistle dedicatory and 20 have
both, only ten have epistles to the reader without an accompanying epistle dedicatory.
These ten works, listed in Figure 15, can be divided into two categories. Eight of them
are psalters, most of which are very closely related to the WBP. The other two are music
56 See Jeremy L. Smith, “The Hidden Editions of Thomas East,” Notes, Second Series, Vol. 53, No. 4 (June,
1997), 1059-1091; and idem, Thomas East and Music Publishing in Renaissance England (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2003), passim.
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instructional manuals: one is an English translation of a French introduction to playing
the lute, and the other is a music theory textbook—neither is a music book in the sense
of “just a collection of scores.”
Table 6. Epistolary Content of 78 Music Prints
Epistle dedicatory
only
Both epistles Epistle to the reader
only
Neither epistle
32 prints 20 10 16
Psalters:
Miles Coverdale’s c. 1535 Goostly Psalmes
Robert Crowley’s 1549 Psalter of David
John Day’s 1560/1561 Psalmes. Of David, one of the partial psalters
John Day’s 1561 Hondert Psalmen Davids and 1566 De Psalmen Davidis, both collections of
Dutch psalmody
John Day’s 1562 WBP
Matthew Parker’s 1567 Whole Psalter
William Daman’s 1579 Psalmes of David, a WBP harmonization
Music Theory Texts:
Adrian le Roy’s 1568 Briefe and Easye Instrution
William Bathe’s c. 1596 Skill of Song
Figure 15. Music Books Containing an Epistle to the Reader Without an Epistle
Dedicatory
There are no printed music books not associated with psalms or with music
education that place the kind of emphasis on the reader associated with the inclusion of
only an epistle to the reader without also an epistle dedicatory. None of the collections of
printed music that characterize sixteenth-century musical culture to modern scholars are
182
on this short list: not the famous 1575 Byrd/Tallis Cantiones Sacrae, any of Byrd’s other
collections, lute songbooks, reprinted continental music, and so on. Conventional music
books did not print an epistle to the reader without also an epistle dedicatory. Only
Protestant psalters and music theory books, which by definition courted a broader
audience than the traditional music books intended for more upper-class music-making
households, ever had the one epistle without the other. Furthermore, with the exception
of the WBP (and the 1560/1561 Psalmes, the first appearance of the WBP’s music preface),
none of the epistles to the reader found in the other eight books on this short list were
music theory treatises, but rather more traditional members of this epistolary genre. Out
of all the music books published in sixteenth-century England, only the WBP and its
parent contained a preface that served both functions.
With its two musically didactic epistles to the reader, the WBP made it clear that
the music-theoretical knowledge it contained was intended for everybody, opening up
this musical knowledge to the laity just as the Protestant vernacular Bible made
available the literary secrets of Scripture. Because the WBP contained only an epistle to
the reader, there was no implicit hierarchy, the common reader placed below privileged
dedicatee. All who “are desirous to haue the knowledge therof, for the singing of these
Psalmes” were welcome. The Protestant WBP saw its audience as made up of readers
who ought to be taught—perhaps deserve to be taught—the rudiments of music theory,
in order to aid and improve their practice of congregational and devotional singing.
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Metrical Psalmody in Schools
Having spent the majority of this chapter detailing the ways in which the WBP was
intended as an aid to music education, I conclude by exploring the intriguing possibility
that this psalter may have been employed literally as a music textbook.57 It seems clear
that the WBP was used in schools. Is it possible that not only its scriptural texts but also
its music-educational material were formally used as pedagogical tools?
A number of grammar schools required students and instructors to sing the
psalms, sometimes then leading the singing in local parish churches or cathedrals.
Consulting grammar school statutes, Nicholas Temperley located six such situations:
Worcester free school (1561); Sevenoaks grammar school (Temperley does not provide a
date); St Saviour, Southwark, parish school (1562); St Olave, Southwark, parish school
(1566); Kirkby Stephen grammar school (1566); and Burford grammar school (1571).58
Kirkby Stephen, for example, demanded twice-daily psalm-singing for students and
schoolmaster, and its statutes included recommendations for specific psalms:
I will that every morning and evening at six of the clock, which are days
for learning of scholars and keeping of school, the scholars by two and
two and the schoolmaster shall go from the school-house into the Parish
Church and there devoutly upon their knees before they do enter the
choir say some devout prayer, and after the same they shall repair
together into the chapel or choir, where I have made and set up a tomb
57 The theory that metrical psalters were used in schools originated in Jonathan Willis, Church Music and
Protestantism in Post-Reformation England: Discourses, Sites and Identities (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010),
Chapter 3. 58 Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 63.
184
and there sing together one of the psalms hereafter instituted, such as the
schoolmaster shall appoint—so as every of the said psalms be sung
within fifteen days together, viz: [Psalms] 103, 130, 145, 46, 3, 61, 24, 30,
90, 96, 100, 51, 84, 86, 45.59
In a section recommending a structure for “Schoole times, intermissions and
recreations,” John Brinsley’s 1612 educational guide, Ludus Literarius, called for an
evening routine of
reading a peece of Chapter, and with singing two staues of a Psalme:
lastly, with prayer to be vsed by the Master. For the Psalmes, euery
schollar should begin to giue the Psalme and the tune in order, and to
reade euery verse fefore them, or euery one to haue his booke (if it can
bee) and reade it as they doe sing it: where any one can not begin the
tune, his next fellow beneath is to helpe him, and take his place. By this
they will all learne to giue the tunes sweetely, which is a thing very
commendable; and also it will helpe both reading, voyce and audicity in
the younger.60
Here Brinsley not only commanded daily sung psalmody for schoolboys but also
advised each student to own his own copy of the metrical psalter. Lest we wonder
whether Brinsley may have meant chanting prose psalms, he made his preference for the
metrical psalter clear earlier in the text. In a section detailing “How the Schollar may be
taught to reade English speedily,” Brinsley explained, “After these [the ABC and the
primer] they may reade ouer other English bookes. Amongst which, the Psalms in metre
59 Qtd. in Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, 63, from Foster Watson, The English Grammar
Schools to 1660: Their Curriculum and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908), 42. 60 John Brinsley, Ludus Literarius: Or, the Grammar Schoole (London: [Humphrey Lownes for] Thomas Man,
1612), 298.
185
would be one, because children wil learne that booke with most readinesse and delight
through the running of the metre, as it is found by experience.”61
These statutes do not specify the WBP by name, but for most of these schools,
it—or in the case of the earlier statues, one of Day’s partial psalters—was undoubtedly
their source for metrical psalms. Further evidence that the WBP provided the metrical
psalms for grammar schools can be found in Edmund Coote’s The English schoole-master
(1596). This best-selling grammar school textbook, reprinted many times throughout the
seventeenth century, printed the texts (but not the tunes) for the WBP’s metrical versions
of Psalms 1, 4, 50, 51, 67, 104, 112, 113, 120, 126, and 148, as well as a prose version of
Psalm 119.62 Ian Green theorizes that the WBP probably found a profitable market as a
school textbook (particularly the smaller, cheaper editions found especially in the early
seventeenth century), alongside its other audiences, which included cathedral,
collegiate, and parish choirs as well as parish priests and literate adults wanting
personal copies.63
The place of music education in grammar schools may be disputed in modern
scholarship (see Chapter 3), but there is no question that music itself was used as a tool
61 Ibid., 17-18. 62 Edmund Coote, The English schoole-maister (London: Printed by the widow Orwin, for Ralph Iackson, and
Robert Dextar, 1596), 49-63. 63 Ian Green, Print and Protestantism in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 509-
512.
186
for religious pedagogy in schools.64 Its effectiveness was due to the assumed power of
music to affect the emotions of its hearers, especially children, who were particularly
susceptible to its influence.65 Music was believed to make boring topics less monotonous
and to serve as an aid to memorization.66 Metrical psalms and godly ballads especially
were used in schools to teach moral behavior and as forms of religious instruction.67
If the WBP was being used as a textbook in grammar schools, a means of
religious instruction and daily musical and spiritual recreation, might it be possible that
it—with its two musical prefaces—was also being used as a music theory textbook?
There is no indisputable evidence for this assertion, but the possibility remains. Recall
the debates among modern scholars, discussed in Chapter 3, over whether music was
being taught in grammar schools. Since WBPs were present in these schools, their music-
theoretical educational materials would have been available too. I have spent this
chapter arguing that alongside its identities as a book of Scripture and a musical score,
the WBP also functioned as a music instruction book. The idea that it may have come to
be used as a literal music textbook in Elizabethan England is an intriguing one.
64 For an overview of this, see Willis, Church Music and Protestantism, 164-180, and idem, “‘By These Means
the Sacred Discourses Sink More Deeply into the Minds of Men’: Music and Education in Elizabethan
England,” History 94 (July 2009): 294-309. 65 Willis, “By These Means,” 296-300. See also Linda Phyllis Austern’s work on sixteenth-century English
belief in the affective power of music, including “‘Sing Againe Syren’: The Female Musician and Sexual
Enchantment in Elizabethan Life and Literature,” Renaissance Quarterly 42, No. 3 (Autumn, 1989): 420-448;
and “‘Alluring the Auditorie to Effeminacie’: Music and the Idea of the Feminine in Early Modern England,”
Music & Letters 74, No. 3 (Aug., 1993): 343-354. 66 Willis, Church Music and Protestantism, 170. 67 Willis, “By These Means,” 300-302.
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Chapter 5. “Come to the knowledge of perfect Solfaing”: Solmization in The Whole Booke of Psalmes
In this chapter, we shift from understanding The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ identity as a
music textbook that advocated for musical literacy to analyzing the WBP as a music
theory treatise that advanced theoretical ideas concerning pitch in sixteenth-century
England. Here I take a close look at the assignment of solmization syllables in those
editions of the psalter that printed them, and I consider how they differ from
solmization techniques on the Continent and in later English music theory treatises.
Hexachordal Solmization
I begin with reference to Figure 12 in the previous chapter, the image of the gamut
placed near the beginning of the music preface found in some early editions of the WBP.
This sixteenth-century visual depiction of the nearly three octaves that made up the full
range of musical space theorized by medieval and Renaissance musicians was a
standard opening to music theory treatises. Its imaginative use of organ pipes can be
found in continental treatises such as Franchinus Gaffurius’s Theorica Musicae (Milan,
1492), Practica Musicae (Milan, 1496), and De Harmonia Musicorum (Milan, 1518), and
Louis Bourgeois’s Le Droict Chemin de Musique (Geneva, 1550). The span ranges from G2,
known as “gamma-ut” and symbolized by the Greek letter gamma, to E5, known as “E-
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la,” depicted here as “e-e” (these note names are in line with sixteenth-century English
practice, including Bathe’s Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song and Morley’s Plaine and
Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke). This range of notes is organized as a series of
interlocking hexachords: sets of six notes built on G, C, or F. In the eleventh century,
Guido of Arezzo had named these six notes Ut, Re, Mi, Fa, Sol, and La, after the first
syllable of each phrase of the medieval hymn Ut queant laxis (see Figure 16).
Figure 16. Ut queant laxis1
Hexachordal solmization was intended as a sight-singing tool.2 Singers became
adept at assigning syllables to melodies, which helped them easily identify intervals—
solmization syllables are separated by a whole tone, except for the all-important
semitone separating Mi and Fa. However, not all melodies fit within the limited range of
1 Adapted from Stefano Mengozzi, The Renaissance Reform of Medieval Music Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2010), 2. 2 For an extended treatment of Guido’s use of Ut queant laxis as the basis for a new singing method centered
around solmization syllables, see Dolores Pesce, “Guido d’Arezzo, Ut queant laxis, and Musical
Understanding,” in Music Education in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Russel E. Murray, Susan
Forscher Weiss, and Cynthia J. Cyrus (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010), 25-36. Summary of
Guido’s syllables along with discussion of solmization-based sight singing as it became standardized in the
medieval period appears in Stefano Mengozzi, The Renaissance Reform of Medieval Music Theory, 1-7 and
passim.
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a single hexachord. Because many melodies spanned more than a sixth, it was often
necessary to switch from one hexachord to another, a process known as “mutation.”3
Solmization in England
Scholars have noticed that around the turn of the seventeenth century, English music
theory treatises began to demonstrate a new way of organizing pitches, naming scales
according to a fixed series of solmization syllables rather than by hexachords. In 1990,
Timothy Johnson wrote of England’s shift away from traditional hexachordal theory,
arguing that beginning with William Bathe’s late sixteenth-century treatise A Briefe
Introduction to the Skill of Song (c. 1596), English musicians began to theorize the scale as
“a fixed series of syllables and a clearly defined tonal center.”4 Johnson’s article is
weakened by his insistence on a teleological viewpoint—he reads this English music
theory evolving beyond the hexachord towards tonality—but his article was an
important first step in our understanding of English Renaissance approaches to pitch,
key, and modulation.
3 Suggested reading regarding the basics of hexachordal solmization: Gaston G. Allaire, The Theory of
Hexachords, Solmization and the Modal System: A Practical Application (American Institute of Musicology, 1972);
Mengozzi, The Renaissance Reform of Medieval Music Theory, 1-7 and passim; Lionel Pike, Hexachords in Late-
Renaissance Music (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), 13-16 and passim; Anne Smith, “Solmization,” in The
Performance of 16th-Century Music: Learning from the Theorists (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 20-54. 4 Timothy A. Johnson, “Solmization in the English Treatises Around the Turn of the Seventeenth Century: A
Break from Modal Theory,” Theoria 5 (1990): 42-60, quotation on 44.
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Eight years later, Jessie Ann Owens responded to Johnson in an essay that
remains the standard study of English Renaissance music theory.5 She critiqued
scholars’ preoccupation with tonality in sixteenth-century English music—a problem
that is by no means limited to Timothy Johnson—but her much more comprehensive
and nuanced analysis of late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century music theory
treatises came to the same conclusion as Johnson: English theorists moved away from
hexachordal solmization and adopted fixed scales, which differed by key signature
rather than tonic (as in common-practice tonality). A single note would have only one
assigned syllable, rather than the several possibilities offered by contextual hexachordal
theory, though the specific syllables used to identify pitches varied by key signature and
even by English author. Owens writes:
English music theory from the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the
seventeenth centuries presents a remarkably consistent profile. With the
exception of the anonymous author of The Pathway [to Musicke], whom
Morley criticized for ‘filching’ from German theory texts, and the other
translation of continental theory, all of the writers recognize the existence
of three scales, each with its own ‘key signature’: no flats, one flat, two
flats. … Each scale is associated with one of several possible systems of
solmization… While the number of syllables employed can vary from
four to six or seven, the fundamental principles of solmization remain
constant. Solmization is fixed, with a complete or near-complete
congruence between syllable and pitch class. There is no need to think in
terms of hexachords or to invoke the principles of mutation. Syllables
5 Jessie Ann Owens, “Concepts of Pitch in English Music Theory, c. 1560-1640,” in Tonal Structures in Early
Music, ed. Cristle Collins Judd (New York: Garland Publishing, 1998), 183-246.
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keep the same name whether the line ascends or descends. All of the
systems employ octave duplication.6
Both Johnson and Owens consider fixed-scale solmization to be an English
innovation dating from the end of the sixteenth century, neither examining any English
theoretical writings prior to William Bathe’s first treatise, the 1584 Briefe Introductione to
the True Art of Musicke (see Figure 17). Owens acknowledges that some psalm books
contained short printed English music theory treatises, but they are beyond the scope of
her study. She writes of these earlier psalters, “This vast territory could profitably be
explored for evidence of English solmization practices.”7 Here I do exactly that.
1584 William Bathe, A Briefe Introductione to the True Art of Musicke
c. 1596 William Bathe, A Briefe Introductione to the Skill of Song
1596 Anonymous, The Pathway to Musicke
1597 Thomas Morley, A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke
c. 1610 Thomas Ravenscroft, Treatise of Musicke
c. 1613 Thomas Campion, A New Way of Making Fowre Parts in Counterpoint
1636 Charles Butler, The Principles of Music
Figure 17. Complete List of Music-Theoretical Sources Examined by Johnson and
Owens
In this chapter, I present evidence that the origin of fixed-scale solmization dates
from at least thirty years earlier, with sources associated not with music theorists but
with Protestant religious reformers and the English Reformation’s hymnal. I have
6 Ibid., 213. 7 Ibid., 237n29.
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discovered that the shift from contextual hexachords to fixed scales was initiated in the
WBP, a full generation before Bathe’s and Morley’s treatises were published. From 1569
onwards, some editions of the psalter began to employ a music typeface that contained
solmization syllables. These offer the earliest known surviving evidence regarding
England’s transition from hexachords to fixed scales. I discuss the way in which The
Whole Booke of Psalmes systematizes and explains the assignment of solmization syllables
to pitch classes, and I compare this system with that of Bathe and Morley as well as the
continental hexachordal theory found in music books printed in Geneva around the
same time. The first section presents an example of continental hexachordal solmization
as seen in a 1562 edition of the Geneva Psalter. Section two turns to the WBP, analyzing
its preface and the printed syllables to demonstrate how its system of solmization
works. The function of solmization in music education in both England and Geneva is
explored, and I suggest a Protestant motivation for the WBP’s music-theoretical shift.
The final section presents a new interpretation of John Dowland’s A Pilgrimes Solace: this
lute songbook gives evidence that the English style of fixed-scale solmization had taken
hold in English musical practice by 1612.
Continental Hexachords in Practice
Our modern understanding of hexachordal solmization stems largely from music theory
treatises that explain the processes of solmizing melodies and handling mutation. Less
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well-known, and therefore less studied, are several practical (rather than theoretical)
sources. These sources seem to have first occurred in mid-sixteenth-century Geneva,
which saw a number of published musical works that included solmization syllables
printed within or above their musical staves. Thanks to these works, we can observe the
various ways in which solmization syllables were applied in practical situations.
Consider, for example, a 1562 edition of the Geneva Psalter published by Michel
Blanchier for Antoine Vincent (see Figure 18). It is one of several editions of this psalter
that printed solmization syllables in the musical scores for its psalm tunes, and it is a
highly instructive example of hexachordal theory in action. Here, each note is prefaced
by a solmization syllable, the psalm tunes solmized according to the principles of
hexachordal theory as interpreted by this publisher and his staff (most likely, an
unknown musician or musically-literate person contributed a solmized manuscript to
the compositor).
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Figure 18. Hexachordal Solmization in Blanchier’s 1562 Geneva Psalter8
In this setting of Psalm 47, mutation occurs when a phrase extends beyond the
range of the initial hexachord. The opening phrase is solmized using the hexachord on F,
but halfway through the second system, the melody extends above this hexachord’s
range, resulting in a temporary mutation to the hexachord on C. Near the end of the
8 Image from Les Psaumes en vers français avec leurs melodies: ed. Pierre Pidoux, 2nd ed. (Geneva: Librairie
Droz, 1986), 152.
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third system, a mutation to the lower hexachord on C occurs in preparation for the low
E in the fourth system. These shifts continue to accommodate the wide-ranging melody,
and the tune concludes using the hexachord on C due to the penultimate note, a step
below the final. Psalm 47 is unusual in its need for three different hexachord positions,
one built on F, one on the C below, and one on the C above. Most tunes in the psalter
span only two individual hexachords—or in some cases, only one, meaning that the
melody does not exceed six notes in range and no mutation is required.
When multiple hexachords are used to solmize a tune, some pitches have
multiple possible syllables (see Figure 19). In this tune, A3 can be either Mi or La; G3 can
be Re or Sol, F3 can be Ut or Fa. The importance of local context in determining which
syllable is chosen can be easily seen at the end of the third system of Figure 18. For the
phrase ‘Le nom solennel’, the melodic ascent is assigned syllables from the hexachord on
F. Yet these same notes are assigned different syllables on the following descent (‘De
Dieu eternal’) because the phrase continues past F, necessitating a mutation to the
hexachord on C below. The choice of syllable thus depends on the direction of motion
and the local melodic span.
Figure 19. Syllables Used in Blanchier’s Psalm 47
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Fixed-Scale Solmization in The Whole Booke of Psalmes
In the WBP, we see an entirely different approach to syllable selection. Though the
printed notation itself looks extremely similar to that found in the 1562 Geneva Psalter
edition, with solmization syllables (abbreviated to their first letters only) prefacing each
note, analysis of these reveals that their assignment functions under an entirely different
set of rules.
As we saw in Chapter 4, about 35% of WBP editions published during the reign
of Elizabeth I included solmization syllables—specifically, 44 of the 133 editions I have
viewed (see again Figure 11). All solmized psalters included a brief and anonymous
preface explaining the purpose and working of the syllables. The text of this preface
follows in full, with spelling and punctuation taken from the first edition in which
solmization appeared (1569, STC 2439.5, located at the Bodleian Library):9
TO THE READER.
THou shalt vnderstand (gentle Reader) that I haue (for the helpe of those that are
desirous to learne to sing) caused a new Print of Note to be made wyth letters to
be ioyned to euery Note: whereby thou mayst know how to call euery Note by his
right name, so that with a very little diligence (as thou art taught in the
Introduction Printed heeretofore in the Psalmes) thou mayst the more easily by
the v[i]ewing of these letters, come to the knowledge of perfect Solf[a]yng:10
9 The text underlay spelling out the solmization syllables in full does not appear in this 1569 edition, nor in
six later sixteenmo (16o) editions, which were too small for this additional text, but it can be found in all
other editions of the solmization preface. 10 Sixteenth-century printing was not characterized by standardized spelling. Variations in the spelling of
“Solf[a]yng” (as it appears here in STC 2439.5) include “Solfaing,” “Solefaying,” Solefayeng,” and
“Solfaing.”
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whereby thou mayst sing the Psalmes the more easier.11 The letters be these. V.
for Vt, R. for Re. M. for My. F. for Fa, S. for Sol, L. for La. Thus where you see
any letter ioyned by the note. You may easily call him by his right name, as by
these two examples you may the better perceiue.
Thus committing thee12 vnto him that liueth for euer, who graunt that we may
sing with our hartes and mindes vnto the glory of hys holy name. Amen.
When the anonymous author wrote, “I haue…caused a new Print of Note to be made
wyth letters to be ioyned to euery Note,” he aptly described the mechanics of the
typeface itself. Single letters representing the syllables were separate pieces of type,
fitted together with noteheads by the compositor (rather than already cast together).13 It
was a system that might lend itself to frequent printing errors. However, while there
were occasional misalignments between syllable and note, mislabeled syllables, notes
lacking syllables, and gaps between notes and syllables, these printed solmization
syllables were usually rendered quite accurately (though some editions were more
prone to errors than others).
11 Later editions read “thou mayst sing the Psalmes the more speedily and easily.” 12 Later editions read “Thus I commit thee.” 13 D. W. Krummel, English Music Printing 1553-1700 (London: The Biographical Society, 1975), 72-73.
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This preface promises readers “the knowledge of perfect Solf[a]ying” and offers
a simple didactic tool for that purpose: a pair of music examples, each showing an
ascending and descending scale with solmization syllables. The first example is a six-
note scale using the six hexachordal syllables, with Ut placed on C. The second example
also begins on Ut, but it spans more than an octave, beginning with the full hexachord
on G and adding several syllables from the higher hexachord on C. This mutation to a
higher hexachord is shown with no explanation; indeed, neither mutation nor
hexachords are even named, much less defined. The lack of explanation is indicative of
the essentially passive experience of the person singing from the WBP, who does not
need to make any decisions about where and when to mutate, but who simply follows
the printed syllables. This typeface allows the novice reader to see any note and “easily
call him by his right name,” avoiding entanglement with the complex issues of
hexachordal theory.
The mechanical setting of the solmization typeface parallels the theoretical
concept: solmization syllables are attached to individual notes both literally (notes and
syllables as pieces of type) and figuratively (as fixed-scale solmization). Analysis shows
that with one strange exception (a setting of the Lord’s Prayer, to be discussed shortly),
the psalter is completely consistent in its assignment of syllables. All other tunes in the
WBP demonstrate a fixed solmization system rather than a contextual hexachordal
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system.14 Figure 20 shows how the system works throughout the entire 1569 edition.15
There is no need to think in terms of mutating hexachords because every pitch is reliably
given the same syllable, regardless of the final or the direction of motion. By this, I mean
“absolute pitch,” not “pitch class”—there is no automatic octave equivalence in the
WBP’s assignment of solmization syllables. Unlike the Geneva Psalter already discussed,
in the WBP no pitch is ever given any other syllable than those listed in Figure 20 (except
in error), with the exceptions of G3 and A3, each of which has two syllable options for
reasons that will become clear. In spite of the use of the traditional Guidonian syllables,
hexachordal solmization has been abandoned. Two fixed scales are used, according to
key signature: a no-flat scale and a one-flat scale.16
14 Kevin Karnes has also examined solmization in the WBP, erroneously concluding that “the solmization
provided by Day seems to derive from a hexachordal system.” He argues that the use of two different
syllables for E in Psalm 31—Mi in the lower octave and La in the upper—is indicative of hexachordal
thinking: Kevin Karnes, “Bathe’s A Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song: History, Context, Significance,” in
William Bathe, A Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song, ed. Kevin C. Karnes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 27-29.
It is true that viewed individually, many psalm tunes appear to employ hexachords, but taken as an
aggregate, the psalter tunes do demonstrate the same kind of fixed-scale thinking that would occur in
William Bathe’s later treatise. Without examining all of the WBP’s solmized tunes, Karnes did not realize
that the psalter is, in fact, completely consistent in its assignment of syllables, and that it clearly
demonstrates a fixed-scale system rather than a contextual hexachordal system. 15 Later editions duplicate the same solmization choices, though misprints did occur. 16 England was not alone in its concept of fixed-scale solmization. Some late sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century continental theorists proposed doing away with mutations by fixing syllables to
pitches. These included Hubert Waelrant in Antwerp, Erycius Puteanus in Milan, and Adriano Banchieri in
Venice, and others, all of whom added one or two syllables to the six traditional hexachordal syllables. As
Owens has pointed out, such changes had the effect of fixing syllables to pitches as well as creating octave
equivalence in pitch naming. See Jessie Ann Owens, “Waelrant and Bocedization. Reflections on
Solmization Reform,” Yearbook of the Alamire Foundation 2 (1997): 377–393; and Rebecca Herissone, Music
Theory in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 87-88.
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No-flat scale:
One-flat scale:
Figure 20. Fixed-scale Solmization in the WBP
Open noteheads indicate finals.
As for accidentals, the preface does not give any indication to readers that
accidentals appear in some tunes or any help in understanding how to solmize them.
The B-flats found in no-flat key signatures are all solmized as Fa (obeying the traditional
rule of “Una nota supra la / Semper est canendum fa,” or, “A single note above la /
Should always be sung as fa”). The WBP also includes a single E-flat, found in Psalm
130—its identity as E-flat is due entirely to its syllable assignment, as the E is given no
accidental. No other accidentals beyond these several B-flats and one E-flat appear in the
solmization psalters.17 These few that do appear thus seem to represent a remnant of
medieval solmization practice and fall outside the bounds of the new fixed-scale system.
17 The astute reader will recall that many more accidentals were found in the 1562 edition (see Chapter 2,
Table 2). Within a few years, many of the tunes were smoothed out and accidentals gradually removed.
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The WBP’s setting of Psalm 100 (Figure 21), a popular tune that endures in
modern hymnals, illustrates the practical application of the one-flat system. Like later
English practice, only the lowest two notes of the scale, C and D, are assigned Ut and Re;
all others are Mi, Fa, Sol, or La, prefiguring the four-syllable solmization system popular
in the seventeenth century.18 Were this tune being solmized according to contextual
hexachords, it would employ mainly the hexachord on F with some downward
mutations to the hexachord on C, as required by its plagal range. Here, though, F is Fa,
not Ut, because of the static system of fixed syllables. In both the WBP’s no-flat and one-
flat scales, Ut falls on C (or very occasionally, with a no-flat signature, on G), regardless
of the actual final of the tune. No F in the WBP is ever solmized as Ut, which is why
Psalm 100 displays the odd-looking solmization of its final as Fa.
18 On four-syllable solmization in seventeenth-century England, see Herissone, Music Theory in Seventeenth-
Century England, 86-87, and throughout Chapter 3, “Pitch Structure.”
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Figure 21. Psalm 10019
Comparison with multiple Genevan sources which also printed solmization
syllables is instructive (Figure 22). The tune for the WBP’s Psalm 100 originated in the
Geneva Psalter, where it was originally used for Psalm 134 (“Or sus serviteurs du
Seigneur”). Figure 22 compares the solmization assignments for Psalm 134 from three
Geneva Psalters (Pierre Vallette, c.1560; Pierre Davantes, 1560; Michel Blanchier for
Antoine Vincent, 1562) with that of the WBP’s Psalm 100. As we might expect, the WBP
differs from all of these continental psalters in the solmization of its final phrase, which
falls entirely within the fifth from F to C. In line with their general practice of assigning
Ut to the final of a melody wherever the range of a phrase allowed, the continental
sources employ syllables from the hexachord on F and conclude on Ut. It is also
19 STC 2443 (dated 1573). Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the Folger Shakespeare Library.
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interesting to note that not all continental psalters agree with each other, further
demonstration that solmization by means of mutating hexachords was subjective. The
switch in Vallette’s psalter to the hexachord on F for the end of the first phrase and the
beginning of the second, for example, is not wrong, but merely a different reading of the
psalm tune; its syllable assignment could be seen as an attempt to mutate as early as the
melodic range allowed to the hexachord on F, allowing the final of the tune to be
solmized as Ut. The other Genevan editions made different choices, presumably in
favour of the greater simplicity of remaining within the hexachord on C until the ascent
of the melody to B-flat made mutation unavoidable.
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Figure 22. Comparison of Solmization Assignments for Psalm 100 (WBP) and Psalm
134 (Geneva Psalter in Multiple Editions)
The Exceptional Lord’s Prayer
The one tune in the WBP that does not follow the fixed-scale system outlined is the first
of the two settings of the Lord’s Prayer found among the canticles and hymns located
before and after the psalms. It is one of the few tunes in the psalter that are entirely
composed—the complete text is set to music, and there are no additional verses meant to
be sung strophically. In the 1562 edition of the WBP (see Figure 23), the tune is in the
Aeolian mode on D. The final is on D4, and the tune begins a fourth below on A3. The
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melody spans a ninth, with a low plagal range extending from E3, a seventh below the
final, to F4, a third above it. The tune has a one-flat key signature and no accidentals.
Figure 23. First Page of The Lord’s Prayer (WBP 1562, STC 2430)20
Though several tunes were replaced in later editions, this setting of the Lord’s Prayer
survived. It appeared without melodic change in the 1569 edition that first included
printed solmization syllables (STC 2439.5; see Figure 24), and there is nothing about it
that would suggest a different treatment in comparison with all of the other tunes. Based
20 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of Harvard University’s Houghton Library.
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on the solmization schema I have already described, which was employed consistently
throughout the rest of the psalter, this Lord’s Prayer should follow the one-flat fixed
scale. The tune should begin on La and end on La.
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Figure 24. The Solmized Lord’s Prayer (WBP 1569, STC 2439.5)21
However, the tune ends on Sol. The syllables used for this tune come from the no-flat
fixed scale appropriate for tunes with no key signature. How then are the two B-flats in
the tune treated? Both are solmized as Fa—upper neighbors that are part of a localized
La-Fa-La pattern. Oddly, this means that the scale as a whole for the tune places two Fas
next to each other, one on B-flat and one on C. See Figure 25:
21 Photographs taken by the author, courtesy of the Bodleian Library.
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Figure 25. Solmization Syllables Used in The Lord’s Prayer
Is this simply a misunderstanding born of a key signature problem? The 1569
edition included several key signature misprints in the Lord’s Prayer: the first four
systems lack the one-flat key signature. Did this lack of key signatures lead to the
erroneous use of the no-flat system of solmization rather than the one-flat system? It is
true that across editions, key signatures for this tune varied, sometimes wildly. Missing
key signatures, along with wrong C clefs, are the most common of the WBP’s music
typesetting errors (as I will discuss further in Chapter 6). Many solmized editions lack
the one-flat key signature on some staves of the Lord’s Prayer. Numerous editions
include accidental flats on the two instances of B in the tune. This means that nearly all
psalters have flatted the B, whether by key signature or accidental or both. The variation
in key signature and accidentals never, in my examination, resulted in a note that would
be performed as B-natural. In at least one case (1580, STC 2456.2), a single B lacks both
key signature and accidental, but because it is still solmized as Fa, the half step is still
clear and the B would be performed as B-flat.
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Thus in all cases, this tune is presented as a D Aeolian melody, never D Dorian.
All Bs are supposed to be flat. The printed solmization syllables, taken from the no-flat
system with alterations wherever the note B appears, undermine this modal reading.
The tune is solmized using the no-flat system almost exclusively, and the B-flats are
assigned the syllable Fa as if they are only local inflections (“fa supra la”). B-flats seem to
be anomalies rather than simply a part of the modality of the piece.
It is clear that the solmization syllables were simply copied in future editions.
The piece was never re-analyzed and reset. In the editions printed through to the end of
the century, I have found none that employs a different set of syllables. There was no
sudden realization of error. No correction was introduced (though some editions have
higher numbers of misprints or missing syllables—see Chapter 6 for further discussion
of music printing errors). Because printers over the years never changed the syllables
but merely duplicated those of prior editions, this strange mismatch between the
Aeolian mode on D (which necessitates B-flat) and the printed solmization syllables
(which present B-flat as a local inflection) becomes more pronounced as the one-flat key
signatures again become more consistent. The unsolmized 1562 edition had consistent
one-flat key signatures; solmization psalters from 1569 through the 1580s were often
inconsistent; and solmization psalters from the 1590s again tended to have consistent
signatures. A one-flat key signature, the very first piece of information a singer is
visually given about a work other than the clef, demands the use of the one-flat system
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of solmization. A singer familiar with the syllable assignments throughout the rest of the
psalter would expect this and be stymied by this one exception to the otherwise coherent
solmization system.
Nor do the peculiar syllable choices in the Lord’s Prayer reflect the continental
hexachordal solmization system. The first phrase alone (see Figure 26) makes it clear that
this tune does not represent a reversion to prior hexachordal practice. Since the phrase
begins on A and sweeps upward, continental solmization practices would choose to
start within the hexachords on F or G (depending whether the solmizer understood that
the one-flat key signature was missing). The tune would then mutate to the hexachord
on C when the phrase extended past the limits of the first. Yet that A, the first note of the
tune, is solmized as La from the lower hexachord on C, even though solmization then
immediately shifts to the hexachord on G. Like the rest of the WBP, solmization in this
tune is fixed, not contextual: all pitches are always given the same syllable. The
compositor (or more likely, the musician who solmized the tunes and passed them on to
him) seriously misread this particular tune, using the no-flat system even though the
tune employs B-flat, probably due to the missing one-flat key signatures. Despite the
error, this tune does not negate my argument for a fixed-scale solmization system in the
WBP. Indeed, the particular nature of this error supports my claim for a fixed-scale
system in contrast to the traditional hexachordal system.
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Figure 26. The Solmized First Phrase of The Lord’s Prayer
The Making of English-Style Solmization: The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Bathe, and Morley
Even though English theory took a decisive turn towards fixed-scale solmization, not all
sixteenth-century English theorists agreed on the details. The solmized scales found in
The Whole Booke of Psalmes differ slightly from those of Bathe and Morley as outlined in A
Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song (c. 1596) and A Plaine and Easie Introduction to
Practicall Musicke (1597) respectively (see Figure 27). The use of Ut and Re in The Whole
Booke of Psalmes for the first two notes of the one-flat scale does not expressly contradict
Bathe and Morley, who agreed that these two syllables were allowed for the lowest
pitches in a part, but preferred that they be replaced by Fa, Sol, or La. The major
difference is the E3 found in the no-flat scale. Both Bathe and Morley employed octave
equivalence, so in a no-flat signature, all Es would be solmized as La, and Mi reserved
for B.22 In The Whole Booke of Psalmes, however, E3 was always given the syllable Mi.
Some tunes in The Whole Booke of Psalmes even include two different pitch classes labeled
22 As Owens has shown in “Concepts of Pitch in English Music Theory,” 213 and passim.
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as Mi, when the key signature has no flat and the melody spans both E3 and B3. When
they published their music textbooks, Bathe and Morley would not do this; as Owens
has pointed out (though neither theorist said so explicitly), both assigned a single,
unique Mi in each of their scales.23
Figure 27. Comparison of Syllable Assignments for the WBP, Bathe, and Morley
Without meaning to impose a sense of teleological design, we could say that the
WBP’s solmization represents a transition between continental hexachordal solmization
and the English style of fixed-scale solmization. Like the later English music theory
treatises of Bathe and Morley, the WBP employed fixed solmization syllables for scales
with key signatures of one or no flat. However, the psalter’s no-flat scale was derived
through the combination of the two music examples found in the preface. Figure 28
duplicates the music examples found in the preface and shows how they are combined
23 Owens, “Concepts of Pitch in English Music Theory,” 204.
213
to create the no-flat scale. Because the two music examples contain overlapping pitches,
solmized in two different hexachords, when combined they result in two syllable
options for G3 and A3. The Whole Booke of Psalmes is both a chronological and a
conceptual link between continental and later English systems of solmization.
Music examples from the preface:
No-flat scale
Figure 28. Deriving the No-Flat Scale
Printed Solmization as a Protestant Impulse
I now turn back to Geneva. I have already shown one example of printed
solmization from the Continent (the 1562 edition of the Geneva Psalter) and briefly
mentioned a few more. Despite the difference in solmization system (hexachords vs.
fixed scales), these works have a crucial feature in common with the English WBP: all are
Protestant forms of musical didacticism.
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The first known appearance of printed solmization syllables is found in Louis
Bourgeois’ Le Droict Chemin de Musique, a music theory treatise printed in the vernacular
(Geneva, 1550) and intended for an amateur audience. In service of his goal to simplify
the naming of notes in order to improve sight-singing, Bourgeois included several music
examples that printed text alongside noteheads. The Song of Simeon, also known as the
Nunc dimittis, is notated twice: in the first example, the canticle is provided with
solmization syllables; in the second, with French lyrics, broken into individual syllables
(see Figure 29). In this way, Bourgeois demonstrated his ideal method of sight-singing.
He wrote,
After knowing well how to sol-fa and sound the notes, it is necessary to
learn how to sing the text (otherwise the words) instead of ut, re, mi, fa,
sol, la. This is moreover, why the ancients wished that one should grow
accustomed to sol-faing and sounding the notes of music by syllables,
rather than by simple letters. One must first sing the notes, then
afterwards the text, as follows.24
This pedagogical work, born from a context of Calvinist reform, is of great historical
importance. Written in French rather than Latin, Le Droict Chemin de Musique was among
the very first printed books of popular music education. The book’s title page makes it
clear that it was intended as an aid to learn to sing Calvinist psalms: “The Direct Road
24 “Apres scauoir bien solfier & entonner, il faudra apprendre à chanter le texte (autrement la letter) en lieu
de vt, re, mi, fa, sol, la. C’est aussi pourquoy les anciens ont voulu qu’on s’acconstumest à solfier & entonner
la Musique par syllabes, plustost que par simples lettres. Il faut cha[n]ter premierement les notes, & puis
apres le texte, comme il sensuit.” Louis Bourgeois, Le droict chemin de musique, transl. Bernarr Rainbow
(Kilkenny, Ireland: Boethius Press, 1982), 123.
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To Music / Contrived by Loys Bourgeois / Together with the manner of singing the
psalms by practice or cunning, as shown by the 34[th Psalm], newly set to music; and
also the Canticle of Simeon.”25 This frontispiece goes on to quote Psalm 9’s instruction to
“Sing psalms unto the Lord.”26 The final section of the book (chapters 11-12, which
Bernarr Rainbow hypothesizes may have been the first portion of the text written and
the result of Bourgeois’ original plan to create a popular guide to congregational
psalmody)27 discusses singing the psalms and the use of music in worship.
25 “Le Droict Chemin de Musique / Compose Par Loys Bourgeois. / Auec la maniere de chanter les Pseaumes
par vsage ou ruse, co[m]me on cognoistra au 34. De nouueau mis en chant: & aussi le Ca[n]tique de
Simeon.” Ibid., 29. 26 “Chantez en exultation / Au Dieu qui habite en Syon: Noncez à gens de toutes guises / Ses oeuures
grandes & exquises.” Ibid. 27 Bernarr Rainbow, “Introduction,” in Louis Bourgeois, Le droict chemin de musique, transl. Bernarr Rainbow
(Kilkenny, Ireland: Boethius Press, 1982), 14-15.
216
Figure 29. Solmization and Syllabic Lyrics in Bourgeois’ Le Droict Chemin de
Musique28
Two Geneva Psalters printed prior to the 1562 Blanchier edition also printed
solmization syllables. Each of the three chose to present the syllables in a different
manner, and not all included instructions for understanding them. As we have seen, the
1562 edition printed syllables in the music adjacent to the notes, like the later Whole
Booke of Psalmes (recall Figure 18). Along with an extract from the king’s privilege
allowing its printing, this edition includes John Calvin’s preface to the reader, our best
28 Facsimiles from Bourgeois, Le droict chemin de musique, transl. Rainbow, 124, 126.
217
source for understanding the theologian’s views on music and congregational singing
(although in this edition Calvin’s name is not attached to the text).29 Unlike the WBP,
however, there is no music-theoretical preface explaining the use of solmization
syllables. Conversely, an edition of the Geneva Psalter published c. 1560 by Pierre
Vallette printed the syllables above the staff instead (see Figure 30).30 Like the WBP, this
edition included an essay explaining the musical notation. This essay is a far more
extensive music theory treatise than the WBP’s one-page solmization preface; yet it is
placed after the psalter, functioning as an afterword instead of as prefatory material
guiding readers’ interactions with the text that follows.31
29 John Calvin, “The Form of Prayers and Songs of the Church, 1542: Letter to the Reader,” trans. Ford Lewis
Battles, Calvin Theological Journal 15:2 (1980): 160-165. 30 Pseavmes De David, Mis En Rime Francoise (Geneva: Pierre Vallette, 1560?). In “The History of the Origin of
the Geneva Psalter (III),” Reformed Music Journal 1, No. 3 (July, 1989): 65, Pierre Pidoux notes that Vallette
first introduced solmization in a 1556 edition of the Geneva Psalter. This British Library edition may be a
later printing of that text. It is not my purpose here, however, to track all editions of the Geneva Psalter that
printed solmization syllables, but to offer several examples showing that the WBP fit into an existing
tradition of solmized psalmody. 31 Discussion of Vallette’s music-theoretical essay can be found in Daniel Trocmé-Latter, “Congregational
Singing of the Early Huguenot Psalms: the work of Bourgeois, Vallette, and Davantès,” (B.A. diss.,
University of Cambridge, 2006), 13-20.
218
Figure 30. Solmization in Vallette’s c. 1560 Geneva Psalter32
Perhaps the most interesting Geneva Psalter I have examined is a 1560 edition published
by Pierre Davantes (see Figure 31).33 As Davantes’ opening preface explained,
solmization syllables were printed in the music, with an additional system also
introduced above the text underlay. This alternative system, which used numbers, lines,
and dots to indicate both pitch and rhythm, was intended by the publisher to replace the
32 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the British Library. 33 Pseaumes De David, Mis En Rhythme Francoise (Geneva: Pierre Davantes, 1560).
219
solmization syllables.34 Certainly the system is even more useful as an aid to sight-
singing than solmization, because its format allowed it to be printed in all subsequent
verses (thus doing away with the problem of page turns necessitating memorization).
However, this numerical-symbolic system did not catch on, and it did not reappear in
any later music books. Davantes’ edition is particularly interesting because it assumed
that solmization was a standard technique and attempted to replace it with a different
system. And yet, very few surviving Geneva Psalters included solmization syllables, so
unless the surviving editions are a poor representation, it would seem that printed
solmization was not in fact quite so normative, even if widespread in unwritten practice.
34 See Trocmé-Latter, “Congregational Singing of the Early Huguenot Psalms,” 21-33, for extensive
discussion of this system and translation of many of the relevant passages of the preface.
220
Figure 31. Solmization in Davantes’ 1560 Geneva Psalter35
The works I have discussed here—one music theory text, three Geneva Psalters,
and one English psalter in many editions— are the only early modern music books that
35 Photographs taken by the author, courtesy of the British Library.
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printed solmization syllables of which I am aware.36 I have not observed this practice in
any Renaissance contexts beyond the Calvinist and Anglican religious traditions. It
would seem that printing solmization syllables—and the music education this
represented—was a uniquely Protestant impulse. All of these books were in the
vernacular, intended for a general audience rather than the musically-literate,
intellectual elite, and all were related to Protestant religious traditions intent on
educating the populace and equipping them for congregational musical participation.
The strong emphasis on music education in Lutheran schools seems to have made this
kind of music-theoretical material unnecessary in that denomination’s hymnals.
Meanwhile, the close connection between Calvinist and Anglican musical didacticism
can be explained by the relationship between their metrical psalters. The WBP was based
on the Anglo-Genevan Psalters of 1556 and 1558, which were themselves modeled after
the Geneva Psalter by English Protestant exiles in Geneva during the reign of Catholic
Mary Tudor. Even after John Day published his first edition of the WBP, tunes continued
to be borrowed from the Geneva Psalter in later years. Though the WBP’s solmization
preface was not derived from any of the Geneva Psalter editions’ music-theoretical
36 A 1586 edition of George Whetstone’s Honourable Reputation of a Souldier printed in Leyden (STC 25340), a
side-by-side Dutch/English translation of Whetstone’s original book (London, 1586, STC 25339), included an
appended English pronunciation guide. This guide contained two metrical psalms (Psalm 127 and Psalm
130) taken from The Whole Booke of Psalmes, complete with printed music including solmization syllables.
Though this is a continental work using printed solmization syllables, I do not consider it a unique work
since these two pieces of music were clearly copied from the English psalter.
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content, the original impulse to add solmization syllables may well have been the result
of Calvinist influence.
The Significance of Fixed-Scale Solmization
Why does it matter that The Whole Booke of Psalmes used fixed-scale solmization, as
opposed to hexachords? First, the combination of prefatory music examples and
solmized tunes allows us to see the conceptual transition from traditional hexachords to
fixed scales, giving us insight into the evolving nature of sixteenth-century English
music theory. Second, considering the immense popularity of the WBP and the
thousands upon thousands of copies produced, purchased, and used, the WBP surely
influenced Bathe and Morley. There has been minimal speculation to date as to the
origin of fixed-scale solmization in England, but it is clear now that William Bathe did
not invent the system, even if his c. 1596 Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song was the first
treatise to fully describe it. Fixed-scale solmization had already been highly visible in
English musical culture for nearly thirty years before Bathe and Morley repeated this
idea.
Finally, the WBP was a congregational psalter, and as such, it differed greatly
from Bathe’s and Morley’s freestanding music theory treatises intended for a much more
limited audience. Like the Geneva Psalters and Bourgeois’ Le Droict Chemin de Musique,
which also printed solmization syllables, the WBP stemmed from a Protestant religious
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context. Unlike those continental publications, however, the WBP’s solmization scheme
introduced the major innovation of fixed scales. Why might fixed-scale solmization have
originated in a Protestant religious text? In the WBP, we see the specialized knowledge
of academic music theory, formerly available only to choirboys and those similarly
trained in courtly or ecclesiastical contexts, made accessible to a broader audience.
Perhaps the simplification of hexachords to a fixed-scale system was intended to
accommodate those with less formal education. Bathe and Morley continued this
innovation and more fully explained it in their late sixteenth-century treatises, divorcing
the system from its roots in Protestant ideology. With its music-theoretical prefaces and
printed solmization syllables, the WBP advocated for musical literacy for the common
people, not just those formally trained in music. This popular, oft-derided psalter, until
recently largely overlooked in modern scholarship, thereby made a significant
contribution to sixteenth-century English music education and music theory.
Afterword: Solmization and Dowland’s Pilgrimes Solace
To show that this English-style fixed-scale solmization took hold, I conclude by jumping
ahead several decades to offer a new interpretation of what has always seemed to be a
fairly self-explanatory source. John Dowland’s fourth and final—and perhaps finest37—
37 In the opinion of lutenist and scholar Anthony Rooley. “1612—John Dowland and the emblem tradition,”
Early Music 41, No. 2 (May, 2013): 273.
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lute songbook, A Pilgrimes Solace (1612), represented a marriage of English and Italian
musical styles. This songbook included a letter to the reader that is often cited in modern
scholarship on Dowland in particular and on musical culture in the early seventeenth
century more generally.38 It is among the few sources that date Dowland’s year of birth,
and it tells us much about the composer’s continental travels in the latter part of his
career and the criticism he faced in England upon his return.
In this letter, Dowland wrote, “yet I must tell you, as I haue beene a stranger; so
haue I againe found strange entertainment since my returne; especially by the
opposition of two sorts of people that shroude themselues vnder the title of Musitians.”
He identified these two sorts of people as ignorant vocalists (“simple Cantors, or vocall
singers”) and proud lutenists (“young men, professors of the Lute, who vaunt
themselves, to the disparagement of such as haue beene before their time, (wherein I my
selfe am a party) that there neuer was the like of them”). Much of Dowland’s letter was
given over to advice to these lutenists as to the best way in which to defend their art
from its detractors (viol players in England and lute players from the Continent).39
Dowland’s description of those ignorant vocalists was comparatively brief; however, it
is extremely telling. I quote it here in full:
38 John Dowland, A Pilgrimes Solace (London: M.L., J.B., and T.S., 1612), sig. A.2.v. 39 For discussion of the context for and key figures in Dowland’s complaint against the young lute players,
see Matthew Spring, The Lute in Britain: A History of the Instrument and Its Music (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2001), 205-254.
225
The first are some simple Cantors, or vocall singers, who though they
seeme excellent in their blinde Diuision-making, are meerely ignorant,
euen in the first elements of Musicke, and also in the true order of the
mutation of the Hexachord in the Systeme, (which hath ben approued by all
the learned and skilfull men of Christendome, this 800 yeeres,) yet doe
these fellowes giue their verdict of me behinde my backe, and say, what I
doe is after the old manner: but I will speake openly to them, and would
haue them know that the proudest Cantor of them, dares not oppose
himselfe face to face against me.40
Here Dowland argued that though these singers may be extremely skilled in
performance (“excellent in their blinde Diuision-making,” or in other words, highly
proficient in improvised ornamentation), they were unlearned in even the basics of
music theory. Kirsten Gibson discusses this passage as an example of the growing divide
between “ordinary performers and university-endorsed musicians.”41 Positioning
himself as a true musician due to his knowledge of music theory, Dowland emphasized
the primacy of speculative musical knowledge as opposed to practical music, a
hierarchy that may seem surprising coming from this expert lutenist. As Gibson has
pointed out, though, Dowland was never shy about flaunting his university training,
presenting himself as a musicus, a scholar, rather than merely a practitioner.42 The
elevation of speculative musical thought over practical musical performance was a
40 Dowland, A Pilgrimes Solace, sig. A.2.v. Emphasis in original. 41 Kirsten Gibson, “Author, Musician, Composer: Creator? Figuring Musical Creativity in Print at the Turn
of the Seventeenth Century,” in Concepts of Creativity in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. Rebecca Herissone
and Alan Howard (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013), 79. 42 Gibson, “Author, Musician, Composer: Creator?” 79.
226
medieval concept that was only just beginning to be overturned around the beginning of
the seventeenth century.43
This passage from Dowland’s letter disparaging “simple Cantors” who are
ignorant of “the true order of the mutation of the Hexachord” has been taken by some as
evidence that hexachordal theory was becoming obsolete worldwide, a form of musical
knowledge known only to the most learned musicians.44 However, I read it differently.
Rather than representing a divide between the unlearned and the learned, practical
musicians who do not know music theory contrasted with musical scholars trained at
university in speculative thought, Dowland’s words may well describe a growing
distinction between those with purely English musical knowledge and those with the
opportunity and resources to also learn continental forms of music theory, with
Dowland himself among the latter, having published his translation of Ornithoparcus’s
Micrologus in 1609. The typical English musician may by this point have had little to no
understanding of the hexachord not because he or she was relatively musically illiterate,
but because English music theory itself had moved in a different direction. With a fixed-
scale system, solmization was no longer dependent upon mutating hexachords. If this is
the case, Dowland’s Pilgrimes Solace serves as an indication that the fixed-scale
43 For more on the changing relationship between speculative and practical approaches to music in early
modern England, see Chapter 3, “Teaching Music,” in Joseph M. Ortiz, Broken Harmony (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2011), 77-141. 44 Lionel Pike, Hexachords in Late-Renaissance Music (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), 12; Edward Doughtie, Lyrics
from English Airs, 1596-1622 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), 615.
227
solmization system introduced in the WBP and continued in Bathe’s and Morley’s
treatises was becoming standard in English musical thought at the beginning of the
seventeenth century.
Dowland’s lute songbook itself suggests that Dowland had in mind the contrast
between English fixed solmization and the hexachordal system of solmization employed
in continental Europe. In the eleventh song, Lasso vita mia, Dowland employed
solmization itself as a compositional technique: text was chosen due to its inclusion of a
high concentration of solmization syllables, and those syllables were set to the
appropriate pitches. In the opening phrase, “Lasso vita mia, mi fa morire,” Dowland
assigned solmization syllables in the text to the matching pitches within the hexachord
on C: “LA-SO[L] vita MIa, MI FA moriRE” (see Figure 32).45 Employing a common late-
Renaissance practice, as Lionel Pike has shown, Dowland matched vowels as well as the
more obvious textual solmization syllables: “-ta” of “vita” is set as if Fa, and “mo-” of
“morire” is set as if Sol. The saturation of solmization-motivated compositional choices
is highest in this first phrase, priming singers and listeners to watch closely for similar
devices as the piece goes on, and such forms of musical wordplay can be found
throughout.46
45 Diana Poulton discusses this in John Dowland, 2nd ed. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1982),
305. 46 See analysis in Pike, Hexachords, 93-95, and also, much more briefly, in Doughtie, Lyrics from English Airs,
615.
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Figure 32. Opening Phrase of Lasso vita mia
It would seem, then, that with Lasso vita mia, Dowland was showing off his own
command of hexachordal theory. Perhaps, due to the extreme concentration of these
solmization devices, he was even poking fun at those singers who might purchase and
perform from A Pilgrimes Solace without even recognizing the hexachordal solmization.
Yet just as in the preface, the story may not be so simple as a divide between the
musically-learned and the unlearned singers who do not understand hexachords. The
song is distinctly different from the rest of the collection, and like the preface, Lasso vita
mia continued to emphasize the difference between English and continental musical
knowledge. Lasso vita mia is the only one of the 22 works in this songbook written in
Italian rather than English. Its text, which is (in Pike’s words) “a patchwork of clichés
from Italian madrigal verse,”47 even over-emphasize its continental provenance. The
solmization technique of pairing syllables and pitches is distinctly Italian as well; Pike
suggests that Dowland learned it from Luca Marenzio.48 Even the choice of syllables is
continental: at this octave, Bathe, Morley, and the WBP would all solmize the final note
47 Pike, Hexachords, 93. 48 Ibid.
229
of the phrase, D4, as La rather than Re (recall Figure 27), whereas Dowland’s syllable
assignment reflects traditional hexachordal practice, in accordance with gamut diagrams
such as that shown in Figure 12 and many similar examples.
Thus Dowland highlighted the difference between Italian and English
approaches to solmization. Those “simple Cantors” ignorant of “the true order of the
mutation of the Hexachord” did not understand hexachordal theory, strongly linked in
the songbook itself with Italian solmization techniques. Dowland’s criticism, then, was
less that the singers were not educated in music theory, but more that unlike him (as he
emphasizes in the first part of his letter), they had not traveled across Europe and
learned how continental (hexachordal) music theory differed from that of England,
where fixed-scale solmization (introduced in the WBP over fifty years ago) had become
the norm.
230
Chapter 6. “Very fals printed”: Music Typesetting Errors and the Failure of Popular Music Education
Despite The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ musical didacticism—its initial and short-lived set of
reprints of the music preface and its much longer-lived and consistent run of editions
with solmization—the WBP did not succeed in its apparent goal of musically educating
the general populace. This feels like a dangerous thing to admit. I have spent the last
two hundred pages arguing that the WBP made music-pedagogical and music-
theoretical contributions to sixteenth-century English culture, and yet in this final
chapter, I am forced to confront the fact that it failed in its educational aim.
This is not conjecture. We know that early seventeenth-century England’s
general populace remained almost entirely musically illiterate. The seventeenth-century
practice of “lining out” and the early Jacobean Praise of musick manuscript bear witness
to the fact that the average churchgoer remained unable to read music and was therefore
unable to utilize the WBP as a musical score. In this chapter, I argue that part of this
failure was due to the poor quality of psalter printing and especially to music
typesetting errors. Despite John Day’s introduction of the music preface and printed
solmization syllables, and the general policy of his successors to maintain Day’s general
structure, content, and Protestant message, the usefulness of the WBP in promoting
musical literacy and Protestant musical devotion was severely hampered by seemingly
231
musically-illiterate compositors and a lack of editorial oversight. I discuss the careless
typesetting found across all of John Day’s musical prints, as well as the history of the
psalter patent following Day’s death, which led to a dilution of editorial control (from a
single editor to a group of editors) that in turn seems to have led to even greater music
printing problems. Then I turn to the specific musical misprints found in WBP editions,
giving detailed discussion of the wide variety of typesetting errors of both omission and
commission with accompanying photographs from my archival research. Many of these
misprints may not have hindered an already musically-literate reader, but would sorely
obstruct someone trying to learn basic music theory from the music or solmization
prefaces.
Early Seventeenth-Century Musical Illiteracy: The Evidence of Lining Out and The Praise of Musick
The first piece of evidence that musical illiteracy persisted in early seventeenth-century
England is the practice of “lining out”: a method of teaching tunes wherein a musically-
literate clerk, precentor, or cantor spoke or sang each musical phrase to the
congregation, who repeated it. Lining out originated earlier—Robin Leaver and
Jonathan Willis have noted that an early draft of the liturgical order of the Marian exiles
in Wesel seems to indicate an early form of the practice, in which the minister read each
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stanza before the congregation repeated it back in song1—but we have no evidence that
lining out was used in Protestant England until the seventeenth century.2 The earliest
known record of lining out in England is found in the 1636 Articles To Be Inquired of
Within the Dioces of Norwich, which names the practice an “uncouth and undecent
custom”:
If any Psalmes be vsed to be sung in your Church, before or after the
morning and euening prayer, or before or after the Sermons (vpon which
occasions only, they are allowed to bee sung in Churches) is it done
according to that graue maner (which first was in vse) that such doe sing
as can reade the Psalmes, or haue learned them by heart; and not after
that vncough and vndecent custome of late ttaken vp, to haue euery line
first read, and then sung by the people?3
This method of educating the laity in their psalm tunes did not require them to be
musically-literate or to become so; they merely learned these melodies by rote. This also
had the effect of divorcing the psalm texts from their tunes, because any tune could be
1 Robin A. Leaver, ‘Goostly Psalmes and Spirituall Songes’: English and Dutch Metrical Psalms from Coverdale to
Utenhove, 1535-1566 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 214; Jonathan Willis, Church Music and Protestantism in
Post-Reformation England: Discourses, Sites and Identities (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), 56. 2 In counter-argument, Jonathan Willis has cited an entry in the vestry minutes of the parish of St Michael
Cornhill in London, dating from 1592, which charged churchwardens to “provid a skylfull man to begyne
the syngynge salmes and to agre wt hyme for a resonable stypent and to pay hyme therefore”: Willis, Church
Music and Protestantism, 124. However, Timothy Duguid argues that this command does not necessarily
indicate lining out, but more likely, the singing of a full stanza by solo precentor before the congregation
joins: Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice: English ‘Singing Psalms’ and Scottish ‘Psalm Buiks’, c. 1547-1640
(Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, 195-196. Nicholas Temperley has stated that “there is no trace in Elizabeth’s reign”
of the practice of lining out: “‘All skillful praises sing’: how congregations sang the psalms in early modern
England,” Renaissance Studies 29, No 4 (2015): 549n44. Finally, John Milsom has recently questioned whether
certain features (repeat signs, punctuating breves, and barlines) in printed and manuscript musical scores
from the second half of the sixteenth century might indicate practices of lining out: “Discussion document:
Lining out in Elizabethan England,” unpublished manuscript, February 28, 2018. 3 Matthew Wren, Articles To Be Inquired of Within the Dioces of Norwich (London: Richard Badger, 1636), sig.
B.3.r; quoted in Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice, 195.
233
given. Indeed, lining out could eliminate need for a printed copy of the WBP altogether
if the musical leader had the metricized psalms memorized and a tune in mind that fit.
A second source of evidence for continuing widespread musical illiteracy is the
anonymous early Jacobean manuscript, The praise of musick the profite and delight it
bringeth to man & other the creatures of God. And the necessarye vse of it in the service &
Christian Churche of God.4 This beautifully-produced manuscript, which may have been
intended as a presentation copy or perhaps even a compositor’s copy for a printed book
that was never actually published, serves as an extensive though indisputably biased
description of the state of church music at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The
manuscript has two central goals: first, to offer a defense of music in sacred contexts (in
doing so, it participates in the established Elizabethan “praise of music” genre, which
defended music against its detractors), and second, to discuss the causes of and
solutions to the decline of music in the Church of England. The author is primarily
concerned with protecting the livelihoods and wages of professional choir singers
(“singingmen”), as well as ensuring the quality of the next generation of church singers.
Psalms and the practice of psalmody appear in several forms in The praise of
musick. The psalms themselves are used as evidence for musical practices in the early
4 British Library Royal MS 18.B.xix. Alec Ryrie dates the manuscript to c.1610: Being Protestant in Reformation
England, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 476). It is certainly Jacobean and therefore its earliest
possible date is 1603. I am preparing a diplomatic edition of this manuscript for publication.
234
church.5 David and Solomon both “were excellently skilled in musick and making of
songs;” Christ himself and his apostles sang a psalm before going to the Mount of
Olives; and Christians in the early church sang psalms each morning.6 According to the
author, the singing of psalms offers many benefits to God’s people, including easing the
hearts of the dying and allowing sinners to bewail their sins and ask for remission of
them.7
Thus in the early sections of his manuscript, the author establishes the presence
and virtue of singing, and especially the singing of psalms, in Scripture and in the early
church; this allows him to defend the use of music in the church in his own time. Later,
the author returns to the idea of psalmody, examining descriptions of psalm-singing in
the Bible in order to understand biblically-defensible ideal musical practices:
The psalmes of the Church may and ought to be vsed as the Author of
them appointed, but the holy Ghost the author of the psalmes who was
the Indighter of them as he was of all the holy scripture, for as St Peter
sayeth, Holy men of God spake as they were inspired by the holy Ghost, and the
same so indyted in Dauid were by him appointed to be sung most
cunninglye with divers excellent instrumentes of musick and with sundry
and most excellent notes and Tunes.8
Psalms should be sung, not spoken, and ideally “sunge most cunningly”: performed by
a trained soloist (the “skillfull Chanter, or him that excelleth in musick”), well-
5 Fols. 1v, 4r, 4v. 6 Fols. 1v, 4v. 7 Fols. 1v, 4r. 8 Fol. 9v.
235
ornamented (“now change your voyce and that cunningly”), using a variety of pleasing
melodies (“severall and excellent notes and varietie of Tunes”). The true goal, says the
author, is not musical excellence for its own sake, but that “with another excellent
tune…the people may be more attentive.” The anonymous author names two of the
“diverse artificial instruments of music” employed by the Hebrews (“Gittith and
Niginoth”), but makes no argument that only these particular instruments might be
used. Maintaining only the requirement for musical accompaniment, the author tacitly
allows those instruments common in England around the turn of the seventeenth
century.9
Additionally, when despairing of the typical churchgoer who complains that he
or she cannot understand the words sung by the choir, the author points out that the
textual repetition necessitated by the Book of Common Prayer gives listeners little
excuse; in doing so, the author notes that many of the texts of anthems performed by
professional choirs in churches of his day are psalm texts:
Againe when the hearer (although well affected to songe) cometh to ye
Church-singing, and standeth farr of from the singer, howe is it possible
that he can vnderstand the words of the songe, which yf they were
intelligibly redd, would not be heard of him for the distance of the place,
muche lesse vnderstood, And yet he complayneth that he vnderstandeth
not what they singe, although the wordes thereof be the hym[m]es and
9 Fols. 9v-10r.
236
songes appointed and vsed dayly in ye booke of Comon praier,
(exceptinge only ye Anthems) many of which are ye psalmes of David.10
Thus the author has established the presence of psalms in both the early church and his
contemporary Church of England, and has used scriptural descriptions of psalmody as
an argument for appropriate musical practice in a church setting. With these arguments,
he has been prescriptive, not descriptive, identifying how music should be performed.
However, the manuscript is in no way lacking in description of musical practice in
English churches around the turn of the seventeenth century. Indeed, the author’s
distaste for the typical parishioner’s musical preferences reveals much about the state of
music in the average church—and tellingly, the typical parishioner is described as being
both musically illiterate and interested only in metrical psalms.
One of the author’s primary concerns throughout the manuscript is to trace the
decline in church music to three causes: the action of reformers, the musical preferences
of the common people, and the reduction in funding for singingmen due to changed
financial circumstances and the greed of clergymen. Having financial gains in mind,
reformers successfully
did perswade the people from the reverent vse of service in songe,
affirminge it to be nothing but an vnnessisary pypinge, and minstrelsie.
So as ye estimacion & reputation of songe in Churches (except Geneua
psalmes) was in short tyme in no regard (nay in detestacion) with the
Comon people. Thus the estimacion of singing being diminished in the
10 Fol. 8v.
237
myndes almost of all men (which was one speciall policye of these
pretented reformers) it was thought it would be very easie in tyme to take
away all the lyvinges that way imployed, or els at least to putt the
revenewe to preachinge onlye, and yf in ye alteracion) any remayne
weare, these Reformers were lyke to have a share.11
With such strong popular anti-music sentiment, the author here argues, the only musical
genre to maintain a positive image in the minds of the common people was that of the
“Geneva psalm,” meaning the metrical psalmody of the WBP, nicknamed for its origins
in the Anglo-Genevan Psalter.
Although the WBP is not named in The praise of musick, the reference is clear, with
the potentially ambiguous phrase “the singing of psalms” several times clarified as
referring specifically to “Geneva tunes” (bold formatting in the following quotations
indicates my own emphasis). This passage, for example, specifies that “those who have
taken offence at Churche musick” nevertheless allow for the singing of psalms, and
specifically for “Geneva tunes” sung by the entire congregation in unison:
The mayne discontent of the preciser sort in dislyke of musick in ye
Churche, is the want of edification as hath bene said. Now yf it be
demaunded of them whether if the singing of psalmes in the Churche at
Sermons by the whole multitude, and at other exersices (namely at the
Com[m]union) be meete to be vsed, I suppose they will acknowledge that
it is very meete, adding this that the same be songe, by the whole
multitude in a plaine Geneua tune, wch every one can singe, and not in
pricksonge and descant (as they call it)12
11 Fol. 5v. 12 Fol. 8v.
238
Speaking in the imagined voice of these reformers, the author quotes a popular objection
to “pricksong and songs of parts,” meaning the polyphony sung by professional choir:
But yet another obiection is made, all can singe the Geneua or psalme
tune, but for your pricksonge and songes of partes, fewe but those yt have
learned to singe can accompanye them, and all thinges in the service of
God ought to be heard with vnderstanding of other, or acted by himselfe,
but your singing of pricksonge can neither be vnderstood of all nor acted
of all, and therefore without edification.13
The praise of musick goes on to explain that psalm tunes are liked by the people because
of their simplicity and accessibility, but most of all because of their comfortable vocal
range.14 The author himself, however, has a clear preference for polyphony over
psalmody. Though he relates their viewpoint, the author himself condemns “these
ignorant psalm singers” for preferring the latter. If edification of listeners is the goal of
church music, he argues, the general preference for psalms is actually counter-
productive:
And yf the songes sett in partes cannot be vnderstood beinge skilfully
acted to the edification of these ignorant psalme singers, howe muche
lesse in a confusion of voyces all the people singinge but one part
together, can the vnlettered hearer be edified? nay it is to apparent, that
let one that can read and singe those psalme tunes come into the
assemblye when they are singinge, except himselfe have a booke or stand
very neere to some one whome he will especially give eare vnto, he shall
have lesse edifyinge, then by hearinge of the vsuall and dayly service
sung in partes: And great reason there is, for the varietie of psalmes being
13 Fol. 9r. 14 Fol. 9r.
239
many, it is impossible yt the hearer should vnderstand what psalme or
words are sunge, yf himselfe have not a booke to looke vpon, or by
listeninge neere to some one that singeth, or that himselfe hath the
psalme by rote, whereas the hearer which cometh to the service sung in
partes hath more helps for vnderstanding then where the foresaid
ignorant singing in one part is.15
Underlying The praise of musick is the assumption that the qualities of musical
illiteracy and a preference for psalm tunes are widespread throughout the populace. The
musically unlearned tradesmen, husbandmen, tailors, shoemakers, servingmen, and the
like can only sing (and only want to sing) the WBP’s metrical psalms, and have little
ability to read text, much less musical notation:
how is it possible but those that can heare, and be neere to them that
singe, and being invred by frequencye of those places where singinge is,
should pretend the want of vnderstandinge or edifyinge, yf yet it be
defended that it were meet that those which cannot read & singe the
plaine psalme tunes, would enhable themselues to learne, howe simple
would that reason be, when as tradsemen, husbandmen and of divers
other condicions, are vnlettered, and otherwise imployed, besydes
althoughe nature hath given every one a voyce, Yet not every one a
tuneable voyce, and so an impossibilitye as well to those which can read,
as also to those that cannot read ever to singe eyther psalmes or any
thinge in tune. And for any to plead for vntuneable singinge how absurd
is it: But yf the reason weare of force that those which cannot singe
psalmes, should enable themselues to do it by learninge, by as good
reason, those which can singe psalmes alreadye should by instruction
enable themselues to singe the songes of the Churche in partes and
pricksong as is vsed in Cathedrall Churches.16
15 Fol. 9r. 16 Fol. 9v
240
And again:
when there shall be no sufficiencye found in Singingmen fitt for a
Cathedrall Churche, but Taylers, Shoomakers Servingmen &c: whose
education was never in musick, neither can singe any thinge but a plaine
psalme tune, or yf any thing more, it is by singing out of tune and
vnperfectly, Yelling and bleating lyke Oxen and Calues.17
From this manuscript we gain several important insights about the practice of
congregational metrical psalmody in early Jacobean churches. First, metrical psalmody
was definitely sung in services: as we have seen, “at Sermons by the whole multitude,
and at other exersices (namely at the Com[m]union).”18 The only potential singingmen to
be found have no music education, and cannot “singe any thinge but a plaine psalme
tune”—or, if they have the musical ability to sing more complex music, they lack the
proper vocal technique to sing it in any other fashion than “Yelling and bleating lyke
Oxen and Calues.” Yet while congregational psalms are preferred by the laypeople over
choral polyphony or any other genre of church music, not everyone can sing them. The
praise of musick implies that even the WBP’s simple tunes required some modicum of
general literacy. As the author put it, “the unlearned are so far from being able to sing
the psalms with the rest of the company, as they can not read, much less sing.”19 With
his description “as they can not read,” the author implies that literacy is required in
order for the people to sing metrical psalms—they are not learned by rote or repeated
17 Fol. 15r. 18 Fol. 8v. 19 Fol. 9r.
241
according to the process of lining out, but read out of psalm books. Unexpectedly, The
praise of musick supports the conclusion that lining out was not in common use in
Elizabethan England or yet in the earliest years of Jacobean England.
According to The praise of musick, “the multitude…do consist of learned and
unlearned (the unlearned being the greater part).”20 That multitude “can not read, much
less sing.” This musically-illiterate general populace demonstrates the poor taste of
favoring metrical psalmody over the polyphony the author prizes; with this clear
preference in place, the author worries that there is little chance that the financial
situation of singingmen can improve.
John Day and the Psalter Patent
John Day was not primarily a music printer.21 Best known for John Foxe’s Actes and
Monuments, Day printed over 350 books on subjects as diverse as theology, astrology,
physiognomy, medicine, mathematics, and navigation, and in genres including
almanacs, ballads, sermons, textbooks, and poetry.22 Of his 350-odd printed works, only
nine (with closely-related works counted only once) were music prints:
20 Fol. 9r. 21 The first comprehensive study of Day’s work as a music printer can be found in FGE, “A Famous Music-
Printer—John Day, Parts 1 and 2,” The Musical Times 47 (March and April, 1906): 170-174 and 236-239. 22 See Elizabeth Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage: John Day and the Tudor Book Trade (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 2008) and C. L. Oastler, John Day, the Elizabethan Printer (Oxford: Oxford Bibliographical Society,
1975).
242
Utenhove, Hondert Psalmen Dauids (1561), STC 2739
Utenhove, De Psalmen Dauidis (1566), STC 2740
Partial psalters
WBP editions 1562-1584
The Whole Psalmes in Foure Partes (1563), STC 2431
Certaine notes / Mornyng and Euenyng prayer (1560/5), STC 6419 and 6418
Matthew Parker, The Whole Psalter [1567], STC 2729 (=2439)
Thomas Whythorne, Songes for Three, Fower and Five Voyces (1571), STC 25584)
William Daman, Psalmes of Dauid (1579), STC 6219
Figure 33. John Day’s Printed Music23
As we can see, quantity of music publications was not a high priority for Day. Neither,
unfortunately, was quality. Day’s music prints were plagued by typesetting errors and
other problems, some worse than others. Colin William Holman attributes the
prevalence of errors to lack of competition.24 This is certainly true; between 1561 and
1579, only five music collections (or books including music) not affiliated with Day were
published in England: John Hall’s Courte of Vertue (Thomas Marshe, 1565), two lute
instruction manuals by Adrian le Roy (John Kingston for James Rowbotham, 1568 and
1574; see Chapter 3 for more discussion), Orlando di Lasso’s Recueil du Mellange
23 The 1557 Sarum Missal thought by Robert Steele (The Earliest English Music Printing (London: Printed for
the Bibliographical Society at the Cheswick Press, 1903), 42) and the catalogues of the British Library and the
Bodleian Library to be among Day’s publications on the basis of a device found on the title page, has no
solid basis for such attribution. Day’s name does not appear on the title page or in the colophon, and the
four-line, black and red neumatic musical notation is not found in any of Day’s other musical publications.
Elizabeth Evenden (Patents, Pictures and Patronage, 44) has recently doubted the attribution, and I agree. 24 Colin William Holman, “John Day’s ‘Certaine Notes’ (1560-65),” (Ph.D diss., University of Kansas, 1991),
61.
243
d’Orlande de Lassus (Thomas Vautrollier, 1570), and Byrd and Tallis’s famous Cantiones
Sacrae (Thomas Vautrollier, 1575).
Day’s shortcomings as a music printer were obvious to some readers. I have seen
many manuscript music corrections in copies of Mornyng and Euenyng prayer, The Whole
Psalmes in Foure Partes, Whythorne’s Songes, and Daman’s Psalmes of Dauid. In fact, Day’s
own authors complained of his shortcomings. In his autobiography, Thomas Whythorne
wrote,
At my return again to London, I went to the printer to know of him how
my music went away out of hands, and he told me that it was not bought
of him as fast as he looked for. Then I told him that I thought that was
two causes that he sold them not as yet very fast, the first was because he
had printed music heretofore, the which was very false printed, and
therefore it was a discredit to that which should follow in print hereafter,
until such time as mine were commonly known, the true printing
whereof should shadow the falseness of the other.25
Here Whythorne is not complaining about poor quality of his own music, but of Day’s
supposedly “false printed” other music, which has, Whythorne argues, reduced the
value of all music printed by Day.
25 “At my return again to London, I went to my printer to know of him how my miuzik went awai owt of
handz, and hee told mee [th]at it waz not bowht of him so fast az hee loked for. [Th]en I told him [th]at I
thouht [th]at it waz ij kawzes [th]at hee sold [th]em not az yet very fast, [th]e first waz bekawz hee had
printed miuzik heer tofor, [th]e which waz very fals printed, and [th]arfor it waz A diskredit to [th]at which
shiuld follow in print heerafter, vntill sych tym as myn wer kommenly known [th]e trew printing wherof
shiuld shadow [th]e falsnes of [th]e o[th]er.” Thomas Whythorne, The Autobiography of Thomas Whythorne,
ed. James M. Osborn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), 220.
244
In light of the apparently low priority music held for Day, why did the publisher
print dozens of editions of the WBP in his lifetime? The answer: the psalter was
profitable. Not only did it sell extremely well, but Day himself held a monopoly on the
printing of metrical psalters due to a patent that paralleled Tallis’s and Byrd’s music
printing patent (and at times even challenged it, as we can see with Daman’s 1579
Psalmes of Dauid).
On March 25, 1553, John Day was awarded his first printing patent, allowing him
to print primers (“the A. B. C.”) with catechisms. Under Elizabeth I, Day was granted far
more printing rights. Day’s first Elizabethan privilege, dated October 28, 1559, gave Day
a copyright of seven years for any original work printed at his expense:
[we, Elizabeth] do graunt and gyue Priuiledge and Lycence, vnto our wel
beloued subiect Iohn Day, of the citie of London, Printer, and Stationer,
and to his assignes…[specific discussion of an unrelated book
omitted]…during the tyme of vij yeares, all such Bookes, and workes, as
he hath Imprinted, or hereafter shall Imprint, being diuised, compiled, or
set out by any learned man, at the procurement, costes, & charge, only of
the said Iohn Day.
Day’s second Elizabethan privilege, granted May 6, 1567, extended the copyright to ten
years. This second privilege maintained Day’s rights to all original works published at
his expense, and listed two such works by name: the WBP and the primer with
catechism. Indeed, the psalter itself was given primary importance:
[We] do graunt and geue priviledge and Lycence unto our welbeloved
subject John Daye of the Citie of London Printer and Stationer, and to his
assignes for the terme of tenne yeares, now next ensuying, by himselfe his
245
assignes or Deputies, to imprinte or cause to be imprinted the Psalmes of
David in Englishe Meter, with notes, the A.B.C. with the little Catechism,
appointed also by our Injunctions for the instruction of Chyldren, and
also all such bookes and workes, as he hath imprinted or hereafter shall
imprint. being devised compiled or translated, and set out by any learned
man, at the procurement costes and charges onely of the sayde John
Daye, so that no such Book or Bookes be repugnaunt to the holy
Scripture, or the lawes and order of our realme.
Finally, on August 6, 1577, Elizabeth granted the sole rights to print “the psalmes of
David in English meeter with notes to singe them” to John Day and now also to his son
Richard Day, “for terme of there lyues and the longer liuer of them, by themselues or
ether of them, or by the assignes of them or either of them.” As before, the patent first
named the WBP and primer specifically (and now also any other books written by
Alexander Nowell, Dean of St Paul’s and author of the primer) before granting the rights
more generally to anything printed and paid for by John or Richard Day.26 The two Days
now held the psalter patent for life—though as we shall see, Richard would not in fact
become the printer of the WBP after John’s death.
From 1562 to his death in 1584, John Day published sixty surviving editions of
the WBP. As with Whythorne’s criticisms of Day’s music printing more generally, these
psalters were also poorly regarded. On May 18, 1584, John Wolfe (who was a printer of
the WBP after Day’s death, but at the time one of Day’s competitors) submitted a bill of
complaint to the Star Chamber against Day, which included this accusation about Day’s
26 Steele, The Earliest English Music Printing, 11-12; the full text of all three privileges is given on pages 21-26.
246
practices of printing the psalter: “Aswell in respecte of the false pryntynge and evell
paper whiche the said Iohn Day vsethe, As alsoe by pryntinge bookes of the halfe
psalmes whiche are soulde for bookes of the whole Psalmes to suche as are vnlearned
and Can not reade…”27 Harry R. Hoppe dismisses both the accusations of “half psalms”
on the basis that none survives (he seems unaware that Day continued to print partial
psalters even after the first edition of the WBP) and “false printing and evil paper”—the
latter too easily in my view, for in viewing hundreds of psalters I have seen a fair
number with poor paper quality or too-light (or too-dark) inking.28 Wolfe’s quotation is
also intriguing as it stands in support of the “unlearned,” or illiterate, purchasing WBPs.
When John Day died in 1584, the rights to publish the WBP should have gone to
his son, but John himself ensured that Richard would have no further career in printing.
The two men had had increasingly serious squabbles throughout the 1570s as Richard
attempted to establish himself as an independent printer. In 1578, Richard stole printing
materials and stock from his father’s printing house, enabling him to pirate some of
John’s books. Using John’s own imprint, he was able to sell these legitimate-looking
texts for a reduced price, undercutting his father’s business. Even after John attempted
to help his son set up a successful business, the elder Day seems to have sabotaged the
younger (intentionally or not) by providing only a stock of poorly-selling books rather
27 Qtd. in Harry R. Hoppe, “John Wolfe, Printer and Stationer, 1579-1601,” The Library, 4th ser. 14 (1933): 256. 28 Hoppe, “John Wolfe, Printer and Stationer,” 259.
247
than more popular works. Richard resorted to further and more blatant piracy of John’s
best texts, and the relationship between father and son deteriorated past any chance of
repair. In 1580, the enraged father resorted to physical violence to punish his son,
bursting into Richard’s shop to cart away pirated books by force and destroying
Richard’s printing equipment. The incident was described by Richard Vernon, manager
of John Day’s shop in St Paul’s churchyard, in a narration that specifically names as
casualties of the attack a number of psalters (presumably Whole Bookes of Psalmes) in
sixteenmo (16o) format:
The said Jo. Daye wi[th] the wardens of the company of Stac[i]oners, Did
take from the com[plainant] bothe booke[s], the chefe part of his press,
wi[th] A gr[ea]t quantytie of let[t]res for prynting and other Instrumentes
of Prynting verye necessarye. At which tyme this dep[onent] being the
com[plainant’s] seru[a]nt, for that he requested them to make no spoyll of
the said thinge[s] and saying that the com[plainant] was able to answer
them by law & praying them to staye ther hande[s] till the matter might
be indifferentlie hearde betwene the com[plainant] & ffather, they were
the more vehement and made no more adoe but in A hurry laded A
carr[t]e with the said thinges wi[th]out care of sauing any thing therof
and caryed them awaye to Stacioners hall … the Bookes w[hich] they
caryed awaye at that tyme and spoylled being all vnbound cam[e] to the
nombre of xvijc or thereaboute[s] all Salme booke[s] of [sextodecimo]
w[hich] drew to the value of xlli or theraboute[s] at the rate of vjd the
pece … the presse & prynting let[t]ers and other things w[hich] they had
alwaiye and spoyled wi[th]in the howse cost the com[plainant] nerehand
xxxli.29
29 Qtd. in Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, 164-165.
248
Permanently out of favor and now out of work, Richard Day took holy orders.30
The legal rights to publish the WBP may have gone to Richard, but practically
speaking, Richard had no means to print anything. Instead, the WBP was turned over to
five “Assigns of Richard Day”: Edward White, William Wright, Thomas Butter, John
Wolfe, and Francis Adams.31 These five men held the legal rights to publish the psalter,
and their group name, “The Assignes of Richard Daye,” would appear on title pages in
1584 and 1585. One of them, John Wolfe, was named as the printer of the WBP beginning
in 1586 (“Iohn Wolfe, for the Assigns of Richard Day”), and in 1591 the work of printing
the text was given over to John Windet. For almost forty years, this group of assigns
oversaw the publication of the WBP.
The year 1603 represented yet another major upheaval in the history of the
psalter patent.32 Elizabeth I died, and after James I ascended the throne, the new king
issued a new psalter privilege. This time, the entire Company of Stationers, rather than
an individual printer, was granted the right “To imprynte or cause to be imprynted all
30 Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, 161-165. 31 Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, 172. Transcripts of legal records naming these five men can be
found in Cyril Bathurst Judge, Elizabethan Book-Pirates (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), 149-
155. 32 Despite the transference of the monarchy, no similar decisive shift occurred for the music patent,
originally held by Thomas Tallis and William Byrd, in 1603. After the Byrd/Tallis patent expired in 1596,
there was a two-year gap in which no one publisher was granted sole rights to publish music; printers like
Thomas East and William Barley took full advantage of the opportunity to publish freely without fear of
legal reparations. In 1598, Thomas Morley was granted a music-printing patent, but he died only four years
later. From 1602-1606, the music patent stood inactive, with no qualified musician able to take Morley’s
place. The ascension of James I to the throne thus had no immediate impact on the music patent. It was not
until 1606 that Barley would take it on. See Jeremy L. Smith, Thomas East and Music Publishing in Renaissance
England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), Chapters 6 and 8.
249
manner of booke and bookes of Prymers Psalters and Psalmes in meter or prose with
musycall notes or withoute notes both in greate volumes and small in the Englishe tonge
which nowe be or at anye tyme herafter shalbe sett forthe and permytted.”33 The patent
did exclude The Book of Common Prayer, the rights to which remained with Robert and
Christopher Barker; however, all other primers and psalters would now be printed by
this group.
James I did not forcibly remove the psalter patent from Richard Day and his
assigns. However, the new economic and political situation was such that it was prudent
for them to give it up. On May 7, 1603, James I suspended all grants and charters of
monopoly held by private persons. This proclamation had some exceptions, and
Richard’s psalter patent was not yet affected, but the patent’s future must have looked
precarious. Richard could (and ultimately did) sell it to the Company of Stationers,
making himself some money and ridding himself of an insecure patent. There were
other factors as well. John Windet, who was then serving as the printer for the WBP, had
just been named Printer to the City of London and was far busier. Additionally, the
assigns had for years been forced to defend their patent in court against other printers
pirating this text. (This is ironic since several of the assigns had themselves been WBP
printing pirates prior to 1584—more on piracy in a moment.) The Stationers’ Company
33 Edward Arber, ed., A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London; 1554-1640 A.D., Vol. 3
(London: Privately Printed, 1876), 42.
250
itself had often been called upon to help resolve these legal disputes. For these reasons,
Richard Day sold the psalter patent to the Company of Stationers for £9,000, and James I
issued the new privilege to the Company on October 29, 1603.34
Our ability to identify editorial control over the WBP ends in 1603 when the
Stationers’ Company at large was awarded the psalter patent. Now, any publisher
affiliated with the Company of Stationers might print the WBP. Oversight of the
psalter’s publication, therefore, expanded in stages from an individual (John Day) to a
small group (the five Assigns of Richard Day) to the entire Company, and it now
becomes impossible to convincingly argue for any particular ideological supervision
beyond the Company’s broad commercial impulse. Furthermore, seventeenth-century
printing of the WBP was marked by mixed copies and continuous reprinting. The term
“mixed copies” refers to psalters as they have survived for us today; in many cases,
psalters dated in the seventeenth century prove to be difficult sources to work with.
Different gatherings might have been printed by multiple printers; gatherings might
have been completed in different years (making publication dates totally unreliable); a
single printer might have used two different music typefaces; antiquarians may have
combined two incomplete copies.35 “Continuous reprinting” refers to the seventeenth-
century practice of using up leftover sheets from a prior printing, necessitating the
34 D. W. Krummel, English Music Printing 1553-1700 (London: The Biographical Society, 1975), 26-27; Smith,
Thomas East and Music Publishing, 27-28. 35 Krummel, English Music Printing, 36-42.
251
printing of fewer new sheets. This became common for the most popular printed books,
particularly Bibles and, Ian Green estimates, also the WBP.36 Due to the lack of close
supervision caused by the 1603 psalter patent and the increasing prevalence of mixed
copies and continuous reprinting, it becomes difficult for modern scholars to identify
and compare discrete editions. (It is convenient that my study ends in 1603 and spans
only Elizabethan WBPs: all of these editions were published in the same—relatively
speaking—political and religious climate, as well as the same publishing circumstances
represented by the Day’s three psalter patents.)
My purpose in outlining the psalter patent in such detail is to provide some
explanation for the increasing rate of typesetting problems as the century progressed. As
it changed hands, publisher motivations changed and editorial oversight became more
diffuse. Figure 34 summarizes the key points in this chronology:
1559 - Day’s first privilege: seven years for any original work published at his expense
1560 - Psalmes of Dauid in English metre
1560/1561 - Psalmes. Of Dauid in English metre
1561 - Foure score and seuen Psalmes of Dauid
1562 - The Residue of all Dauids Psalmes in metre
1562 - First edition of The Whole Booke of Psalmes
1567 - Day’s second privilege: ten years for any original work published at his expense;
specifically names “Psalmes of David in Englishe Meter, with notes”
1577 - Day’s third privilege: together with his son Richard, rights for life; specifically
names “the psalmes of David in English meeter with notes to singe them”
1580 - John Day destroys Richard’s print shop
36 Ian Green, Print and Protestantism in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 508-
509, 673-678.
252
1584 - John Day dies; the WBP begins to be published by “The Assigns of Richard Day”
1586 - WBP begins to be published by “John Wolfe, for the Assigns of Richard Day”
1591 - WBP begins to be published by “John Windet, for the Assigns of Richard Day”
1591 - grant to Verney Alley for the psalter patent, for thirty years, following the Days’
deaths37
1603 - psalter patent goes to the Company of Stationers; the WBP begins to be “Printed
for the Company of Stationers”
Figure 34. The Psalter Patent at a Glance
Finally, we can consider the WBP beyond the psalter patent. Piracy was a
problem and led to increasingly low publishing standards. Sales of the WBP were
extremely lucrative, so despite the psalter patent, many other printers created their own
copies of the psalter and passed them off as the work of Day or his assigns. Some of the
pirates whom John Day combated with legal suits later became Richard’s assigns;
Richard himself even pirated his father’s psalter.38 In 1585, John Wolfe and the other
assigns of Richard Day submitted a bill of complaint to the Star Chamber accusing
Humphrey Frank, Anthony Hill, and a group of other printers of printing 2,000 copies
37 As complicated as this history of the psalter patent as I have described it appears, the full story is even
more complex. Few documents survive to tell us much of an additional person who also seems to have held
a privilege to print the WBP. A man named Verney Alley—of whom next to nothing is known—was on
February 26, 1591 given a royal grant allowing him to take on the Days’ psalter privilege for “thyrtye yeres
to commence and begynne ymmediattlye from and after the deathe and decease of the said John Daye and
Richard Daye his sonne.” The transference of the psalter patent to the Company of Stationers in 1603 made
no mention of Alley; it is not clear whether they knew of Alley’s claim, which may or may not have been
legally valid at this point. In 1614, perhaps simply out of an abundance of caution, the Stationers’ Company
paid Alley’s executors £600, effectively buying him out and ensuring that they held the sole rights to publish
the WBP. See Krummel, English Music Printing, 27, and Beth Quitslund’s forthcoming discussion in The
Whole Book of Psalms: A Critical Edition of the Texts and Tunes, Beth Quitslund and Nicholas Temperley, eds., 2
vols., Renaissance English Text Society Publications 36 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, forthcoming). 38 Oastler, John Day, the Elizabethan Printer, 24.
253
each of the WBP.39 Similarly, Robert Robinson was fined for pirating the WBP in 1594:
“Item that Robert Robinson shall pay for the lyke offence [i.e., buying and dispersing
Psalms disorderly printed] iijli to whiche he yeildeth and promiseth to pay yt within ten
Dayes after e[a]ster next [March 31, 1594] iijli paid 13s 4d 15 Julij 1594.”40 (The common
term “disorderly printing” could refer both to books that were carelessly or incorrectly
printed and to the practice of printing pirated editions of books protected by royal
privilege; it is a useful summary for the problems that plagued the WBP.)41
It is not always possible to identify a WBP edition as pirated. STC 2464 (a
solmization psalter) and STC 2466 (a psalter with no prefatory material), both dating
from 1583, have been identified as pirated editions printed by John Wolfe.42 Both
editions falsely named John Day as printer. However, pirated editions were not always
subtle. STC 2477.5, a text-only psalter published in 1590, blatantly advertised on its title
page that it was “Printed by Iohn Legate, Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge,”
though at this time all legitimate WBPs were “Printed by Iohn Wolfe, for the Assignes of
Richard Day” in London (see Figure 35).
39 Judge, Elizabethan Book-Pirates, 63-64; Hoppe, “John Wolfe, Printer and Stationer,” 260. 40 Qtd. in Judge, Elizabethan Book-Pirates, 72. 41 Judge, Elizabethan Book-Pirates, 71n5. 42 Hoppe, “John Wolfe, Printer and Stationer,” 258-259; Oastler, John Day, the Elizabethan Printer, 24.
254
Figure 35. Title Page of STC 2477.5, a Pirated Edition43
43 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the Huntington Library.
255
Music Typesetting Errors and Other Problems in The Whole Booke of Psalmes
Mechanics of Music Printing
A book was created in the sixteenth century, as now, by the application of ink to a blank
sheet of paper, followed by gathering up all of the pages in the proper order. In a
process known as typesetting, a typesetter (compositor) would have to select every piece
of type—usually individual letters—and lay them in the proper order (backwards) in a
printing press, where they would be inked and the paper pressed on top of them. The
typesetter worked from a copytext, trying to match his manuscript or printed model
exactly. He would select pieces of type, filling in a composing stick letter by letter and
line by line. When the composing stick was full, usually after a couple of lines of text, the
typesetter would transfer them to a galley tray. Extra material would be added to fill the
space completely; this included extra-textual printed material like folio numbers,
signatures, and running heads, and also the furniture (wooden wedges that held
everything together). Together, the galley and this extra material was known as the
forme, and once it was inked, the forme would print a single side of a single sheet of
paper. After all sheets were printed, the forme would be broken up and the type sorted
back into its typecase. No print shop had enough type to leave pages set up, so every
new edition of a book required completely resetting it from scratch.44
44 There are many excellent introductions to bibliography. The classic works are R. B. McKerrow,
Introduction to Bibliography For Literary Students (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1994) and Philip
256
Thus the content of a printed book was completely reliant on the typesetter’s
actions and decisions. He might have to slightly modify his copytext for one reason or
another. Perhaps he would try to correct an error. He would make on-the-fly decisions
about spelling to ensure that a line of text filled his composing stick exactly, because
otherwise the whole complex would fall apart. Even if given a completely error-free
copytext, his eye might jump or his hand falter. He might reach for a letter in the wrong
compartment, or he might not notice that a piece of type was mis-sorted. There were
many ways in which the process of typesetting could go wrong.
When it comes to music typesetting, these problems were exacerbated if the
typesetter was unfamiliar with musical notation. By the mid-sixteenth century, music
printing had moved beyond double-impression and into single-impression printing. In
double-impression printing, first the lines of the staff were laid down, and then the
notes. It resulted in a very beautiful page, but was time-consuming. In single-impression
printing, each individual piece of music type contained five small dashes and a musical
symbol. When lined up next to each other, these dashes would form the musical staff;
the resultant staff lines would not be smooth and continuous but often full of small gaps.
A set of musical typeface would need to include a lot of symbols: all the notes, on all the
Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1995). Both Mark Bland, A
Guide to Early Printed Books and Manuscripts (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010) and Joseph A. Dane, What is
a Book? The Study of Early Printed Books (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2012) focus
specifically on early modern printing.
257
lines and spaces, in all the rhythmic durations; rests, also in all durations; dots;
accidentals; clefs and time signatures; double bar lines to mark the end of a piece; and
custodes, to indicate the first pitch on the next staff, again on all lines and spaces. With
so many symbols, a great many actions went into creating even a single page of sheet
music, and there were a lot of ways to make mistakes.
It helped to have a music corrector: someone to proofread printed pages against
their copytext, allowing stop-press revisions to the forme.45 Certainly some music
printing houses employed such correctors; the corrections (stop-press, manuscript, and
cancel slips) employed in Vautrollier’s printing of the 1575 Cantiones Sacrae, for example,
have been well-documented.46 Day himself may have, at least temporarily, employed an
experienced musician as his musical proofreader. Elizabeth Evenden has suggested that
composer Thomas Caustun, whose music was heavily featured in Day’s Certaine notes /
Mornyng and Euenyng prayer (1560/5), served as music corrector for that collection, a task
offered in exchange for the publication of Caustun’s music.47 There is no evidence that
Caustun performed this service for any of Day’s other music prints, though the
possibility remains. However, any reliance on the musician as corrector of music proofs
45 To read more on the role and task of correctors, see Percy Simpson, Proof-Reading in the Sixteenth,
Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London: Oxford University Press, 1935, repr. 1970), Chapter 3. 46 John Milsom, “Tallis, Byrd and the ‘Incorrected Copy’: Some Cautionary Notes for Editors of Early Music
Printed from Movable Type,” Music & Letters 77, No. 3 (Aug., 1996), 348-367; and the new critical edition:
Thomas Tallis and William Byrd, Cantiones Sacrae 1575, ed. John Milsom, Early English Church Music 56
(London: Stainer and Bell, 2014), xxv and in the critical notes to each individual composition. Further
discussion of the difficulty of editing Byrd’s printed music due to various forms of corrections can be found
in Philip Brett, “Editing Byrd—2,” The Musical Times 121 (Sept., 1980), 557-559. 47 Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, 77-78.
258
beyond Certain notes / Mornyng and Euenying prayer would have ended with Caustun’s
death in 1569. This is perhaps why, in 1569, Day experimented with the use of
woodblocks, rather than moveable type, to produce the entire musical score of each
psalm tune. This feature, with its noticeably smooth staff lines, is found only in STC
2440. Given the woodblocks’ potential for minimizing typesetting errors and speeding
printing, why were they never used again? Evenden hypothesizes that pressure from
other printers (objecting to Day’s already high profits on the WBP) and his own
compositors (whose work would be threatened by woodblocks) forced Day to abandon
this printing method, which might have completely altered the future—and typesetting
accuracy—of the WBP.48
Variants in Tune References Across Editions
Most WBP editions prefaced each psalm with a set of useful information: the Latin
incipit, the number of the psalm, the initials of the versifier, and a prose argument (a
description of the theological and devotional value of the psalm). If the psalm was not
one that came with its own tune, the book printed a reference to another tune either
underneath the prose argument or in the margins; e.g., “Sing this as the first psalm.”
With only 65 tunes in the 1562 WBP, and 150 psalms plus 18 hymns and canticles, over
half received only tune references. This hampered the usability of the psalter, since any
48 Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, 78.
259
psalm with a tune reference could not be sung unless the corresponding tune, found on
a different opening, was memorized.
The tune references themselves were prone to printing problems across editions.
Tune references were frequently missing or misprinted (for example, a 5 erroneously
substituted for a 6). In some cases, a mistaken tune reference might suggest a tune
whose meter does not match that of the psalm. However, an even bigger problem was
the tendency for tune references to shift across editions. Timothy Duguid has tracked
changes in tune references across editions from 1562 to 1640, attributing them to popular
practice reflected in later printers’ choices.49 However, as Duguid has pointed out, tune
reference changes did not stick. Even after one edition altered its tune reference, the next
might revert to an earlier one. Few tune references were changed with any consistency.
After carefully analyzing textual variations in editions printed through the mid-1580s,
Beth Quitslund concluded that one major source of the problem lay in the rapidity with
which new editions were produced, which meant that compositors were using different
editions as their copytexts, and not usually the most recent one.50 Some editions did not
even bother printing tune references. In my own survey of editions, I have noted that the
Group 6 psalters (the “text-only” psalters) all lack tune references, along with their
elimination of printed music.
49 Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice, Chapter 4 and passim. His spreadsheet detailing tune
references can be downloaded at http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6684. 50 Beth Quitslund, “Adaptation and Popularity: Building The Whole Booke of Psalmes 1547-1577,” Psalm
Culture and the Politics of Translation Conference, London, July 16, 2013, 8-9.
260
Variants across editions meant that different editions could not be productively
used together. Imagine three singers, each possessing a different WBP edition, trying to
sing Psalm 22 together, perhaps in a household as a form of devotion or recreation, or
perhaps in church for worship as congregational song. The first person, singing from the
first edition (WBP 1562, STC 2430), would be instructed to sing it using the tune
provided for Psalm 21. A second singer, possessing the edition from two years later
(WBP 1564, STC 2432), would find that Psalm 22 would have its own, different tune. If
the third singer owned a 1577 edition (STC 2449.5), he would be instructed to sing Psalm
22 using the tune for Psalm 12—and upon turning to Psalm 12, would find yet another
tune reference for Psalm 3. With three such different tune references, the group would
be forced to disregard the WBP’s musical suggestions. Together, they would agree upon
a tune that fit the meter; it would almost certainly be a psalm tune that was popular and
already memorized. If their psalters were musically unreliable and the actual practice of
singing metrical psalmody discouraged them from reading the music printed in the
books, the WBP would be of little use in teaching them to read musical notation.
Common Music Typesetting Errors
Before turning to the more significant printing problems related to the music preface
and solmization preface, I first want to discuss common music typesetting errors found
in the WBP’s tunes. Errors can be divided into three categories: errors of omission
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(something that should be printed is missing), errors of commission (something is
printed that should not be), and placement errors (the content is present but in the
wrong location). Most of these printing errors would not seriously impact a singer who
easily reads music, but many of them would cause confusion for those trying to gain
musical literacy by means of the WBP’s music-theoretical prefaces.
By far the most common problems have to do with the printing of clefs and key
signatures. Close examination reveals that every edition inevitably has at least one clef
printed on the wrong line (usually many throughout the psalter), or more rarely,
missing entirely. Similarly, one or more staves within a tune with a one-flat signature
will lack that flat. In some editions, these mistaken clefs and key signatures are
extremely common and for an uneducated singer could cause serious confusion. For
example, when a C4 clef is printed instead of the correct C3, but the one-flat key
signature is still printed properly, the resultant tune may be Phrygian, a mode that does
not otherwise appear in the WBP. I have also seen at least one example of an entire tune
being printed with the wrong clef, a serious error that would confuse a singer who did
not already know the tune. The entire melody is off by a third, and the opening interval
is not the correct descending perfect fifth, but a descending tritone.51
Another problem, again more frequent in some editions than others, is the
substitution of the wrong note value. In some cases, incorrect rhythms may make it
51 WBP 1595, STC 2490.3, Psalm 130.
262
impossible to sing the same tune using two different editions; in others, wrong rhythms
make a tune unsingable. A common erroneously-printed rhythm is a dotted half note
followed by a half note (where the second note value should be a quarter note).
Occasionally, rhythmic extremes occur—for example, “The complaint of a sinner” in
WBP 1578, STC 2451 has a printed eighth note that is clearly in error and interferes with
the tune’s meter, creating an obvious rhythmic displacement since no eighth notes
actually appear in any of the psalter tunes.
Other common typesetting errors include missing or misplaced dots, or dots
printed on the left side of a note rather than the right;52 incorrect accidentals, or even
unnecessary ones (an accidental B-flat in a one-flat key signature); and mismatches
between notes and text underlay. As discussed in Chapter 5, there are also frequent
errors related to the printed solmization syllables, including wrong, missing, misaligned,
or upside-down syllables, or syllables found on the right side rather than the left side of
a note. In rare occurrences, a note is missing but its syllable still appears. Over- or under-
inking when the page was printed can also make text or music difficult to comprehend.
But the two sorts of music typesetting problems that would most interfere with a
singer’s ability to learn to read music through a combination of music or solmization
preface and practice are the printing of music staves upside-down and the use of
random pieces of type as blank spacers. The difficulties associated with the former are
52 See, for example, Psalm 147 in WBP 1581, STC 2457.
263
self-evident: if a staff is printed upside-down, it is impossible to sightread. It would not
take long for an experienced singer to recognize the problem and, turning the book
upside-down, quickly learn and memorize those phrases of music. (See later in this
chapter for images and discussion of an upside-down staff.) For an inexperienced singer,
however, an upside-down staff makes the psalm tune unusable without significant work
or a companion from whom to learn the tune by rote. Spacers are an even more curious
problem. In order to accommodate text underlay, notes would be irregularly spaced.
This requires the use of blank pieces of musical type—a narrow strip of type that
contains all five staff lines but nothing else. In some WBP editions, however, other pieces
of type were used in place of blank spacers due to inattention and carelessness on the
part of the typesetter, or perhaps running out of blank pieces. This resulted in random
symbols printed in the middle of psalm tunes, including custodes, accidentals (both flats
and sharps), solmization syllables (in psalters with or without solmization), longs,
breves, and dots. These weird symbols are easily ignored if one already knows how to
read music. But for a singer trying to come to grips with music theory, these symbols
could be incredibly confusing, especially since many of them are not named or defined
in the WBP’s music preface.
264
Music Preface Problems
The first edition of the WBP suffered from typesetting problems—in this case textual, not
musical—that damaged and weakened the didactic purpose of the music preface.
Elizabethan English was not characterized by standardized spelling or capitalization,
and printing in particular was prone to spelling variants because typesetters needed to
completely fill each line with type; otherwise the entire construction would fall apart.
However, when it came to naming notes and explaining the workings of the gamut,
minor variants in spelling and capitalization quite literally spelled disaster.
On three occasions, the typesetter substituted a capital “E” when he really meant
“F.”53 In the first instance, he is attempting to name an F clef: “but all these Kayes ar not
signed or set in these Psalmes: but onely ii. or three most commonly c, or e, or b. C, hath
this form or signe, [C clef] E, is signed after this maner [F clef] B, hath thus, [flat] or thus
sharpe. [sharp]”54 In the second and third instances, the typesetter names but misspells
the gamut nomenclature, indicating the pitch F3 as “E fa ut” rather than the correct “F fa
ut.”55 No “E fa ut” exists; the three Es found in the WBP’s gamut are E la mi (E3), e la mi
(E4), and ee la (E5).
53 Bernarr Rainbow has commented briefly upon this phenomenon in “Introduction,” in English Psalmody
Prefaces: Popular Methods of Teaching, 1562-1835 (Kilkenny, Ireland: Boethius Press, 1982), 4. 54 Sig. +.iii.r. 55 Sig. +iii.r-v: “When it chaunceth ii. kaies to be of one letter, as G sol, re, vt: and g, sol, re, vt, A, la, mi, re and,
a, la, mi, re, E, fa, vt: and f, fa, vt: E, la, mi, & e, la, mi, ye may (to put difference and distinction betwene them)
call the one, capitall G, or G, sol, re, vt, the lower and tother small g, or g, sol, re, vt: the higher, and so of
others.” And again, sig. +.v.v, naming the starting pitch of a hexachord: “One example more haue I set,
265
The second type of problem involves not the substitution of one letter for
another, but of uppercase for lowercase. Several pitches on the gamut are named with
the same hexachord syllables, and the case of the letter makes the distinction between
them—for example, E la mi and e la mi, as we have seen. A typesetting substitution of
this nature is especially problematic when it comes in the context of a passage that relies
upon the distinction of absolute pitches. Discussion of the gamut erroneously names “g
sol re ut” as “G sol re ut” (accidentally substituting uppercase instead of the correct
lowercase):
The kayes of this Scale or Table, are deuided and set forth by thre diuers
orders of letters. From gamma vt, to G, sol, re, vt, ar signed with capitall
letters, & are called graue base, or capitall kayes: From G, sol, re, vt: to G,
sol, re, vt, they are wrytten with small letters and are called meane or
small kayes: And from g, sol, re, vt, to ee, la, they are written with double
letters, and are called double kaies, and treble kaies.56
The typesetting error (in bold) voids the identification of the octave from G3 to G4. Later
in the preface, both types of error (again in bold) appear in close proximity:
Like wise may ye practise, placing youre first Note vt, in anye other kaye,
wherin ye fine vt, which are vii. Gamma, vt, C, fa, vt: E, fa vt, graue: G, sol,
re, vt, graue: c, sol, fa, vt: F, fa, vt, sharpe: g, sol, re, vt, sharpe, ascending up
to la, and descending as in your former example. These vii. seuerall
ascensions and descensyons vpon diuers groundes or cleues, are
wherin ye sing fa, in b, fa, [sharp], mi. Whose deductions beginneth in vt: placed in E, fa, vt, graue or capital
as ye see. [Music example: six notes spanning a hexachord on F, with one-flat key signature]” 56 Sig. +.iii.r.
266
commonlye called of writers vii. deductions, whiche ye may playnlye and
distinctlye beholde in your table, or Scale.57
The first bold passage should properly read as “F fa ut;” the second as “f fa ut.”
It is curious that so many of these errors centered around the uppercase F. It is
clear that the typesetter did have access to uppercase F pieces of type, so substitutions of
“E” for “F” were not errors born of a lack of materials. Even more curiously, in all of the
cases I have here identified, the earlier printing of the music preface in Day’s 1560/1561
Psalmes was correct. The typesetter, working from this earlier publication or, less likely,
from the manuscript that the earlier edition had also been based upon (and which was
almost certainly also correct) was not working from a bad model. These errors were due
to misplaced pieces of type in his case, to general carelessness, or perhaps even to poor
eyesight.
These seemingly minor substitutions mattered. The music preface’s painstaking
explanation of the gamut—particularly those explanations centered around the
distinction between lower- and uppercase letters—were undermined by unthinking
substitution of the wrong letter or the wrong case. Moreover, most of the errors I have
identified here were not corrected in the 1563 edition (STC 2430.5)—indeed, in one case,
the 1563 edition even compounded one error; what should have been “f fa ut” became
“F fa ut” in 1562 and “E fa ut” in 1563. The majority of the other editions containing the
57 Sig. +.v.r-v.
267
music preface did fix these passages. However, 1565 (STC 2435) and 1583 (STC 2466.7)
both saw reversions to earlier errors.
Furthermore, in addition to this history of textual errors in the music preface, the
last two surviving editions—1581 (no STC number) and 1583 (STC 2466.7)—also have
problems in their music examples. In the 1581 edition, the double example showing
hexachords ascending and descending first by step and then by thirds, is broken into
three staves, and those staves are printed out of order: the second half of the second
example is printed first of the three. See Figure 36:
Figure 36. Hexachord Example in WBP 1581 (no STC number)58
In 1583, not only is this hexachord example similarly printed out of order, but the
two later figures illustrating the rhythmic values of notes and rests also have problems.
It is unclear why the original woodcuts are not used, but in resetting the music examples
58 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the National Library of Scotland.
268
using moveable type, several entries were lost. The large, crotchet, and quaver are
missing, as is the long rest, while the text describing these values is maintained. These
are mere oversights, in all cases, but oversights that make it harder for a reader to learn
the music theoretical topics the music preface is intended to teach.
Solmization Preface Problems
Despite its brevity, the one-page solmization preface is an essential tool for
understanding the meaning of the solmization syllables found throughout the psalter.
Without it, the letters printed prior to every note are mysterious additions to the music.
Should the reader have access to a copy of the music preface, he or she will still be at a
loss because solmization syllables are named, but are not printed in the music example
demonstrating ascending and descending hexachords. The WBP solmization psalters
were the first printed music in England to introduce single letters that denoted
solmization syllables attached to individual notes.
Because the solmization preface was so important, then, one would think that its
brief content—and especially its two music examples, which carried most of the didactic
weight—would be printed carefully, without error or variation across psalters. This was
not the case, and as a result, the educational nature of the solmization preface was often
impaired. Through careful study of the 44 solmization editions I have located, I have
found three smaller sets of errors in solmization prefaces and one larger set of linked
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errors that will form an extended case study. The three smaller problems are, in
chronological order of appearance, missing text underlay, a cleffing error, and wrong
positioning of syllables.
First, some editions lacked text underlay (see Figure 37). Strictly speaking, this
was not an error; the very first surviving solmization edition (STC 2439.5, dated 1569)
lacked syllabic text underlay. Because its music examples still included single-letter
syllable assignment in the musical scores themselves, underlay was not strictly
necessary. However, writing the syllables out in full as text underlay helped clarify the
relationship between the letters and the syllables themselves. The underlay, a helpful
addition, was first added in 1572 (STC 2442) and would be found in all other solmization
psalters, with a few exceptions. These six exceptions were all in sixteenmo (16o) format,
and their small pages offered little space for the solmization preface’s content.59 As a
result, the music examples were compressed and underlay abandoned.
Figure 37. Solmization Example in WBP 1569 (STC 2439.5)60
59 WBP [1569], STC 2439.5; WBP [1570?], STC 2441.5; WBP 1578, STC 2451.5; WBP [c. 1580], STC 2456.6; WBP
1581, STC 2459.5; WBP 1583, STC 2466.9; and WBP 1598, STC 2494a.5. 60 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the Bodleian Library.
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The second problem I have identified was definitely an error, not a conscious
choice. In the very same edition which added syllabic text underlay (STC 2442, dated
1572), the typesetter made an error when selecting the clef for the first music example:
rather than employing a C4 clef, he printed C5 (see Figure 38). Rather than spanning C
to A, the notes on the staff now outlined a sixth from A2 to F3. These pitches extended
beyond the actual range of the psalter tunes. Furthermore, the music example now
mislabeled the fixed syllables. This cleffing error was duplicated in every surviving
solmization psalter from 1572 through 1577.61 This was not the only cleffing error; a 1584
edition (STC 2468.5) mistakenly substituted a C3 clef for this same first music example;
here, the six notes now spanned the even more awkward Phrygian E to C (see Figure 39
below).
Figure 38. Cleffing Error in WBP 1572 (STC 2442)62
61 WBP 1572, STC 2442; WBP 1573, STC 2443; WBP 1574, STC 2444; WBP 1576, STC 2446; WBP 1576, STC
2447; WBP 1577, STC 2448.5. WBP 1577, STC 2449.3 survives in only one copy, found at the University of
London Senate House Library. It lacks signatures A-F, so I cannot say if the cleffing error is replicated. 62 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of the British Library.
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That same 1584 edition (STC 2468.5) containing a C3 clef, which also included
particularly egregious syllable typesetting errors throughout its tunes, demonstrated a
third kind of solmization preface error: the wrong positioning of syllables. As Figure 39
shows, the second music example has some problems: the third syllable, M, is printed on
the first space rather than the second; the sixth syllable, L, is printed on the fourth space
rather than the third; the ninth syllable, L, is printed on the top line rather than the space
above it; and the tenth note should repeat the pitch A and the syllable L. An astute
reader may perhaps ignore these problems, but a new singer might be sorely pressed to
make sense of them. Though the other errors in the second music example were
corrected in the next solmization edition, the wrong positioning of the top L endured in
several subsequent editions (WBP 1585, STC 2470a and WBP 1586, STC 2472).
Figure 39. Music Example Errors in WBP 1584 (STC 2468.5)63
From these errors, we can see the lack of editorial oversight controlling the fine
details of the WBP’s music printing. New reprints of the WBP generally took older
editions as their models without much attention to detail or care to correct earlier
63 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of Cambridge University Library.
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problems. Errors might be corrected, or they might not; some errors might be corrected
but others maintained. The most egregious example of this unthinking copying can be
found in all solmization psalters printed between 1586 and 1603 (when my survey ends).
The next section examines this family of psalters and their set of linked errors.
Case Study: Solmization Psalters, 1586-1603
In these late-century solmization psalters, there are three errors that become linked
together. First, starting in 1586 (STC 2472), the tune for Psalm 136 lacks solmization
syllables. There is no reason for their omission. The tune for Psalm 137, found on the
same opening, has syllables as usual; no other tune but Psalm 136 is missing its syllables.
Yet once this error is introduced, every solmization psalter replicates it. From 1586
through the end of Elizabeth’s reign, Psalm 136 is never solmized.64 It is an odd error
because the typesetter would have to change his habit (conjoining syllables and pitches
for each note) for this one tune alone. The continually missing solmization for this tune
seems to indicate the presence of compositors who lacked the musical knowledge or
awareness of the functional goals of this book to reinsert it.
In the next solmization edition (STC 2475, dated 1588), the second of the
consistent errors is introduced: the second note in the second music example of the
64 WBP 1593, STC 2483, found only at the Huntington, is missing all content following page 56, so I cannot
verify that it too lacks syllables for Psalm 136.
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solmization preface is misplaced by a third (it is printed on the first line instead of the
second line). The syllable, R for Re, is also misplaced, so at least note and syllable remain
aligned. Again, this error would be repeated in all following editions.
Third, we begin to see increasingly significant music typesetting errors in many
of the tunes. My examples here come from the Lord’s Prayer and Psalm 1, but these are
by no means the only tunes with problems. Errors include misplaced notes, misplaced
syllables, missing syllables, syllables on the wrong side of the note, upside-down
syllables, and even—as we shall see—entire upside-down staves. Once an error is
introduced, it tends to be repeated, and when a new edition introduces additional
errors, the problems become compounded and the tune even more incomprehensible.
Consider, for example, the Lord’s Prayer found among the opening canticles. In
1594 (STC 2486), though some notes lack syllables, for the most part this tune is in good
shape. Just one year later, in STC 2490, the Lord’s Prayer has become virtually
unsingable (see Figure 40 for comparison). The first three staves are near-duplicates, but
the music quickly dissolves into incomprehensibility. Notes are dramatically wrong,
missing entirely, and even typeset upside-down; syllables are frequently misaligned,
solitary, and upside-down. The melody has become unrecognizable, and the printed
tune looks like a jumble rather than like music.
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1595:
Figure 40. Lord’s Prayer Comparison: WBP 1594 (STC 2486) and WBP 1595
(STC 2490)65
65 Photographs taken by the author, courtesy of the Bodleian Library (STC 2486) and University of Wales
Trinity Saint David (STC 2490).
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The evolution of Psalm 1 is even more interesting (see Figure 41). We can again
take STC 2486 from 1594 as our baseline—with the exception of an errant upside-down
L functioning as a blank spacer, the tune is printed cleanly. In the next year (STC 2490,
dated 1595), the upside-down L functioning as a blank spacer is maintained, and the
following two pitches are given solmization syllables upside-down and on the wrong
side of their notes—though the proper solmization placement is restored (while the
inserted blank spacer endured) in 1597 (STC 2492). The worst typesetting of this tune,
however, comes in 1598 (STC 2494). As if aware that some editions have demonstrated
problems with the second staff of this tune, the typesetter gives it careful attention,
inadvertently making the situation far worse. It is true that the two A3 pitches and their
syllable assignments “L” are in the proper relation to each other. However, they should
come at the end of the staff. Here they (and the following custos) are positioned at the
beginning. The remainder of the staff is placed upside-down and backwards, with the
clef and key signature appearing at the right margin. The typesetter has not even
managed to remove the blank-spacer L.
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1598:
Figure 41. Psalm 1 Comparison: WBP 1594 (STC 2486), WBP 1595 (STC 2490),
WBP 1597 (STC 2492), and WBP 1598 (STC 2494)66
66 Photographs taken by the author, courtesy of the Bodleian Library (STC 2486 and STC 2494), University of
Wales Trinity Saint David (STC 2490), and the British Library (STC 2492).
281
The repetition of these various strange errors serves as evidence of typesetters
who imitated the copy they were given, either without any attempt to fix errors found in
their models or with actions that compounded these errors, in some cases causing a
cascade of more serious problems that, as with Psalm 1 in STC 2494, make the tune
unsingable. These typesetters either lacked musical knowledge entirely or had so little
they could not make proper corrections; as we say today, they knew just enough to be
dangerous. The fault is not entirely theirs. The publishers—first John Day and later the
assigns of Richard Day—should have caught these problems. Day’s reputation for poor
music typesetting was warranted.
Evidence of Reader Corrections
When viewing literally hundreds of copies of the WBP, I have watched for manuscript
annotations: marks that readers have placed in their books. Many surviving editions
contain such marks, most of which do not engage with the psalter’s content. I have seen
ownership marks and other names, practice forming letters and repetitions of the
alphabet, birth dates and baptism dates, and countless scribbles. I have even seen
illustrations, including drawings of a horse, stick figures, and lutes. Less frequently,
manuscript annotations engage with the psalter’s text: glossing it, correcting it,
remarking upon it, drawing attention to it, or offering personal prayers and devotions.
But only very, very rarely do annotations engage with the musical content of the WBP;
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these are usually alternate tune references. In one case, a reader practiced drawing
custodes at the end of musical staves and then scratched them out.67
Yet in all these copies, I have only once seen a manuscript correction to the
music.68 Worcester Cathedral Library holds the only surviving copy of STC 2490.3, dated
1595. This particular edition contained more music typesetting errors than most. In
response, one reader (or possibly two) found occasion to correct some of these problems.
In the fourth system of Psalm 51 (fol. 33v), a reader corrected the “-iust” of “from this
uniust and sinful act” from D to the correct C. The final has also been corrected from its
erroneous F to D. (See Figure 42.) This second manuscript annotation appears in a
different ink than the first, so it seems likely that these corrections were two separate
events and may have been made by different readers. Interestingly, not all errors in this
psalm tune have been fixed; for example, the pitch for “and” immediately following the
first correction has not been altered from the printed C to the correct A. Nevertheless,
though the corrections are incomplete, they serve as evidence that this copy of the WBP
was being used by musically-literate readers who noticed the music printing errors and
felt a need to correct them.
67 WBP 1595, STC 2489, Bodleian shelfmark Ps. Verse 1595 d.1, page 144 (misprinted as 14). 68 WBP 1580, STC 2456.4, British Library shelfmark 689.a.41, contains penciled annotations in the tunes for
Psalm 120 and Psalm 135. Due to their modern provenance, I am not including these when listing music
corrections.
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Figure 42. Reader Corrections in STC 2490.369
In an era when so many readers clearly felt no qualms about annotating,
scribbling in, and correcting their books, why is Worcester’s 1595 WBP the only
surviving copy to contain any music corrections? With so many egregious printing
errors, why are no others fixed or otherwise remarked upon? The answer lies with the
regrettably still musically-illiterate populace who, at the turn of the seventeenth century,
69 Photograph taken by the author, courtesy of Worcester Cathedral Library.
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loved metrical psalmody and purchased an abundance of metrical psalters, but who
could not read the music printed in their books.
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Conclusion
Unlike the continental Reformations, which often had a single prominent reformer
driving musical reform, in the English Reformation musical thought was by no means
unified or formally worked out. Cranmer’s private letter to Henry VII advocating “for
every syllable a note,” Merbecke’s Booke Of Notes and Common places, and the 49th
Elizabethan Injunction, all of which have found places in this dissertation, certainly
played a role in the development of English Protestant musical thought and practice, but
none presented as clear or influential a picture of the musical identity of the lay English
Protestant as The Whole Booke of Psalmes.
As I showed in Chapter 1, this congregational hymnal derived its apparent
authority from the state and from the Church, successfully presenting itself as
authorized by Queen Elizabeth (perhaps disingenuously so, but in a fashion that was
ultimately tacitly approved in Day’s second monarchical privilege for the printing of
metrical psalters) and authoritative within the Christian tradition by means of scriptural
support and a carefully-chosen (and expanded) piece of writing by a well-regarded
church father. Advertising rigorous scholarship and translational accuracy, the WBP set
itself up as in opposition to Roman Catholicism, presenting itself as a return to the
purity and truth of the ancient Church. In this way, the WBP constructed its own
identity as work that was itself participating in the construction of English Protestant
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confessional identity. The psalter thus became the most visible symbol of English
Protestant music-making, and was able to promote a particular “theology of music”
within sixteenth-century English Protestantism.
When I say “theology of music,” I mean “theological account of music,” where
“theological” means “stemming from Christian Scripture, belief, doctrine, and/or
practice.” This formulation “theology of [concept]” is a common one in Christian
scholarship. Some of the more common uses include such major branches of study as
ecclesiology, which means “theology of the Church” or “the study of the nature of the
Church;” soteriology, which means “theology of salvation” or “the study of the
doctrines of salvation;” and missiology, or “theology of missions and the missionary
endeavor.” Additional fields of theological inquiry which do not have Greek names (“-
ology”) include (and here I give only a few examples of the many available): theology of
creation, an account of the relationship between God and creation;1 theology of culture,
an account of culture by Christian theologians that argues that culture has a similar
identity-formation role on humans as does Christian liturgy and theological reflection; 2
and theologies of religions, accounts by Christians of the reality and validity of the
1 Found, for example, in Jürgen Moltmann, God in Creation: A New Theology of Creation and the Spirit of God
(San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985). 2 Found, for example, in James K. A. Smith, Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation
(Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2009).
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experience of the divine in non-Christian religions.3 This last is pluralized in its source,
and is included here to demonstrate an important characteristic of such “theologies of”:
even within the realm of Christian thought, there may exist multiple theologies of a
concept, which may differ across history or along denominational lines, and which may
even conflict with one another.
This is precisely what we see in the sixteenth-century Reformations. As Chapter
2 shows, there was no single Protestant theological account of music. Luther’s and
Calvin’s philosophies of music differed greatly, including contrasting arguments
regarding the nature of texts allowed to be used for liturgical music. On the other hand,
multiple and often-conflicting theologies of music circulated in Reformation England;
recall fierce debates regarding the place of organs in churches, debates that often led to
widespread destruction of these expensive instruments.
Chapter 2’s exploration of the theological understanding of music promoted by
the WBP expands our understanding of the varied Protestant theologies of music to
include study of the metrical psalter that functioned as propaganda, educational
material, and a devotional tool for the Church of England. According to the WBP,
singing like a Protestant in Elizabeth’s England meant singing monophonic
congregational hymnody using metricized texts from Scripture and the Book of Common
3 Found, for example, in David R. Brockman and Ruben L. F. Habito, eds., The Gospel Among Religions:
Christian Ministry, Theology, and Spirituality in a Multifaith World (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 2010).
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Prayer, and especially from the Book of Psalms, itself a celebration of worship through
music. The WBP falls on the pro-organ side of the English debate, taking a definitive
stand in support of the use of instruments in church. The psalter places strong emphasis
on the attitude of the individual even as it advocates for singing in community.
That emphasis on the individual leads to this dissertation’s central argument:
through the vehicle of the WBP, English Protestantism advocated for musical education
for the common people. Unlike the English Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and the
official Books of Homilies, which similarly shaped English Protestant confessional identity
and practice, the WBP was not printed with the goal of textual uniformity, but with a
variety of paratextual features that enabled the WBP to fill different perceived needs in
the development of English Protestant thought and practice. In Chapters 3 and 4, I show
that the WBP with its two musical prefaces was England’s earliest and most readily
available means of music education for the general populace. Even after John Day’s
death, the later sixteenth-century publishers of the WBP continued to print solmization
syllables in many editions, clearly considering this feature worth the extra work and cost
of typesetting. Access to the WBP’s musical knowledge spanned all social classes; the
iconographic evidence of the woodcut printed in Day’s Whole Psalmes in Foure Partes
bears witness to the continued utility of the cultural practice of reading aloud in making
written texts accessible to those who could not read.
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As I demonstrated in Chapter 5, the WBP did not only function as a music-
educational work aimed at improving musical literacy, but also as a music theory
treatise, and the solmization psalters contained an important advance in English music
theory. We have thought that fixed-scale solmization originated with William Bathe’s c.
1596 Briefe Introduction to the Skill of Song and Thomas Morley’s 1597 Plaine and Easie
Introduction to Practicall Musicke, both large-scale, freestanding music theory textbooks.
My close analysis of the solmization syllables employed in the WBP, however, shows
that this uniquely English system was first published in the psalter, and fixed-scale
solmization was therefore born in a Protestant religious context in a hymnal that aimed
at accessibility and popular music education.
Chapter 6 explores the apparent conflict between the publisher intent of popular
music education and the actual reception of the book by readers and congregations. The
WBP did not function as it was meant. The lived practice of English Protestantism, the
psalter argued, required congregations who could read music. However, ultimately the
WBP’s two musical prefaces failed to musically educate the general populace. Musical
illiteracy was still widespread at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Extensive
typesetting errors in the prefaces and especially printed musical tunes in many WBP
editions along with other problems including changing tune references impaired the
ability of the book to educate its readers in music and often made the psalter unusable as
a musical score.
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How, then, do we account for the continued and growing popularity of the WBP
at the turn of the seventeenth century and at the end of Elizabeth’s reign, in light of
continued musical illiteracy and increasingly careless and problematic music
typesetting? If my research does not actively support the longstanding hypothesis that
the majority of the English people singing metrical psalms were not using the printed
“proper” tunes, this dissertation project does not contradict it.4 The inclusion of printed
music in the Church of England’s congregational psalter was deemed necessary in the
vast majority of WBP editions (all but 6 editions, or 4.5%), perhaps because music was
part of the public presentation of English Protestantism, but if most of the WBP’s users
sang their metrical psalm tunes from memory, it was less imperative that the music be
functional and thus carefully proofread.
The Whole Booke of Psalmes in a Competitive Market
I conclude this dissertation with a thought experiment: how might the WBP have been
different if there were no psalter patent? Because of this patent, the printing of the WBP
was limited first to John Day and then, until 1603 (when the patent was given by James I
to the Company of Stationers), to the assigns of Richard Day. If the WBP could have
4 Timothy Duguid, Metrical Psalmody in Print and Practice: English ‘Singing Psalms’ and Scottish ‘Psalm Buiks’, c.
1547-1640 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), 105; Christopher Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 411-419, 422; Beth Quitslund, The Reformation in Rhyme
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 242-243; Nicholas Temperley, The Music of the English Parish Church, Vol. 1
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 57-76; idem, “‘All skillful praises sing’: how congregations
sang the psalms in early modern England,” Renaissance Studies 29, No 4 (2015): 551-553.
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been legitimately printed by other publishers—who may have had their own opinions
about useful paratext, prefatory material, and contents—might the psalter have had
more success in musically educating the general populace? Might it have had a different
role in the formation of English Protestant musical identity?
Even with the psalter patent in place, pirates were already printing substandard
versions of the WBP. Opening up the WBP to any interested publisher would have
enabled highly experienced publishers beyond Day and his successors to print the
psalter, which would likely have further diversified its identity. Publishers who did not
possess music typeface would have printed the psalter without music (though few in
number, these “text-only” psalters already did exist). It is perhaps more interesting to
speculate on the impact of other music publishers getting their hands on the WBP. Were
the WBP to have been published by Vautrollier, East, Barley, Short, or Morley, it could
have become a hymnal with a much stronger musical identity.
To begin with, it seems clear that if Thomas Vautrollier or Thomas East (the two
men who worked with William Byrd to print music under the terms of the music patent)
had printed WBPs, the music would have been much more carefully typeset.
Vautrollier’s prints in particular (Di Lasso’s 1570 Recueil du mellange and Tallis’ and
Byrd’s 1575 Cantiones Sacrae) were—there is no other word for it—gorgeous: sharp, crisp
noteheads, with plenty of space between them; clear, dark ink application (but never
over-inked); and frequent stop-press music corrections indicating great concern for
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accurate typesetting.5 Were East or Vautrollier publishing the WBP, I would probably
not have had to write a chapter discussing problems in music typesetting. Without these
music printing errors, might the WBP have been more successful in educating the laity
in musical literacy? It is possible too that if more experienced music publishers were able
to print WBPs, they might have revived the music preface, or even substituted their
own—if Morley had printed WBPs, might he have substituted an extract from his own
Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke? An expanded group of publishers may
have resulted in a diversified set of music-educational materials.
Based on the evidence of the other psalters published throughout the sixteenth
century, it also seems likely that WBPs published by experienced music printers would
have demonstrated increased attention to musical authorship, with existing tunes given
composer names or newly commissioned tunes printed with attribution. The latter
seems more likely, especially because Thomas East’s Whole Booke of Psalmes: With Their
Wonted Tunes (1592; reprinted in 1594, 1604, and 1611) printed a number of tunes
“commonly song now adayes, and not printed in our common Psalme books with the
rest,” always naming their composers.6 These new tunes, distinct from the official tunes
of the WBP, may not have already been commonly sung, but even if they were in fact
5 Refer to Chapter 6, footnote 46. 6 Thomas East, “The Preface,” in The Whole Booke of Psalmes: With Their Wonted Tunes (London: Thomas East,
1592), sig. B.i.r.
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newly introduced by East, they were ultimately successful in becoming so.7 East’s
harmonized WBP is entirely comprised of four-part settings, but it is entirely plausible
that given a chance to publish a monophonic WBP, East would have published his
“common tunes” on their own (and would certainly have included the compositional
authorship he so carefully printed in the four-voice print).
Furthermore, these music publishers would probably have included additional
anthems at the end of the WBP following (or expanding) the group of closing hymns and
canticles, because they (interestingly, including John Day) did so in nearly all printed
harmonizations of WBP tunes. See Figure 43):
Day, The Whole Psalmes in Foure Partes (1563)
Tallis, “A prayer” (“O Lord in thee is al my trust”)
Sheppard, “A prayer” (“O Lord of hostes, thou god of Israel”)
Parsons, “A praier for the Quene” (“Almighty god, whose kingdom is
everlasting”)
Causton, “Another praier” (“O most high and eternal king”)
Tallis, “A prayer” (“Remember not O lord god”)
Daman, Psalmes of Dauid in English Meter (1579)
“A Prayer and thankesgeuyng to God for the Queenes Maiestie” (“O
Lord of Lordes and kyng of kynges”)
“A Prayer for mercy wisedome and power to doe Gods will” (“O Lord
our lyfe and righteousnesse”)
Cosyn, Musike of Sixe, and Fiue Partes (1585)
[None - contains only psalms]
Daman, The Former Booke (1591)
7 For discussion of East’s “common tunes,” see Christopher Marsh, Music and Society in Early Modern England
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 412-418, and Nicholas Temperley, The Music of the English
Parish Church, Vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 68-72.
294
“A prayer for the Queenes most excellent maiestie” (“O Mightie God
preserue the throne”
Daman, The Second Booke (1591)
“O heauenly God, O Father deere”
East, The Whole Booke of Psalmes: With Their Wonted Tunes (1592)
Dowland, “A Prayer for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie” (“O God of
power omnipotent”) [not reprinted in any of the subsequent editions]
Barley, The Whole Booke of Psalmes: With Their Woonted Tunes (1598/9)
[largely a reprint of East’s harmonization]
Bennet, “A praier for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie” (“O God of
power omnipotent”) [different musical setting]
Allison, Psalmes of Dauid (1599)
[None - contains only psalms and the usual hymns/canticles]
Figure 43. Additional Anthems in WBP Harmonizations
While Day and his successors never included anthems of this sort in the WBP, these
would have been easy additions and an opportunity to prominently print the names of
famous composers such as Thomas Tallis (as well as advertise these new songs on their
title pages). Many of these musical prayers were anthems in praise of Elizabeth, and, if
included in the WBP, would have reinforced the perceived official authorization of the
genre and the relationship between psalter, monarch, and Church of England.
This is all speculation, of course, but there is a parallel to be found in the Geneva
Psalter. In Chapter 5, I examined only three of its many editions, but in the work of these
three different publishers we saw a variety of music-educational features, including two
different music-theoretical treatises and Davantes’ aborted experiment with a numerical-
symbolic system intended to replace solmization syllables. England’s psalter patent may
have ensured Day’s profit, but it also froze the WBP’s format and contents, closing off
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the possibility of innovation by other publishers and preventing the psalter from
reaching its full musical and music-educational potential.
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Appendix 1. Whole Booke of Psalmes Editions
Grey shading (either light or dark) indicates editions I have not viewed; dark grey
means it survives only in private collections.
An asterisk (*) in the “Viewed” column indicates that it is available on Early English
Books Online (EEBO).
For explanation of the group numbers, consult Chapter 4.
Abbreviations:
Ab University of Aberdeen
Ba Balliol College, Oxford
BL British Library
Bod Bodleian Library
Br Brasenose College, Oxford
Cam Cambridge University Library
Ch Christ Church College, Oxford
Cl Clare College, Cambridge
Cor Corpus Christi College, Cambridge
D Duke University
EC Emmanuel College, Cambridge
F Folger Shakespeare Library
G General Theological Seminary
Har Houghton Library, Harvard University
HM Harris Manchester College, Oxford
Hunt Huntington Library
Lamp University of Wales Trinity Saint David (Lampeter)
LOC Library of Congress
MC Magdalene College, Cambridge
NCL New College Library, University of Edinburgh
NLS National Library of Scotland
NYPL New York Public Library
PC Pembroke College, Oxford
SA Society of Antiquaries
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SH Senate House Library, University of London
So University of Southampton
StP St Paul’s Cathedral Library
TC Trinity College, Cambridge
UNC University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Win Winchester Cathedral Library
Wor Worcester Cathedral Library
Year STC# Publisher Comments Group Viewed
1562 2430 John Day Music preface 1 *, BL, Har
1563 2430.5 John Day Music preface 1 NYPL
1564 2432 John Day Music preface 1 *, BL
1565 2434 John Day 2 *, BL
1565 2435 John Day Music preface 1 *, BL
1566 2437 John Day 2 *, Bod
1567 2436 = 2438 John Day Psalter patent 2 *, BL, Hunt
1569 2439.3 John Day 2 F
1569 2439.5 John Day Solmization 3 *, Bod
1569 2440 John Day Woodblocks for
music
2 BL
1570 2441 John Day Music preface 1 *
[c. 1570] 2441.5 John Day Solmization with
Athanasius treatise
3 *
1572 2442 John Day Solmization 3 *, BL
1572 2442.5 John Day Music preface 1 *
1572 2442.7 John Day 2 *, BL, G
1573 2443 John Day Solmization 3 *, F
1573? 2443.5 [No title page
or colophon
survives]
2 Lamp
1574 2444 John Day Solmization 3 *, Hunt
1575 2445 John Day 2 *, Hunt
1575 2445a.5 John Day 2 *
1576 2446 John Day Solmization 3 *, Bod, D,
Hunt, LOC,
NLS, UNC
1576 2447 John Day Solmization 3 *
1577 2448 John Day 2 *
298
1577 2448.5 John Day Solmization 3 *, Bod, NLS
1577/1578 2449 John Day Music preface 1 *, Bod
1577 2449.3 John Day Solmization 3 SH
1577 2449.5 John Day Different prefatory
material
4 *, Bod
1578 2449.7 John Day Solmization 3 *
1578 2450 John Day Solmization 3 *, F, LOC
1578 2450.5 John Day No prefatory
material
5 Bod, Har
1578 2451 John Day No prefatory
material
5 Ab
1578 2451.5 John Day Solmization 3 G
1579 2452 John Day Especially high rate
of music
typesetting errors
2 *, BL, Bod,
Cam, Har
1579 [none] John Day No prefatory
material
5 MC
1579 2452.5 John Day Solmization 3 So
1579 2452.7 John Day Solmization 3 PC, StP
1580 2453 John Day 2 *, BPL, NLS
1580 2454 = 2455 John Day 2 *
1580 2456 John Day Solmization 3 *BL, D, F, Har
1580 2456.2 John Day Solmization 3 BL, G
1580 2456.4 John Day Music preface 1 *, BL
[c. 1580] 2456.6 [John Day] Solmization with
Athanasius treatise
3 *
1581 2457 John Day 2 *, Bod, F
1581 2458 John Day Solmization 3 *, Bod, NLS
1581 2458.3 John Day Solmization 3 *, LOC, NLS
1581 2459 John Day Music preface 1 *, BL, NLS
1581 [none] John Day Music preface 1 NLS
1581 2459.3 John Day No prefatory
material, including
title page
5 BL, Br
1581 2459.5 John Day Solmization 3 *
1581 2459.7 John Day No prefatory
material
5 *
1582/1583 2460 John Day Solmization 3 Hunt, StP
1582 2460.5
299
1582 2461 John Day 2 *, Bod, Hunt
1582 2461.3 John Day Gathering A from
this only surviving
copy is missing;
my educated guess
is that this is a no-
prefatory material
psalter
5 Bod
1582 2461.5
1583 2462 John Day Solmization 3 Bod, D
1583 2463 John Day 2 *, BL, Hunt
1583 2464 John Day Solmization 3 *, Har, LOC
1583 2465 John Day Solmization 3 *, F
1583 2466 John Day No prefatory
material
5 *, BL, Bod,
Har, Hunt
1583/1584 2466.5 John Day 2 *
1583 2466.7 John Day Music preface 1 *, Bod
1583 2466.9 John Day Solmization 3 BL
1584 2467 John Day 2 *
1584 2467.3 John Day Solmization 3 *, LOC
1584 2468 Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, Har
1584 2468.5 Assigns of
Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Cam
1585 2469 Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, Hunt, LOC
1585 2470 Assigns of
Richard Day
2 *, Har
1585 2470a Assigns of
Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Bod, LOC
1585 2470a.3 Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, Bod, Har
1585 2470a.6 Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, NLS
1586 2471 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
2 *, BL, Bod, G,
Hunt
300
1586 2472 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Hunt, LOC
1586 2472.5 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 Win
1586 2473 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *
1586 2473a John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, Har, Hunt
1587 2474 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, BL, F, LOC,
NLS
1588 2475 For the
Assignes of
Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, BL, BPL,
Hunt
1588 2475.2 Imprint does
not list
publisher
2 *, BL
1588 2475.3
1589 2475.5 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
Only the title page
survives
BL
1589 2475.7
1589 2476 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, Bod
1590 2476.5 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, LOC
1590 2477 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 Bod
1590 2477.5 Iohn Legate,
Printer to the
Vniversitie of
Cambridge
Text only 6 Hunt
301
1591 2477.7 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, F
1591 2478 John Wolfe, for
the Assigns of
Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, BL, Bod
1591 2478.5
1591 2479 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, D
1591 2479.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *
1592 2480 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, LOC
1592 2481 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, BL, NLS
1592 2481.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *
1593 2483 John Windet[,
for the Assigns
of Richard
Day]
Solmization 3 Hunt
1593 2483.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 Bod, TC
1593 2484
1593 2484.3 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 Cam
1593 2484.5
1593 2485 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Different prefatory
material
4 Hunt
1594 2486 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Bod, Lamp,
LOC
302
1594 2487 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *
1594 2487.3 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Hunt
1594 2487.6
1595 2489 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Bod, BPL,
Ch, NLS
1595 2490 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Bod, Lamp
1595 2490.2 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, BPL
1595 2490.3 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 Wor
1595 2490.4 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material except a
woodcut
5 *, Bod, Hunt
1595 2490.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Text only 6 F
1596 2490.6 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *
1596 2490.7 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 Ch
1596 2490.8 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material except a
woodcut
5 *
1597 2491 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Ch, Hunt,
LOC
1597 2492 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, BL, Bod,
Hunt, NCL
303
1597 2492a John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 EC
1597 2492a.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Text only 6 *, BPL
1598 2493 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, BPL, F,
Hunt
1598 2494 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Bod, F,
Hunt, LOC,
Win
1598 2494a John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material except a
woodcut
5 Bod, Cam
1598 2494a.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 Bod
1599 2497.3 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Bod, G,
NYPL
1599 2497.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Bod, Har
1599 2497.7
1599 2498 = 2496 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Text only 6 *
1599 2498.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Different prefatory
material
4 *, BL
1600 2500 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Cl, Hunt,
MC, NLS,
NYPL
1600 2500.3 [John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard
Day]
Solmization 3 D, F
304
1600 2500.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material except a
woodcut
5 *, NLS
1600 2500.7 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 Cam
1600 2501 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Text only 6 *, BL
1601 2502 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material
5 *, Bod, F, NLS
1601 2503 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material except a
woodcut
5 *, Bod, Hunt,
NLS
1601 2503.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 UNC
1601 2504 [John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard
Day]
Text only 6 BL, NCL
1602 2506 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, D
1602 2506.5 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Hunt
1602 2507 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
No prefatory
material except a
woodcut
5 *
1603 2508 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Bod
1603 2509 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
Solmization 3 *, Bod
1603 2510 John Windet,
for the Assigns
of Richard Day
2 *, Bod
306
Appendix 2. Musical References in The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Coverdale, and Crowley Psalters
Only the white-background passages reference music. Verses that do not reference
music are highlighted light grey for easy comparison across psalters. Passages not
present in a psalter are highlighted dark grey.
Psalm
Verses
Coverdale Psalter
(1535)1
Crowley Psalter (1549) The Whole Booke of
Psalmes (1562)
5:12 (5:13
in WBP)
And let all them that
put their trust in thee
rejoice: they shall ever
be giving of thanks,
because thou defendest
them; they that love thy
Name shall be joyful in
thee;
[5:19-20]
And let suche as do
truste in the, synge &
reioyce alwaye: Let
suche as loue thy name
reioyce in thy defence I
saye.
But those that put theyr
trust in thee, / let them
be glad alwayes: / And
render thankes for thy
defence, / and geue thy
name the prayse.
7:18 I will give thanks unto
the Lord, according to
his righteousness: and I
will praise the Name of
the Lord most High.
[7:33-34]
After his righteousnes
I will prayse the Lorde
most myghtye: And
right so wyll I synge to
the name of the Lorde
most hye.
I will geue thankes to
God therfore, / that
iudgeth rightuously: /
And with my song
prayse will the name, /
of hym that is most hye.
1 Ernest Clapton, Our Prayer Book Psalter: Containing Coverdale’s Version From His 1535 Bible and the Prayer
Book Version by Coverdale From the Great Bible 1539-41 Printed Side By Side (London: Society For Promoting
Christian Knowledge, 1934). The Coverdale Psalter was prescribed for liturgical use beginning with the 1549
Book of Common Prayer.
307
9:1-2 I will give thanks unto
thee, O Lord, with my
whole heart: I will
speak of all thy
marvellous works. I
will be glad and rejoice
in thee: yea, my songs
will I make of thy
name, O thou most
Highest.
[9:1-4]
I wyll set forth and
prayse the Lorde with
al myne herte in dede:
/ And al hys wonderful
worckes shal by my be
declared. / I wyll be
glad & eke reioyce in
the (O thou most hye:)
/ And to thyne holy
name I wyl synge
moste reioyceyngly.
WIth hart and mouthe,
vnto the Lorde, / will I
syng laude and prayse:
/ And speake of all thy
wondrous workes, /
and them declare
alwayes. / I will be glad
and muche reioyce, / in
thee (O God) moste hie:
/ And make my songes
extoll thy name, / aboue
the sterry skie.
9:11 O praise the Lord
which dwelleth in Sion:
shew the people of his
doings.
[9:21-22]
Synge to the Lorde that
doeth abyde in the
cyty Syon: / Shewe hys
counselles in eche
people, and in eche
nacyon.
Sing Psalmes therfore
vnto the Lorde, / that
dwelleth in Sion hill:
13:6 I will sing of the Lord,
because he hath dealt
so lovingly with me:
yea, I will praise the
Name of the Lord most
Highest.
[13:11-12]
I will synge to the
Lorde I saye, with hert
vnfaynedly: / Because
he doeth requyte to me
all thynges
aboundantly.
I will geue thankes vnto
the Lorde, / and prayses
to hym syng: / Because
he hathe hard my
request, / and graunted
my wishyng.
18:2 (18:3
in WBP)
I will call upon the
Lord, which is worthy
to be praised: so shall I
be safe from mine
enemies.
[18:7-8]
The Lorde that is
worthy of prayse, I wyl
aye calle vpon: / And I
shall be preserued
from, myne enimies
ech one.
When I sing laud vnto
the Lorde, / most
worthy to be serued: /
Then fro[m] my foes I
am right sure, / that I
shalbe preserued.
308
18:50
(18:48 in
WBP)
For this cause will I
give thanks unto thee,
O Lord, among the
Gentiles: and sing
praises unto thy Name.
[18:105-106]
And for this cause (O
Lorde) I wyll, in the
Heathen prayse the: /
And wyll synge to
thyne holy name,
wherso euer I be.
And for this cause, O
Lorde my God, / to thee
geue thankes I shall: /
And syng out prayses
to thy name, / among
the Gentils all.
20:5 We will rejoice in thy
salvation, and triumph
in the name of the Lord
our God: the Lord
perform all petitions.
[20:9-10]
Then wyth syngynge
we wyll reioyce in thy
saluation: / And wyth
triumphe set vp
bannars in oure
goddes name anone.
We shall reioyse when
thou vs sauest, / and
our banners displaye: /
Unto the Lorde whyche
thy requestes, / fulfilled
hathe alwaye.
21:13 Be thou exalted, Lord,
in thine own strength:
so will we sing, and
praise thy power.
[21:25-26]
Extolle thy selfe Lorde
in thy powre, set vp
thy selfe on hye: / Then
shall we synge and
celebrate thy powr
most worthyly.
Be thou exalted Lorde
therfore, / in thy
strength euery houre: /
So shall we sing right
solempnely, / praisyng
thy might and power.
27:7 (27:8
in WBP)
Therefore will I offer in
his dwelling an
oblation with great
gladness: I will sing,
and speak praises unto
the Lord.
[27:15-16]
I wyll offer sacryfyces
in hys tente with
syngynge: / I wyl
synge and reherse an
hymne vnto the Lorde
our kynge.
Therfore within his
house will I, / Geue
sacrifice of prayse: /
With Psalmes and
songes I will applye, /
to laude the Lorde
alwayes.
309
28:8 (28:7
in WBP)
The Lord is my
strength and my shield;
my heart hath trusted
in him, and I am
helped: therefore my
heart danceth for joy,
and in my song will I
praise him.
[28:17-20]
The Lorde is my
strength and my
shylde, in him mine
herte trusted: / And I
receyued helpe,
wherfore myne herte is
delyted. / And with
my songe I will prayse
him, and eke his holy
name: / I will
remembre his goodnes,
and teache other the
same.
He is my shield and
fortitude, / my buckeler
in destresse. / My hope,
my helpe, my hartes
relyef, / my songe shall
him confesse.
30:4 Sing praises unto the
Lord, O ye saints of his:
and give thanks unto
him for a remembrance
of his holiness.
[30:7-8]
Ye that haue felt the
Lordes mercye, synge
a Psalme vnto hym: /
Set forth the memorye
of hys holynes with an
hymne.
Sing prayse ye sainctes
that proue and see, / the
goodness of the Lord: /
In memorye of his
maiestie, / Reioyse with
one accord.
30:13
(30:12 in
WBP)
Therefore shall every
good man sing of thy
praise without ceasing:
O my God, I will give
thanks unto thee for
ever.
[30:25-26]
Wherfore ech man shal
synge to the, glorie
wythouten staye: / O
Lorde my God for euer
more I wyll prayse the
I saye.
Wherfore my soule
vncessauntly, / shall
syng vnto thy prayse: /
My Lorde, my God, to
thee will I, / Geue laude
and thankes alwayes.
310
32:8 Thou art a place to hide
me in, thou shalt
preserve me from
trouble: thou shalt
compass me about with
songs of deliverance.
[32:15-16]
Thou arte myne
hydynge place and
wylt, kepe me from
miserie: / And wylt
beset me wyth the
myrth of men that
scape hardly.
When trouble and
aduersitie, / doo
compasse me about: /
Thou art my refuge and
my ioye, / and thou
doest rid me out.
32:12
(31:11 in
WBP)
Be glad, O ye righteous,
and rejoice in the Lord:
and be joyful, all ye
that are true of heart.
[32:23-24]
Be glad in the Lorde (O
ye iuste) & reioyce in
hys syght: / Synge vnto
hym so many as are in
youre hertes vpright.
Be mery therfore in the
Lorde, / ye iust lyft vp
your voyce: / And ye of
pure and perfect hart, /
be glad and eke reioyce.
33:1-3 Rejoice in the Lord, O
ye righteous: for it
becometh well the just
to be thankful. Praise
the Lord with harp:
sing praises unto him
with the lute, and
instrument of ten
strings. Sing unto the
Lord a new song: sing
praises lustily unto him
with a good courage.
[33:1-4]
Reioyce ye iust men in
ye Lord, prayse doeth
good men beseme: /
Prayse ye the Lord
wyth harppe & lute,
play on ten strynges to
hym. / Synge a newe
songe, synge swete
musick wyth
blowynge of trumpet: /
For the worde of the
Lorde is ryght, and all
hys worckes sure set.
YE rightuous in the
Lorde reioyse, / it is a
semely sight: / That
vpright men with
thankfull voyce, /
should prayse the God
of might. / Prayse ye the
Lorde with harp and
songe, / in Psalmes and
pleasant thinges: / with
lute and instrument
among, / that soundeth
with ten stringes. / Sing
to the Lord a song most
new, / with courage
geue him prayes:
311
35:28
(35:30 in
WBP)
And as for my tongue,
it shall be talking of thy
righteousness: and of
thy praise all the day
long.
[35:57-58]
And on my tong
(Lord) thy iustyce shal
sowne dylygently: /
And vpon thy most
worthy prayse my
tonge shal runne
dayly.
Wherfore my tonge I
will applye, / thy
righteousnes to pryse: /
Unto the Lorde, my
God will I, / sing laudes
with thankes alwayse.
40:3 And he hath put a new
song in my mouth:
even a thanksgiving
unto our God.
[40:5-6]
And in my mouth he
hath set a newe songe
prayse to our God: /
Which thynge many
shall se and feare, and
shall trust in the Lorde.
To me he [God] taught
a psalme of prayse, /
whiche I must shew
abrode: / And sing new
songes of thankes
alwayse, / vnto the
Lorde our God.
42:4
(42:4b in
WBP)
Now when I think
thereupon, I pour out
my heart by myself: for
I went with the
multitude, and brought
them forth into the
house of God;
[42:9-10]
When I remember
howe I led forth a
greate companie: /
Syngynge and
praysynge God, then
doeth myne herte
reioyce greately.
When I did marche in
good aray, / furnished
with my trayne: / Unto
the temple was one
way, / with songes and
harts most fayne.
42:10 The Lord hath granted
his loving-kindness in
the daytime: and in the
night-season did I sing
of him, and made my
prayer unto the God of
my life.
[42:19-20]
His mercifull goodnes
the Lorde sheweth to
me by daye: / And by
nyght I do syng &
praye to God that
lyueth aye.
Yet I by day felt his
goodnes, / and helpe at
all assayes: / Lykewise
by night I did not cease,
/ the liuyng God to
prayse.
312
43:4 And that I may go unto
the altar of God, even
unto the God of my joy
and gladness: and upon
the harp will I give
thanks unto thee, O
God, my God.
[43:7-8]
That to goddes aultare
& to God, my ioye and
reioyceynge: / I maye
enter, & to my God I
maye on myne harppe
synge.
Then shal I to the aultar
go, / of God my ioy and
cheare: / And on my
harpe geue thankes to
thee / O God, my God
most deare.
45:1-2 My heart is inditing of
a good matter: I speak
of the things which I
have made unto the
King. My tongue is the
pen: of a ready writer.
[45:1-4]
Some goodnes doeth
myne herte belche out,
my meanynge is godly:
/ My worckes and
dedes vnto the kynge
playnly declare wyll I.
/ My tonge is lyke the
penne of one that
wryteth most swyftely:
/ And in my talke I
speake my wordes
verie expeditely.
My hart doth now, take
in hande, / Some godly
songe to singe: / Thy
prayse I shall shew
therein, / perteyneth to
the kynge. / My tounge
shalbe as quicke, / his
honor to endite: / As is
the pen of any scribe, /
that vseth faste to
wryte.
47:1 O clap your hands
together, all ye people:
O sing unto God with
the voice of melody.
[47:1-2]
Ye people all, clappe
wyth your handes,
declare your herte
therby: / Syng vnto
God wyth merie voyce
reioyce most hertily.
YE people all in one
accorde, / clappe
handes and eke reioyce:
/ Be glad and sing vnto
the Lorde, / with swete
and pleasaunt voyce.
313
47:5-7
(47:5-6 in
WBP)
God is gone up with a
merry noise: and the
Lord with the sound of
the trump. O sing
praises, sing praises
unto our God: O sing
praises, sing praises
unto our King. For God
is the King of all the
earth: sing ye praises
with understanding.
[47:9-14]
God ascendeth wyth
freshe syngynge, and
wyth greate melodie: /
Wyth the blasse and
sowne of trumpettes,
the Lorde goeth vpon
hye. / Synge vnto God,
synge vnto hym, synge
ye vnto our kynge: /
Synge to our God and
kyng I saye, alwaye
wythout ceaseynge. /
For God is kynge of all
the earth, and ruleth in
the same: / Synge vnto
him, synge conynglye
vnto his holy name.
Our God ascended vp
on hye, / with ioy and
pleasaunt noyce, / The
Lorde goeth vp aboue
the skye, / with
trompets royall voyce. /
Sing prayse to God,
sing prayse, / sing
prayses to our kynge: /
For God is king of all
the earth, / all skilfull,
prayses syng.
49:4 I will incline mine ear
to the parable: and
shew my dark speech
upon the harp.
[49:5-6]
I wyll enclyne myne
eare to knowe thynges
full dearckely spoken: /
And eke vpon myne
harpe I wyll make my
dearcke speach open.
I will inclyne myne eare
to knowe, / the parables
so darke. / And open all
my doubtfull speache, /
in metre on my harpe.
314
51:8 Thou shalt make me
hear of joy and
gladness: that the bones
which thou hast broken
may rejoice.
[51:15-16]
Brynge thou to passe
that I maye heare great
ioye and reioyceynge:
And that they whome
thou haste brought
lowe, may thy great
prayses synge.
Therfore (O Lorde)
suche ioy me send, /
that inwardly I may
fynd grace: / And that
my strength may now
amend, / which thou
hast swagd for my
trespace
Another Psalm 51 (not
given verse numbers):
Of ioy and gladnes
make thou me / to
heare the pleasing
voyce: / That so the
broosed bones, which
thou / hast broken, may
reioyce.
315
51:14 Deliver me from blood-
guiltiness, O God, thou
that art the God of my
health: and my tongue
shall sing of thy
righteousness.
[51:27-28]
O God, the God of my
soule helth, deliuer me
from bloud: And my
tonge shall wyth ioye
declare, the boeth
ryghtwise and good.
O God that of my
health art Lorde, /
forgeue me thys my
bloudy vice: / My hart
and toung shall then
accorde, / to sing thy
mercies and iustice.
Another Psalm 51 (not
given verse numbers):
O God that art God of
my health, / from blood
deliuer me: / That
prayses of thy
righteousnes / my tonge
may syng to thee. / My
lippes that yet fast
closed be, / doo thou, O
Lorde vnlose: / The
prayses of thy maiestie /
my mouth shall so
disclose:
56:5 They daily mistake my
words: all that they
imagine is to do me
evil.
[56:9-10]
They are offended at
my wordes, and do
them dayly carpe: All
theyr studye is to hurt
me, on this one strynge
they harpe.
What thinges I eyther
did or spake, / they
wrast them at theyr
will: / And all the
counsell that they take,
/ is how to worke me ill.
316
57:8-10
(57:9-11 in
WBP)
My heart is fixed, O
God, my heart is fixed:
I will sing, and give
praise. Awake up, my
glory; awake, lute and
harp: I myself will
awake right early. I will
give thanks unto thee,
O Lord, among the
people: and I will sing
unto thee among the
nations.
[57:19-24]
To synge and geue the
prayse (O God) myne
hert is euer prest: To
set forth thy greate
prayse, I saye, my
mynd is redye dreste.
Awake my tonge and
strength to speake, for
thou arte my glorie:
Awake my lute and
eke my harpe, for I
wyll rise erlye.
Amonge the people
wyll I geue thankes
vnto the O Lord: And
amonge the heathen
my tonge shall thy
prayses recorde.
My harte is set to laude
the Lorde, / in hym to
ioye alwayes. / My hart
I say doth well accorde,
/ to syng hys laude and
prayse. / Awake my ioy,
awake I say, / my lute,
my harpe and strynge: /
For I my sealf before the
daye, / will rise, reioyce
and syng / Amonge the
people I will tell, / the
goodnes of my God: /
And shew hys prayse
that doeth excell, in
Heathen landes abrode.
59:16-17 As for me, I will sing of
thy power, and will
praise thy mercy
betimes in the morning:
for thou hast been my
defence and refuge in
the day of my trouble.
Unto thee, O my
strength, will I sing: for
thou, O God, art my
refuge, and my
merciful God.
[59:31-34]
Wyth reioyceynge I
shall declare thy
myght and greate
goodnes: Because thou
arte my tower of
strength, & refuge in
distres. To the I saye
(O God my strength)
wyll I reioyce and
synge: Because thou
arte my whole defence,
and most mercifull
kynge.
But I will shew thy
strength abrode, / thy
goodnes I will prayse: /
For thou arte my
defence and God, / at
nede in all assayes. /
Thou art my strength,
thou hast me staid / O
Lorde I synge to thee: /
Thou arte my forte, my
fence and ayde, / a
louing God to me.
317
61:8 So will I always sing
praise unto thy Name:
that I may daily
perform my vows.
[61:15-16]
Then shall I neuer
sease to synge, vnto
thy holy name: That I
maye performe all my
vowes dayly vnto the
same.
Then shall I singe for
euer still, / with prayse
vnto thy name: / That
all my voues I may
fulfill, / and dayly pay
the same.
63:6 (63:5
in WBP)
My soul shall be
satisfied, even as it
were with marrow and
fatness: when my
mouth praiseth thee
with joyful lips.
[63:11-12]
Then shall my soule be
satisfied, as wyth most
swete fatnes And
therfore shall my
lyppes reioyce, and my
mouth shewe thy
prayse.
My soule is filled as
with marow, / whiche is
bothe fat and swete: /
My mouth therfore
shall sing such songs /
as are for thee most
mete.
65:14 The folds shall be full
of sheep: the valleys
also shall stand so thick
with corn, that they
shall laugh and sing.
[65:27-28]
The fieldes and valleys
of the earth haue for
theyr couerynge: Such
flockes of shipe and
plottes of grayne, that
they reioyce and
synge.
In places playne the
flocke shall fede, / and
couer all the earth: / The
valies with corne shall
so excede, / that men
shall sing for mirth.
318
66:1-3 O be joyful in God, all
ye lands: sing praises
unto the honour of his
Name, make his praise
to be glorious. Say unto
God, O how wonderful
art thou in thy works:
through the greatness
of thy power shall thine
enemies be found liars
unto thee. For all the
world shall worship
thee: sing of thee, and
praise thy name.
[66:1-6]
All earthly men
reioyce to God, and
prayse hys holy name:
Set forth hys praise I
saye & geue glorie
vnto the same. Saye
vnto God, Oh in thy
worckes howe
wonderfull art thou?
For the pletie of thy
power doeth cause
thyne enmies to bowe.
All they that dwell
vpon the earth, shall
honour the, O Lorde:
And shall all synge to
the and to thy name
wyth one accord.
Ye men on earth in God
reioyce, / with prayse
set forth his name: /
Extoll his might with
hart and voyce / geue
glory to the same. /
How wonderfull, O
Lorde, say ye, / in all
thy workes thou art: /
Thy foes for feare doo
seke to thee, / full sore
agaynst theyr hart. / All
men that dwell the
earth throughout / doo
prayse the name of
God: / The laude therof
the worlde about, / is
shewd and set abrode.
66:7 O praise our God, ye
people: and make the
voice of his praise to be
heard;
[66:13-14]
O ye people, preach ye
our God, and make his
name be knowne: By
you let the voyce of his
prayse, throughout the
earth be blowne.
ye people geue vnto our
God, / due laude and
thankes alwayes, / With
ioyful voyce declare
abrode, / and syng vnto
hys prayse.
68:4 O sing unto God, and
sing praises unto his
Name: magnify him
that rideth upon the
heavens, as it were
upon an horse; praise
him in his name JAH,
and rejoice before him.
[68:7-8]
Synge vnto God, synge
to his name, & make a
perfect waye: To him
that rideth in hygh
heauen, whose name is
Lorde for aye
Sing prayse, sing prayse
vnto the Lord / who
rideth on the skie: /
Extoll this name of Iah
our God, / and him do
magnifie.
319
68:25 The singers go before,
the minstrels follow
after: in the midst are
the damsels playing
with the timbrels. Give
thanks, O Israel, unto
God the Lord in the
congregations: from the
ground of the heart.
[68:45-46]
The syngyng me do go
before, then folowe the
mynstrelles: And laste
of all the fayer
maydens playinge
vpon tymbrelles.
The singers goo
befrre[before] with ioy,
/ the minstrels folow
after: / And in the
midst the damsels play,
/ with timbrell and with
taber. / Now in thy
congregations, / (O
Israell) prayse the Lord:
/ And Iacobs whole
posteritie, / geue
thankes with one
accorde.
68:32 Sing unto God, O ye
kingdoms of the earth:
O sing praises unto the
Lord;
[68:59-60]
Synge to the Lord (O
ye kyngdomes of the
earth) and reioyse: To
him that rideth on the
heauens, & stretcheth
out his voyce.
Therfore ye kingdomes
of the earth, / geue
prayse vnto the Lorde: /
Sing Psalmes to God
with one consent, /
therto let all accorde.
69:12
(69:13-14
in WBP)
They that sit in the gate
speak against me: and
the drunkards make
songs upon me.
[69:21-22]
Yea they that sate in
the towne gates the
rulars and the kynges:
Iested at me, and the
drunckardes made the
songes of these
thynges.
Both hie and lowe, and
all the throng, / that sit
within the gate: / They
haue me euer in theyr
tong, / of me they talke
and prate.
320
69:31
(69:32 in
WBP)
I will praise the Name
of God with a song:
and magnify it with
thanksgiving.
[69:53-54]
Then shall I prayse
goddes; holy name,
wyth most ioyfull
syngynge: and shall
magnifie the same
with most hertie
thanckes geuynge.
That I may geue thy
name the prayse, / and
shew it with a song: / I
will extoll the same
alwayes, / with harty
thankes among.
71:7 (71:8
in WBP)
Let my mouth be filled
with thy praise: that I
may sing of thy glory
and honour all the day
long.
[71:13-14]
Many take me for a
monster, but thou arte
my defence: And my
mouth shall not lacke
thy praise, nor thy
magnificence.
Wherfore my mouth no
tune shall lacke, / thy
glory and thy prayse: /
And eke my tong shall
not be slack, to honor
thee alwayse.
71:20-21
(71:24-25
in WBP)
Therefore will I praise
thee and thy
faithfulness, O God,
playing upon an
instrument of musick:
unto thee will I sing
upon the harp, O thou
Holy One of Israel. My
lips will be fain when I
sing unto thee: and so
will my soul whom
thou hast delivered.
[71:41-44]
Wherfore (my God)
vpon my lute I wyll
synge and prayse the:
And all my songes
vpon myne harpe,
shall prayse thy veritie.
O holy one of Israel,
when I shall to the
synge: My lyppes and
soule that thou hast
bought, shall flowe
wyth reioyseynge.
Therfore thy faithfulnes
to prayse, / I will bothe
lute and sing: / My harp
shall sound thy laude
alwayes / O Israels holy
king. / My mouth will
ioy with pleasant voyce
/ when I shall sing to
thee: / And eke my
soule will muche
reioyce, / for thou hast
made me free.
321
72:18-19
(72:19-20
in WBP)
Blessed be the Lord
God, even the God of
Israel: which only
doeth wondrous things;
/ And blessed be the
Name of his majesty for
ever: and all the earth
shall be filled with his
majesty. Amen, Amen.
[72:33-36]
Let the Lorde our God
be blessed, the God of
Israell: For he alone
worcketh wonders in
heauen earth and in
hell. Blessed be the
holy name of hys
glorie for aie: Let his
maiestie fyll the earth,
amen, amen I saye.
Praise ye the Lord of
hostes and sing, / to
Israels God eche one: /
For he doth euery
wondrous thing, / yea
he him self alone. / And
blessed be his holy
name, all times
eternally: / That all the
earth may prayse the
same, / Amen, Amen,
say I.
75:11-12
(75:9-10 in
WBP)
But I will talk of the
God of Jacob: and
praise him for ever. All
the horns of the
ungodly also will I
break: and the horns of
the righteous shall be
exalted.
[75:19-20]
As for me I wyll
preach for aye, &
synge to Iacobes God: I
wyll breake all the
wycked hornes euen
wyth an Iron rodde.
But I will talke of God (I
say) / of Jacobs God
therfore: / And will not
cease to celebrate, / his
prayse for euermore. /
In sunder breake the
hornes of all, / vngodly
men will I: / But then
the hornes of righteous
men, / shalbe exalted
hye.
77:6 I call to remembrance
my song: and in the
night I commune with
mine own heart, and
search out my spirits.
[77:11-12]
My verses in the nyght
dyd I call to my
memorie: And wyth
myne herte I comuned,
and dyd myne owne
sprite trie.
By night my songes I
call to mynde, / once
made thy prayse to
shew: / And with my
hart, much taulke I
finde, / my spirites doth
searche to knowe.
322
81:1-3 Sing we merrily unto
God our strength: make
a cheerful noise unto
the God of Jacob. / Take
the psalm, bring hither
the tabret: the merry
harp with the lute.
Blow up the trumpet in
the new-moon: even in
the time appointed, and
upon our solemn feast-
day.
[81:1-6]
Synge vnto God with
reioyseynge, who is
our force and myght:
And endeuour wyth
lowde trompettes
Iacobs God to delyght.
Begyne a Psalme and
playe to it, with tabrete
and wyth harpe: And
wyth the swete and
solemne lute wyth
notes pleasaunt and
sharp. Blowe wyth the
horne the blastes that
are vsed at the newe
mone: The tyme
wherin our sacrifice is
poynted to be done.
BE lyghte and glad in
God reioyce / which is
our strength & staie / be
ioyfull and lyfte vp
your voyce, to Iacobs
God I say, / prepare
your instrumentes most
mete / some ioyfull
psalme to synge, /
stryke vp with harp and
lute so swete / on euery
pleasant stryng. / Blow
as it were in the new
mone, / with trumpets
of the best: / As it is
vsed to be done, at any
solemne feast.
84:3 (84:3-
4 in WBP)
Yea, the sparrow hath
found her an house,
and the swallow a nest
where she may lay her
young: even thy altars,
O Lord of hosts, my
King and my God.
[84:5-8]
For the verie sparowe
hath founde a place
wherin to dwell: And
the swallowe a neste
where she maye kepe
hir yonge ones well. O
Lord of myght, that
arte my kyng and eke
my God for aye: Thyne
altares are the place
wheron these byrdes
do fynde theyr staye.
The sparrowes find a
rome to rest, / and saue
them selues from
wrong: / And eke the
swalow hath a neste, /
wherin to kepe her
yong. / These birdes full
nigh, thin aulter maye) /
haue place to sitte and
synge: / O Lorde of
hostes thou art I say, /
my God and eke my
kynge.
323
87:7 (87:8
in WBP)
The singers also and
trumpeters shall he
rehearse: All my fresh
springs shall be in thee.
[87:15-16]
In the (Sion) are all my
welles where out all
they do sprynge: That
in my trase do leade
the daunce, & do my
praises synge.
The trumpetters with
such as syng, / therin
great plenty be: / My
fountayns & my
pleasant springs / are
compast all in thee.
89:1 My song shall be alway
of the loving-kindness
of the Lord: with my
mouth will I ever be
shewing thy truth from
one generation to
another.
[89:1-2]
Thy mercies and thy
goodnes Lorde I wyll
synge wythout staye
And wyth my mouth
(Lord) wyll I cause, thy
truth be knowe for aye.
TO syng the mercyes of
the Lorde, / my tounge
shall neuer spare: / And
with my mouth from
age to age, / thy truthe I
will declare.
324
92:1-4 It is a good thing to
give thanks unto the
Lord: and to sing
praises unto thy Name,
O most Highest. To tell
of thy loving-kindness
early in the morning:
and of thy truth in the
night-season. Upon an
instrument of ten
strings, and upon the
lute: upon a loud
instrument, and upon
the harp. For thou,
Lord, hast made me
glad through thy
works: and I will rejoice
in giving praise for the
operations of thy
hands.
[92:1-8]
Nowe is it mete (O
thou most high) to
synge vnto thy name:
And for to celebrate
the Lorde, and to
encrease his fame. To
preach his mercie and
goodnes erly before
the pryme: And also to
declare his sayth, and
trueth in the nyght
tyme. On the
instrument of ten
strynges and lute wyth
notes sharppe: And
eke on the lowde
instrumentes, and also
on the harppe. For
thou (O Lorde) haste
wyth thy worckes,
made me merie and
glad: In the worckes of
thyne handes I wyll
reioyce and not be
sadde.
IT is a thing, bothe good
and meete, / to praise
the highest Lorde: /
And to thine name O
thou most hye, / to sing
in one accorde. / To
shew the kindnes of the
Lorde, / betime ere day
be light, / And eke
declare his truth
abrode, / when it doth
draw to nyght. / Upon
ten strynged instruent, /
on lute and harpe so
swete: / With all the
mirth you can inuent, /
of instruments most
meete, / For thou hast
made me to reioyse, / in
thinges so wrought by
thee: / And I haue ioy,
in harte and voyce, / thy
handy workes to see.
325
95:1-2 O come, let us sing
unto the Lord: let us
heartily rejoice in the
strength of our
salvation. Let us come
before his presence
with thanksgiving: and
shew ourselves glad in
him with psalms.
[95:1-4]
Come , let vs all
reioyce and synge to
the Lord that is one.
Let vs synge to the
suer grownde of our
saluation. Let vs
preuent him & falle
downe before his face
wyth prease: Let vs
synge vnto him wyth
psalmes, and studie
him to please.
O Come let vs lyfte vp
oure voyce, / and synge
vnto the Lorde, / in him
our rock of health
reioyce, / let vs with one
accorde, / yea let vs
come before his face, to
geue him thanks and
prayse, / in singing
Psalmes vnto his grace,
/ let vs be glad all
wayes.
96:1-2 O sing unto the Lord a
new song: sing unto the
Lord, all the whole
earth. Sing unto the
Lord, and praise his
name: be telling of his
salvation from day to
day.
[96:1-4]
Synge a newe songe
vnto the Lord, in
faythse ye accorde All
ye that dwell vpon the
earth, synge this songe
to the Lorde. Synge to
the Lorde, and prayse
his name preach his
saluation: Tell his
glorie and wondrouse
worckes in euerie
nation.
SYng ye with prayse
vnto the Lorde, / New
songs of ioy and mirthe
/ Sing vnto him with
one accorde, / all people
on the yearthe. / yea
sing vnto the Lorde, I
saye, / prayse ye his
holy name / Declare
and shew from day to
daye, / saluation by the
same.
326
96:11-12 Let the heavens rejoice,
and let the earth be
glad: let the sea make a
noise, and all that
therein is. Let the field
be joyful, and all that is
in it: then shall all the
trees of the wood
rejoice before the Lord.
[96:19-22]
Let the heauens be
merie and glad, and let
the earth reioyce Let
the sea and all thynges
therin geue out
asoundynge voyce. Let
the corne field and all
that is therin reioyce I
saye: Then all the trees
of the foreste, let them,
synge out for ioye.
The heauens shall great
ioy begin, / the earth
shall eke reioyce: / The
sea with all that is
therin, / shall shoute
and make a noice. / The
field shall ioye and
euery thing, / that
spryngeth of the earth: /
The wod and euery tree
shall sing, / with
gladnes and with mirth.
97:8 (97:9
in WBP)
Sion heard of it, and
rejoiced: and the
daughters of Judah
were glad, because of
thy judgements, O
Lord.
[97:15-16]
Sion heard this and
was right glad and
Iudes daughters (O
Lord) Reioyced for thy
iuste iudgementes, and
dyd the same record.
With ioy shall Sion here
this thyng, / and Juda
shall reioyce: / For at
thy iudgements they
shall sing, / and make a
pleasaunt noyce.
98:1 O sing unto the Lord a
new song: for he hath
done marvellous
things.
[98:1-2]
Synge a newe songe
vnto the Lord, for he
hath wonders
wrought. By hys holy
arme & owne strength
health to him selfe he
brought.
O Syng ye now vnto the
Lorde, / a new and
pleasaunt songe: / For
he hath wrought
throughout the world /
His wonders great &
strong.
327
98:5-7
(98:5-6 in
WBP)
Shew yourselves joyful
unto the Lord, all ye
lands: sing, rejoice, and
give thanks. Praise the
Lord upon the harp:
sing to the harp with a
psalm of thanksgiving.
With trumpets also and
shawms: O shew
yourselves joyful before
the Lord the King.
[98:7-14]
All ye that dwell vpon
the earth synge
prayses to the Lorde:
Breake out in voyce
and eke reioyce, &
synge in musickes
corde. Synge to the
Lord vpon the harppe
syng Psalmes to your
harppynge Make
swete noyse wyth
trumpettes and
shawmes, before the
Lorde and kynge. Let
the sea and all thynges
therin, geue out a
sowndyng voyce. Let
all that dwell vpon the
earth, in lyke maner
reioyce. Let the freshe
waters clap wyth
handes, as pleased
wyth the thynge. And
let the mountaynes so
reioyce, that they sease
not to synge.
Be glad in him, with
ioyfull voyce, / all
people of the earth: /
Geue thankes to God,
sing and reioyce / to
him with ioy and mirth.
/ Upon the harp vnto
him sing, / geue thankes
to him with psalmes: /
Reioyce before the Lord
our king, / with
trumpets and with
shalmes.
100:1 O be joyful in the Lord,
all ye lands: serve the
Lord with gladness,
and come before his
presence with a song.
[100:1-2]
All earthly men synge
to the Lorde &
worshyp hym gladly:
Come merily into his
syght, reioyceynge
hertily.
IN God the Lorde be
glad and lyght, / prayse
him throughout the
yearthe: / Serue him
and come before his
sight, / with singing and
with mirth.
328
100:3
(mis-
numbered
as 100:13
in WBP)
O go your way into his
gates with
thanksgiving, and into
his courts with praise:
be thankful unto him,
and speak good of his
Name.
[100:5-6]
Enter his gates to geue
him thanckes & his
courtes to synge
prayse: Set him forth
wyth prayses and
laude his name all
maner wayes.
O go into his gates
alwayes, / geue thankes
within the same: /
within his courts set
forth his prayse, / and
laud his holy name.
101:1
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
My song shall be of
mercy and judgement:
unto thee, O Lord, will
I sing.
[101:1-2]
Mercie and iudgment
wyll I synge, of them
my songe shall be: Of
mercie and iudgment
(O Lord) I wyll synge
vnto the.
I Mercye will and
iudgement sing, / O
Lorde God vnto thee:
104:12 Beside them shall the
fowls of the air have
their habitation: and
sing among the
branches.
[104:23-24]
And that the foules of
the ayer, that on the
trees do synge: Myght
lyue nygh them
haueynge fast by,
theyr abode and
dwellynge.
By these pleasant
springs / or fountaynes
full fayre.The foules of
the ayre / abide shall
and dwell: Who moued
by nature / to hoppe
here and there, /
Among the grene
branches / their songs
shall excell.
104:33 I will sing unto the
Lord as long as I live: I
will praise my God
while I have my being.
[104:63-64]
So longe as I shall lyue
therfore, to the Lorde
wyll I synge: To my
God wyll I synge, I
saye, whylse I shall be
lyueynge.
To thys Lorde and God
/ sing will I alwayes: /
So long as I liue, / my
God prayse will I
329
105:1-2
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
O give thanks unto the
Lord, and call upon his
Name: tell the people
what things he hath
done. O let your songs
be of him, and praise
him: and let your
talking be of all his
wondrous works.
[105:1-4]
Confesse &
acknowledge the Lord,
and call vpon hys
name: Teach his
studies to the people,
& make them learne
the same. Describe the
Lorde and synge to
hym, and talke of hys
wonders. Reioyse in
hys moste holy name,
and be hys glad
sekears.
GEue prayses vnto God
the Lorde, / and call
vpon his name: /
Among the people eke
declare, / his workes, to
spred his fame. / Sing
ye vnto the Lorde, I say,
/ and sing vnto him
prayse, / And talke of
all the wondrous
workes, / that he hath
wrought alwayes.
105:42
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
And he brought forth
his people with joy: and
his chosen with
gladness;
[105:79-80]
And he led forth his
owne people, with ioye
and reioyceynge: So
dyd he his beloued
men, with most ioyful
syngynge.
He brought his people
forth with mirth / and
his elect with ioy: / Out
of the cruell land where
they, / had lyued in
great anoye.
106:12
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Then believed they his
words: and sang praise
unto him.
[106:25-26]
Then gaue they credite
to his wordes, & gan
his prayse to synge:
But streyght waye they
forgate his worckes
myndynge his lawes
nothynge.
Then they beleued his
wordes, & praise / in
song they did him geue.
330
107:22 That they would offer
unto him the sacrifice
of thanksgiving: and
tell out his works with
gladness!
[107:33-34]
And let them offer
sacrifice of hertie
confessynge: And let
them tell forth all hys
dedes, wyth most
ioyfull syngynge.
And let them offer
sacrifice, / with thankes
and also feare, / And
speake of all his
wondrous works / with
glad and ioyfull cheare.
108:1-3 O God, my heart is
ready, my heart is
ready: I will sing and
give praise with the
best member that I
have. Awake, thou lute,
and harp: I myself will
awake right early. I will
give thanks unto thee,
O Lord, among the
people: I will sing
praises among the
nations.
[108:1-6]
Myne herte is made
redie to synge (O God)
and eke to playe: On
instrumentes
melodiouse, O my
glorie I saye, My lute
and eke myne harppe
arise, for I wyll wake
erlye: In the mornynge
wyth the daye
sprynge, my Lorde to
magnifie. And vnto the
wyll I confesse,
throughout all regions:
And wyll synge and
set forth thy name,
emonge all nations.
O God, my harte
prepared is, / and eke
my tong is so. / I will
aduaunce my voyce in
song, / and
geuyug[geuyng] prayse
also. / Awake my viole
and my harpe, / swete
melody to make, / And
in the morning I my
selfe, / right early will
awake. / By me among
the people, Lorde, / still
praysed shalt thou be, /
And I among thy
Heathen folke, / will
sing, O Lorde, to thee.
108:9
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Judah is my law-giver,
Moab is my wash-pot;
over Edom will I cast
out my shoe, upon
Philistia will I triumph.
[108:17-18]
As for Moah, is my
washe pan, on
Edomwyll I walke:
And ouer Palestine
wyll I, synge and
pleasantly talke.
My hed strength
Ephraim, and Law /
shall Juda geue for me: /
Moab my washpot, and
my shoe, / on Edom
will I throwe, / Upon
the land of Palestine, /
in triumph will I goo,
331
118:14
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
The Lord is my
strength, and my song:
and is become my
salvation.
[118:25-26]
For God it is that is my
strength, my salfgard
and my wealthe: So is
he my reioyceynge
songe, & eke myne
only health.
The lorde is my defence
and strengthe / my ioy,
my mirth and song: /
He is become for me in
dede, / a sauiour most
strong.
119:54 Thy statutes have been
my songs: in the house
of my pilgrimage.
[119:93-94]
As for me whe I am at
home in my house
where I dwell: My
delyte is to synge thy
lawes, and thy decrees
to tell.
And as for me, I framed
my songs, / thy statutes
to exalt: / When I
among the straungers
dweld, / and thoughtes
gau me assalt.
119:164 Seven times a day do I
praise thee: because of
thy righteous
judgements.
[Crowley includes only
sections 1-20; this
passage is from section
21 (Shin)]
Seuen times a day I
prayse the Lord /
singing with hart and
voyce: / Thy rightuous
actes and wonderfull, /
so cause me to reioyse.
119:171-
172
My lips shall speak of
thy praise: when thou
hast taught me thy
statutes. / Yea, my
tongue shall sing of thy
word: for all thy
commandments are
righteous.
[Crowley includes only
sections 1-20; this
passage is from section
22 (Tav)]
Then all my lippes thy
prayses speake, / after
most ample sort: /
When thou thy statutes
hast me taught, /
wherin standeth all
comfort: / My tong shall
sing and preache thy
word / and on this wise
say shall: / Gods
famous actes and noble
lawes, / are iust and
perfect all.
332
126:2-3
(126:2 in
WBP)
Then was our mouth
filled with laughter:
and our tongue with
joy. Then said they
among the heathen:
The Lord hath done
great things for them.
[126:3-4]
Our mouth and tonge
shall be full wyth
laughter and syngynge
then And the Heathen
shall saye the Lorde,
hath done much for
these men.
our mouthes were with
laughter filled then, /
and eke our tongues
did shew vs ioyfull
men. / The Heathen
folke were forced then,
this to confes, / How
that the Lord for them
also great things had
don,
126:7
(126:6 in
WBP)
He that now goeth on
his way weeping, and
beareth forth good
seed: shall doubtless
come again with joy,
and bring his sheaves
with him.
[126:11-12]
The man that beareth
the seedlepe, shall go
on styll wepynge: But
when he shall carie the
sheaues, he shal
returne syngynge.
They went and wept in
bearing of their
precious sede. / For that
theyr foes full often
times did them anoye: /
But their returne with
ioye they shall sure see,
/ Their sheaues home
bryng, and not impered
be.
129:1-2
(129:1 in
WBP)
Many a time have they
fought against me from
my youth up: may
Israel now say. / Yea,
many a time have they
vexed me from my
youth up: but they have
not prevailed against
me.
[129:1-4]
Nowe may Israell saye
they haue fought ryght
sore agaynst me: Uerie
ofte from my youth vp,
that myne enimies be.
Ryght ofte they haue
fought against me
from my yougth (may
he saye) Yet agaynst
me could they neuer,
preuayle ne haue theyr
waye.
Of Israell thys may now
be the song, / euen from
my youth my foes haue
oft me noied / A
thousand euils since, I
was tendre & yonge /
Thy haue wrought, yet
was I not destroyed.
333
132:9
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Let thy priests be
clothed with
righteousness: and let
thy saints sing with
joyfulness.
[132:15-16]
Let thy priestes put on
rightuousenes, & let
thy good mensynge:
And for thy seruant
Dauids sake, saye not
naye to thy kynge.
Let all thy prestes be
clothed Lorde, / with
truthe and
righteousnes: / Let all
thy sayntes and holy
men, / sing all with
ioyfulnes.
132:17
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
I will deck her priests
with health: and her
saints shall rejoice and
sing.
[132:25-26]
Hir priestes I wyll
indue wyth health they
shall be in salftie: And
the good me that dwel
in hir, shal synge
reioyceyngly.
Yea I will decke, and
cloth her pristes, / with
my saluation: / And all
her sainctes shall sing
for ioye, / of my
protection.
135:1-3 O praise the Lord, laud
ye the Name of the
Lord: praise it, O ye
servants of the Lord; Ye
that stand in the house
of the Lord: in the
courts of the house of
our God. O praise the
Lord, for the Lord is
gracious: O sing praises
unto his Name, for it is
lovely.
[135:1-4] [this one
clearly has
untranscribed
expansions – do all?]
Oh ye yt be the Lordes
seruates, prayse his
name without staye Al
ye yt stade in ye Lordes
house & our goddes
courtes I saye. Prayse
God (for whye? ye
Lord is good) & syng
vnto his name: For it is
full pleasaunt and
good, wherfore prayse
ye the same.
O Praise the lord praise
him praise him, / praise
him with one accord, / o
praise him stil al ye that
be / the seruaunts of the
lord, / o praise him ye
that stand & be, / in the
house of the Lord, / ye
of his court and of his
house / praise hym with
one accord. / Prayse ye
the Lord for he is good,
/ syng prayses to his
name: / It is a comly,
and good thing, /
alwayes to doo the
same.
334
135:14
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
For the Lord will
avenge his people: and
be gracious unto his
servants.
[135:23-24]
For the Lorde shall
iudge his people, he
shall reuenge theyr
wronge: And from his
flocke he shall returne
wyth a reioyceynge
songe.
The Lorde will surely
auenge, / his people all
in dede / And to his
seruauntes, he will
shewe, / fauour in tyme
of nede.
335
137:1-5 By the waters of
Babylon we sat down
and wept: when we
remembered thee, O
Sion. As for our harps,
we hanged them up:
upon the trees that are
therein. For they that
led us away captive
required of us then a
song, and melody in
our heaviness: Sing us
one of the songs of
Sion. How shall we
sing the Lord’s song: in
a strange land? If I
forget thee, O
Jerusalem: let my right
hand forget her
cunning.
[137:1-10]
Vpon the riuers sides
we sytte, and wepe
moste bytterly. In
Babylon, when Sion
doeth come to our
memorie. And vpon
the grene wyllowe tres,
that growe in Babilon:
We haue hanged vp
our swete harpes, and
instrumentes echone.
For there, they that
made heapes of vs,
required vs to synge:
And to make myrth,
sayinge let vs, heare of
Sion somethynge. But
howe shoulde we
synge the Lordes
hymnes wyth myrth
and melodie: In a
straynge lande where
we are kept in such
captiuitie? But (Oh
Ierusalem) if I forget
the in myne herte: I
praye God that my
right hand maye forget
all musyckes arte.
WHen as we sat in
Babylon, / the riuers
rounde about: / and in
the remembraunce of
Sion / the teares for
grief bust out. / We
hangd our harps &
instruments, / the
willow trees vpon, / for
in that place men for
their vse, / had planted
many one. / Then they
to whom we prisoners
were, / sayde to vs
tauntingly: / Now let vs
heare your Ebrue
songes, / and pleasant
melody. / Alas (sayd
we) who can once
frame, / his sorowfull
hart to syng: / The
prayses of our louing
God, / thus vnder a
straunge kyng? But yet
if I Ierusalem, / out of
my hart let slyde: /
Then let my fingers
quyte forget, / the
warblyng harp to
guyde.
336
138:1
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
I will give thanks unto
thee, O Lord, with my
whole heart: even
before the gods will I
sing praise unto thee.
[138:1-2]
I wyll confesse to the
(O Lord) wyth herte
vnfaynedly. And wyll
synge vnto the before
the iudges openly.
Thee will I prayse with
my whole hart, / my
Lorde my God alwayes:
/ Euen in the presence
of the Gods, / I will
aduaunce thy prayse.
138:5
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Yea, they shall sing in
the ways of the Lord:
that great is the glory of
the Lord.
[138:11-12]
And they shall synge
of and describe the
Lordes wayes and his
wyll. Because hys
maiestie is greate, in all
hys doynges styll.
They of the wayes of
God the Lord, / in
singing shall entreate: /
Because the glory of the
Lorde, / it is exceding
great.
144:9
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
I will sing a new song
unto thee, O God: and
sing praises unto thee
upon a ten-stringed
lute.
O God, to the wyll I
synge the newe song of
right dealeyng: On the
instrument of ten
strynges, I wyll vnto
the synge.
A new song I will sing
O God, / and singing
will I be, / On viole and
on instrument, / ten
stringed vnto thee.
145:7
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
The memorial of thine
abundant kindness
shall be shewed: and
men shall sing of thy
righteousness.
[145:13-14]
The memorie of thy
goodnes, & passeynge
great mercie. Men shall
brynge forth and
celebrate, thy iustice
merily.
And they into the
mention shall, / breake
of thy goodnes great: /
And I aloud thy
righteousnes, / in
singing shall repete.
146:1
(146:1-2 in
WBP)
Praise the Lord, O my
soul; while I live will I
praise the Lord: yea, as
long as I have any
being, I will sing
praises unto my God.
[146:1-2]
My soule prayse thou
the Lord for I, wyll
prayse him my lyfe
longe. And whylse I
lyue vnto my God, I
wyll aye make my
songe:
My soule prayse thou
the Lord alwayes, / My
God I will confes: /
Whyle death and lyfe
prolong my dayes, / my
tonge no tyme shall
cease.
337
147:1
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
O praise the Lord, for it
is a good thing to sing
praises unto our God:
yea, a joyful and
pleasant thing it is to be
thankful.
[147:1-2]
Prayse God, for it is
verie good, and
pleasaunt for to synge:
To our God, and to
geue hym prayse, is
also besemeynge.
PRaise ye the Lord, for
it is good / vnto our
God to synge, / For it is
pleasante and to prayse,
/ it is a comely thyng,
147:7
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
O sing unto the Lord
with thanksgiving: sing
praises upon the harp
unto our God;
[147:11-12]
Synge to the Lorde
wyth verse for verse,
and thanckes
geueynge also: And
synge to our God wyth
the harppe, that so
swetly doeth go.
Sing vnto God the Lord
with prayse, / vnto the
Lord reioyse: / And to
our God vpon the harp,
/ aduaunce your
singing voyce.
149:1
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
O sing unto the Lord a
new song: let the
congregation of saints
praise him.
[149:1-2]
Synge a newe songe
vnto the Lorde reioyce
in hym alone: And
synge hys prayse in
hys deare church and
congregation.
SIng ye vnto the Lorde
our God, / a new
reioysing song: / And
let the prayse of him be
heard, / his holy
sainctes among.
149:3
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Let them praise his
Name in the dance: let
them sing praises unto
him with tabret and
harp.
[149:5-6]
Let them prayse his
name wyth the pype,
and eke wyth the
tymbrelle: And synge
to hym vpon the
harppe, that sowneth
swete and well.
Let them sound prayse
with voyce of flut / vnto
his holy name: / And
with the timbrell and
the harpe, / sing prayses
of the same.
338
149:5
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Let the saints be joyful
with glory: let them
rejoice in their beds.
[149:9-10]
Let them that be gentle
and good, reioyce
wyth great honour:
And in theyr beddes
let them reioyce, and
synge wyth greate
pleasure.
With glory and with
honor now, / let al the
sainctes reioyse: / And
now aloude vpon their
beds, / aduaunce their
singing voyce.
150:3-5
(WBP has
no verse
numbers)
Praise him in the sound
of the trumpet: praise
him upon the lute and
harp. Praise him in the
cymbals and dances:
praise him upon the
strings and pipe. Praise
him upon the well-
tuned cymbals: praise
him upon the loud
cymbals.
[150:5-8]
Prayse hym wyth the
sowne of trumpet,
prayse hym wyth
harppe and lute:
Prayse hym, I saye,
wyth the tymbrel and
wyth the pype or flute.
Prayse hym with
organnes and rebecke,
and cymballes of
lowde sownde. Prayse
hym, I saye, wyth such
cymballes, as make the
voyce rebownde. Let
eche spirite and
lyueynge thynge,
prayse God boeth
night and daye: Let
them all worcke hys
holy wyll, prayse ye
the Lorde I saye.
His prayses with the
princely noyse, / of
sounding tropet blowe.
/ Praise him vpon the
viole and, / vpon the
harp also. / Praise him
with timbrell and with
flute, / orgaines and
virginalles: / With
sounding cimbals
praise ye him: / praise
him with loud cimballs.
339
Appendix 3. Transcription of The Whole Booke of Psalmes’ Music Preface (1562)
Macrons over vowels and the use of y for thorn (th) have been tacitly expanded.
A shorte Introduction into the Science of Musicke, made for such as are desirous to haue the knowledge therof, for the singing of these Psalmes.
FOr that the rude & ignorant in Song, may with more delight desire, and good
wyl be moued and drawen to the godly exercise of singing of Psalmes, aswell in the
common place of prayer, where altogether with one voyce render thankes & prayses to
God, as priuatly by them selues, or at home in their houses: I haue set here in the
beginning of this boke of psalmes, an easie and moste playne way and rule, of the order
of the Notes and Kayes of singing, whiche commonly is called the scale of Musicke, or
the Gamma vt. Wherby (any diligence geuen therunto) euerye man may in a fewe dayes:
yea, in a few houres, easely without all payne, & that also without ayde or helpe of any
other teacher, attayne to a sufficient, knowledg, to singe any Psalme contayned in thys
Booke, or any suche other playne and easy Songes as these are.
[manicule] Beholde this table
[chart of the gamut hexachords, illustrated as if organ pipes; text of this page is squeezed
along the right and below]
340
In this table, or gamma vt, is conteyned all, what is necessari to the knoweledge of
singing Wherefore it must be diligentlie waid & muste also be perfectly committed to
memory, so that ye can redely and distinctly say it without boke, both forwarde and
backward: that is, vpward and downward And this is the greatest pain that ye nede to
take in this trauayle.
Ye must also note that the letters ascending on the left hande of the Table, are
called Kaies, or Clevis: of whiche the first is a Greke letter, signifying g, & is called
gamma, (of whom the whole table or scale is called, the Gamma vt.) All the other ar lattin
letters vii. in number. a, b, c, d, e, f, g, then repeting the same again, beginning at a, & the
third time repeting the same, till ye com to ee, la. which is the last, but all these Kayes ar
not signed or set in these Psalmes: but onely ii. or three most commonly c, or e, or b. C,
hath this form or signe, [C clef] E, is signed after this maner [F clef] B, hath thus, [flat] or
thus sharpe. [sharp]
The kayes of this Scale or Table, are deuided and set forth by thre diuers orders
of letters. From gamma vt, to G, sol, re, vt, ar signed with capitall letters, & are called
graue base, or capitall kayes: From G, sol, re, vt: to G, sol, re, vt, they are wrytten with
small letters and are called meane or small kayes: And from g, sol, re, vt, to ee, la, they are
written with double letters, and are called double kaies, and treble kaies.
341
When it chaunceth ii. kaies to be of one letter, as G sol, re, vt: and g, sol, re, vt, A,
la, mi, re and, a, la, mi, re, E, fa, vt: and f, fa, vt: E, la, mi, & e, la, mi, ye may (to put
difference and distinction betwene them) call the one, capitall G, or G, sol, re, vt, the
lower and tother small g, or g, sol, re, vt: the higher, and so of others.
They are called kayes, because they open, as it were the doore, and make a waye
into song: for by the sight and place of the kaye, ye shall know easelye the whole songe,
the nature of euery Note, in what kaie or place it standeth, and how ye shall name it. ye
see also in the table, that some of the kayes be set in lines or rules, and other are set in
spaces betwene the lines: as gamma, vt, is set in rule: a, re, in space: b, mi, in rule. c, fa vt:
in space d, sol, re, in rule, and so ascending to the ende: so also in the songs of your Boke,
ye se rules and spaces: so that euery rule & space in your boke, answereth to some one
rule or space of your table or scale: and taketh the name of the same, whiche ye may
easely fynde oute, eyther by ascending or descending from the kaye set and marked in
your song.
Moreouer it is to be noted, that there are vi. voyces, or Notes, signified and
expressed by these vi. sillables: vt: re mi, fa, sol, la, by whiche through repetition of them,
may be song al songes of what compasse so euer they be, which vi. notes, ye must learn
to tune aptely of some one that can already sing, or by som Instrument of musike, as the
Virginals, or some other suche like, Which thing wel learned, ye shal nede none other
teaching of any
342
And for a plainer learning therof, I haue set before your eyes, those vi. notes
ascending and descending: and again with a litle varietie from theyr naturall order, to
the end ye may attayne to the iust tunes of them, how so euer they be placed. For these
two examples well had, and tuned a righte, all other songes and Psalmes, with little vse
and a small labour will sone be attayned vnto
[two music examples: ascending scale from G3 to E4; the second has the same range but
moves in ascending thirds]
Firste ye muste diligently searche out, in what kaie euery note of your song
stondeth: Which ye may easely do, in beholding your signed kaie (commonly called the
cleaue) which is set in the beginning of euery song: & that lyne or, space wherin the
signed kaie is set, beareth the name of the same kaie: and all Notes standinge in the line
or space, are saide to stand in that kaie: and so ascending or descending from that kaie,
ye shall straight way see wherin, or in what kaie euery Note of your song standeth. As
in this present example if ye will know wherin your first Note standeth, consider your
kaie, signed (marked with this letter C. in the second rule (and because it standeth in
rule, ye finde, by youre Table that it is C, sol, fa, vt. For thother two c, c, whiche are c, fa,
vt: and, cc, sol fa: stande in space) wherfore that seconde lyne throughout, is called c, sol,
fa, vt, and all the notes placed in that line, are counted to stand in c, sol, fa, vt: Then
343
discend from that kaie to the next space, which (as your table telleth you) is b, fa, [sharp],
mi. from thence to the next rule, whiche is a, la, mi, re, & from thence to the nexte space
wherin your first Note standeth, which is G, sol, re vt: so finde ye by descending in order
beginning at youre signed kaye, after thys sorte: e, sol, fa, vt,: b, fa, [sharp], mi: a, la, mi, re:
G, sol, re, vt: ye find that your first note standeth in G, sol, re, vt: wherfore ye may sing it
by anye of these iii. Notes sol, re, or vt: But because this note vt, in this place is most
aptest to ascend withall: ye shall call it vt: by the same triall ye shal find that your second
Note standeth in a, la, mi, re, ye shall expresse in singing by this voice re, rather than by
la, or mi, because re, is in order next aboue vt, so shall ye fine the thirde Note to stand in
b, fa, [sharp], mi, which ye shall expresse by mi, The fourth standeth in the signed kaie or
claue, wherfore it standeth in c, sol, fa, vt, whiche ye must expresse by fa. The fift in d, la,
sol, re: and is to be expressed by sol. The sixt and highest Note, ye shall by ascending
from your keie, finde to stande in e, la, mi: and is to be expressed in voice by la, so haue
you the whole compasse of your song and as in order of notes, and sound of voice, ye
ascendid, so contrarie wise, ye must descend till ye come to the last Note of your song.
Here note that when b, fa, [sharp], mi, is formed and signed in this maner, with
this letter b, whiche is called b, flat, it must be expressed with this voice or note, fa, but if
it be formed and signed with this forme [sharp], whiche is called b, sharpe: or if it haue
no signe at all, then must ye expres it in singing with thys voiyce or Note. mi.
344
Like wise may ye practise, placing youre first Note vt, in anye other kaye, wherin
ye fine vt, which are vii. Gamma, vt, C, fa, vt: E, fa vt, graue: G, sol, re, vt, graue: c, sol, fa,
vt: F, fa, vt, sharpe: g, sol, re, vt, sharpe, ascending up to la, and descending as in your
former example. These vii. seuerall ascensions and descensyons vpon diuers groundes
or cleues, are commonlye called of writers vii. deductions, whiche ye may playnlye and
distinctlye beholde in your table, or Scale.
One example more haue I set, wherin ye sing fa, in b, fa, [sharp], mi. Whose
deductions beginneth in vt: placed in E, fa, vt, graue or capital as ye see.
[Music example in F with one-flat key signature. Spans only six notes (one hexachord)]
Ye haue also in youre songes diuers fourmes and figures of Notes. Of which all,
it behoueth you to knowe bothe the names and value.
[section title:] Diuers forms of Notes.
[music example showing rhythmic values in decreasing value: large [maxima], long,
breve, semibreve, minim, crotchet [semiminim], quaver [fusa]]
The first of these is called a Large: the second a Long. The third a Brief the fourth
a Semibrief: the fift a Minime: the sixt a Crotchet: The seuenth and laste a Quauer. The
345
first is worth in value two of the seconde, that is, two Longes: and one Longe is worth ii.
Breues: and one Breue, is two Semibrefes: & one Semibrefe: two Minimes: and hathe
twise the time in pronouncing in singing that the Minime, hath One Minime is worthe
two crochets: and one Crochet, is two quauers, as appereth in this Table folowing:
[tree of rhythmic values, with C2 time signature horizontally aligned with the breves,
and cut-C time signature aligned with the semibreves]
If there chaunce any pricke to be set by anye of these Notes, the pricke is worthe
in value the Note next following it. As apricke set by a Semibriefe, as thus, [dotted
semibreve] is worthe this none, [minim] whiche is a Minime: and a pricke by a Minime,
as here, [dotted minim] is worthe a [semiminim]. There are also oftentimes in singing,
Pauses or Restes, set in songes, some time for ease of the singer, and comely staye of the
songes: sometime where diuers parts are, for swetnes of the armonye, and apte
repetityons & reportes: Whiche are signifyed by litle strikes or lines, or halfe lines
betwene the rules as thus.
[music example of rests in descending value]
346
The first which is drawen from the firste line to the iii. is called a longe Rest: &
signifyeth that ye must pause while that a longe is song, which is worthe iiii. plaine song
Notes, or foure Semibreues. The second which is from one lyne to a nother, is called a
Breue rest, & requireth the pausing of a breue or of ii. semibreues. The iii. whiche is from
a lyne to the halfe space vnderneth: is called a semibreue rest, and requireth the pause or
space while a semibreue is in singing. The fourthe whiche is ascending from the line, to
the halfe space aboue, is called a Minime rest, & is but the drawing of a breth, while a
minime may be song The fifte and laste, whiche is like vnto the Minime reste, but croked
at the top, requireth the pause of a crochet.
To set out a full and absolute knowledg of the nature of the scale, the differences
betwene notes and halfe notes, & halfe notes betwene themselues, of interualles,
proportions: and which notes concorde and agree together, and which disagree. What
modes there are: and how many. What is perfection, what imperfection: How notes
oughte to be bounde together, and what theyr value is so bounde, tayled vpwarde or
downeward: perteineth to a iust Introduction to the arte of Musike. These thinges before
taught, seme at this time, for the poore vnlearned and rude, sufficiente and inoughe to
the atteyning of such knowledg in singing as shall be requisite to the singing of Psalmes
conteined in this boke, for which cause only they are set out.
347
Appendix 4. Epistolary Content of Sixteenth-Century English Music Prints
Publication STC# Epistle
dedicatory
Epistle
to the
reader
Other
prefatory
material
Additional
notes
Twenty Songs (1530) 22924 x
Miles Coverdale, Goostly
Psalmes and Spirituall
Songes ([John Rastell for]
John Gough, c. 1535)
5892 x
Robert Crowley, The
Psalter of Dauid ([Richard
Grafton and Stephen
Mierdman], 1549)
2725 x x
John Merbecke, The Booke
of Common Praier Noted
(Richard Grafton, 1550)
16441 x
Francis Seager, Certayne
Psalmes (William Seres,
1553)
2728 x
Christopher Tye, The Actes
of the Apostles (William
Seres, 1553)
2983.8,
2984,
2985
x x
Psalmes Of Dauid in
Englishe Metre (John Day,
1560)
2427
Psalmes. Of David in
Englishe Metre (John Day,
1560/1561)
2429 x x
Foure Score and Seuen
Psalmes of Dauid (John
Day, 1561)
2428
Hondert Psalmen Dauids
(John Day, 1561)
2739 x x In Dutch
The Residue of All Dauids
Psalmes in Metre (John
Day, 1562)
2429.5
348
The Whole Booke of Psalmes
(John Day, 1562)
2430 x x
The Whole Psalmes in Foure
Partes (John Day, 1563)
2431 x
Mornyng and Euenyng
Prayer (John Day, 1565) /
Certaine Notes (John Day,
1560)
6419 /
6418
x Certaine
notes lacks
the
prefatory
material
found in
Mornyng
and
Euenyng
Prayer
John Hall, Courte of Vertue
(Thomas Marshe, 1565)
12632 x x
De Psalmen Dauidis (John
Day, 1566)
2740 x x In Dutch
Matthew Parker, The
Whole Psalter (John Day,
1567)
2729
(=2439)
x x
Adrian le Roy, A Briefe and
Easye Instrution (John
Kingston for James
Rowbotham, 1568)
15486 x Two
epistles to
the reader
(one from
translator)
Orlando di Lasso, Recueil
du Mellange d'Orlande de
Lassus (Thomas
Vautrollier, 1570)
15266 x Different
partbooks
have
different
prefatory
material
(or lack
thereof)
349
Thomas Whythorne,
Songes for Three, Fower and
Five Voyces (John Day,
1571)
25584 x Different
partbooks
have
different
prefatory
material
(or lack
thereof)
Adrian le Roy, A Briefe and
Plaine Instruction (John
Kingston for James
Rowbotham, 1574)
15487 x x x
William Byrd and Thomas
Tallis, Cantiones Sacrae
(Thomas Vautrollier, 1575)
23666 x x In Latin
William Daman, Psalmes of
David (John Day, 1579)
6219 x x
William Hunnis, Seven
Sobs of a Sorrowfull Soule
(Henry Denham, 1583)
13975 x x x
William Bathe, A Briefe
Introductione to the True Art
of Musicke (1584)
[None] Survives
only in ms
John Cosyn, Musicke of Six,
and Fiue Partes (John
Wolfe, 1585)
5828 x x
Christopher Fetherstone,
Lamentations of Ieremie
(John Wolfe, 1587)
2779 x x
William Byrd, Psalmes,
Sonets & Songs (Thomas
East, 1588)
4253;
4253.3;
4253.7
x x x
Musica Transalpina I
(Nicholas Yonge [printed
by Thomas East], 1588)
26094;
26094.5
x x
William Byrd, Cantiones
Sacrae I (Thomas East,
1589)
4247 x In Latin
350
William Byrd, Songs of
Sundrie Natures (Thomas
East, 1589)
4256 x x
Italian Madrigalls Englished
(Thomas Watson [printed
by Thomas East], 1590)
25119 x In Latin
Thomas Whythorne, Duos,
or Songs for Two Voices
(Thomas East, 1590)
25583 x x
William Byrd, Cantiones
Sacrae II (Thomas East,
1591)
4248 x x In Latin
William Daman, The
Former Booke (Thomas
East, 1591)
6220 x x x
William Daman, The
Second Booke (Thomas East,
1591)
6221 x x x
John Farmer, Diuers &
Sundry Waies (Thomas
East, 1591)
10698 x x x
The Whole Booke of Psalmes:
With Their Wonted Tunes
(Thomas East, 1592)
2482 x x
William Byrd, Mass for
Four Voices (Thomas East,
c. 1593)
4250
Thomas Morley,
Canzonets. Or Little Short
Songs to Three Voyces
(Thomas East, 1593)
18121 x x
William Byrd, Mass for
Three Voices (Thomas East,
c. 1593-4)
4249
John Mundy, Songs and
Psalmes (Thomas East,
1594)
18284 x x
Thomas Morley,
Madrigalls to Foure Voyces
(Thomas East, 1594)
18127 x
351
Thomas Morley, First
Booke of Balletts (Thomas
East, 1595)
18116 x x
Thomas Morley, The First
Booke of Canzonets to Two
Voyces (Thomas East, 1595)
18119 x x
William Byrd, Mass for
Five Voices (Thomas East,
c. 1595)
4251
William Bathe, A Briefe
Introduction to the Skill of
Song (Thomas East, c.
1596)
1589 x
A New Booke of Tabliture
[with The Pathway to
Musicke] (William Barley,
1596)
1433 x x x
John Dowland, The First
Booke of Songes or Ayres
(Peter Short, 1597)
7091 x x x
Anthony Holborne, The
Cittharn Schoole (Peter
Short, 1597)
13562 x x
Thomas Morley, Canzonets
or Litle Short Aers to Fiue
and Sixe Voices (Peter
Short, 1597)
18126 x
Thomas Morley,
Canzonets. Or Little Short
Songs to Foure Voyces
(Peter Short, 1597)
18125 x x
Thomas Morley, A Plaine
and Easie Introduction to
Practicall Musicke (Peter
Short, 1597)
18133 x x x
Charles Tessier, Le Premier
Liure de Chansons & Airs de
Court (Thomas East, 1597)
23918 x x In French
352
George Kirbye, The First
Set of English Madrigalls
(Thomas East, 1597)
15010 x x
Thomas Weelkes,
Madrigals to 3. 4. 5. & 6.
Voyces (Thomas East, 1597)
25205 x x
Musica Transalpina II
(Nicholas Yonge [printed
by Thomas East], 1598)
26095 x x
Michael Cavendish, 14
Ayres in Tabletorie to the
Lute (Peter Short, 1598)
4878 x
Giles Farnaby, Canzonets to
Fowre Voyces (Peter Short,
1598)
10700 x x
Orlando di Lasso, Novae
Aliquot (Thomas East,
1598)
15265
Thomas Morley, Madrigals
to Fiue Voyces (Thomas
East, 1598)
18129 x x
Thomas Weelkes, Balletts
and Madrigals (Thomas
East, 1598)
25203 x x
John Wilbye, The First Set
of English Madrigals
(Thomas East, 1598)
25619;
25619.3;
25619.5
x x Only STC
25619.5 has
prefatory
material;
the other
two have
none
The Whole Booke of Psalmes.
With Their Woonted Tunes
(William Barley, 1598/9)
2495
Richard Allison, The
Psalmes of Dauid in Meter
(William Barley, 1599)
2497 x x
353
Thomas Morley, The First
Booke of Consort Lessons
([H. Ballard for] William
Barley, 1599)
18131 x
John Bennet, Madrigalls to
Foure Voyces ([H. Ballard
for] William Barley, 1599)
1882 x
Anthony Holborne,
Pauans, Galliards, Almains,
and Other Short Aeirs
(William Barley, 1599)
13563 x
John Farmer, The First Set
of English Madrigals
(William Barley, 1599)
10697 x x x
John Dowland, The Second
Booke of Songs or Ayres
(Thomas East, 1600)
7095 x x x
Robert Jones, The First
Booke of Songes and Ayres
(Peter Short, 1600)
14732 x x x
Thomas Morley, The First
Booke of Ayres ([H. Ballard
for] William Barley, 1600)
18115.5 x x x
Thomas Weelkes,
Madrigals of 5. and 6. Parts
(Thomas East, 1600)
25206 x x
Richard Carlton, Madrigals
to Five Voyces (Thomas
Morley, 1601)
4649 x x Epistle
dedicatory
in Latin
Robert Jones, The Second
Booke of Songes and Ayres
(Peter Short for Mathew
Selman, 1601)
14733 x x x
Thomas Morley,
Madrigales. The Triumphes
of Oriana (Thomas East,
1601)
18130;
18130.5
x x
354
Philip Rosseter [and
Thomas Campion], A
Booke of Ayres (Peter Short,
1601)
21332 x x x
John Dowland, The Third
and Last Booke of Songs or
Aires (Peter Short for
Thomas Adams, 1603)
7096 x x x
355
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Biography
Samantha Arten was born in 1989 in Madison, Wisconsin. She graduated summa cum
laude from Washington University in St. Louis in 2011 with a Bachelor of Music degree
in Music History and Literature, and received a Master of Arts degree in Musicology
from Duke University in 2014. Samantha wrote the entry on John Tavener for The Oxford
Encyclopedia of the Bible and the Arts (2015), and her article “The Origin of Fixed-Scale
Solmization in The Whole Booke of Psalmes,” which grew out of this dissertation research,
was published in Early Music in 2018. This project has been supported by a dissertation
completion fellowship from the Duke Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies,
research and conference travel awards from the Duke Graduate School and the
“Conversions: Medieval and Modern” working group, and several summer research
fellowships from the Graduate School.