CHAPTER THREE.

BACKGROUND OF ACHOLI CULTURES OF SOUTH SUDAN.

The Acholi Cultural Group was formed by communitymembers from the Acholi Community of SouthSudanese origin. Through a seed grant from Actionfor Healthy Communities (AHC) we were able to buytraditional costumes, and traditional musicalinstruments, such as shackles, calabashes,rattles, and percussions.

The aim of the group is to promote traditionalAcholi music, dance and customs among first andsecond generation Acholis living in Edmonton. Thegroup practices regularly, giving communitymembers the opportunity to get together anddiscuss problems and issues facing individualsand families. Aside from promoting the culturalheritage of Acholi, the Cultural group is also asupport system for members of our community.

Elders of the community meet and settle communaldisputes and also collaborate with authorities tosettle issues involving members of the community.

Our cultural group performs at weddings, babyshowers, community celebrations and othermulticultural events. Recently we captivated theaudience at the Action for Healthy CommunitiesAfrican Multicultural Celebrations.

Acholi people: the famous east Africanspiritually and martially powerful people withculturally unique mato oput justice andreconciliation rituals ceremony "Without culture you are no one, without cultureyou are dead" (Paramount Chief of Acholi, DavidOnen Acana II).

The Acholi or Acoli are part of Luo-speakingNilotic people of East Africa who livespredominantly in      Northern Uganda (an areacommonly referred to as Acholiland), includingthe districts of Agago, Amuru, Gulu, Kitgum,Nwoya, Lamwo, and Pader; and Magwi County inSouth Sudan. Prior to colonialism, the peopleknown today as the Acholi referred to themselvesas An-loco-li, which means “I am a human being”,or “black”. The label An-loco-li did not have anyethnic delineations or geographical boundariesinitially, although the Acholi people had acollective identity encapsulated in cultures andcustoms that governed their existence forthousands of years. As a result of the Acholipeople’s self-understanding as human beings, theyembraced peaceful coexistence among themselvesand their immediate neighbors.

However, since the colonial period, the Acholipeople developed a distinct ethnic identity thatcharacterizes them as “northerners” or darkpeople, something that sets them apart from thepeople in the “South” commonly referred to assoutherners. Another theory also posits thatduring the second half of the nineteenth centuryArabic-speaking traders from the north started tocall them Shooli, a term which transformed into'Acholi'. (Doom 1999, 10-11).

Famous Pan-Africanist Okot p'Bitek, an Acholitribe man, poet and author of the Song of Lawinoand Kasoti (1994) said that, the Acholi wereconsidered a martial people by the British, andmany joined the military. There has been adeveloped myth that the Acholi are martial raceand a warlike-people because former Ugandanpresident Milton Obote used their strength in thearmy to consolidate his government. However, onewould realize that speaking Acholi is one of thegateways into the world of Luo, one of the majorcultures of Africa spanning across south Sudanand northwestern Kenya. Their complex customs andsocial organization, their traditions of conflictresolution, their variety of specialized dances,and their rich material culture are some of theattractions to studying the culture and arts ofthe Acholi people.

It is estimated that approximately 1.677, 000Acholi people lives in Uganda and about 58,000

lives in South Sudan in Magwi County, AcholiHills.

THE ACHOLI.

The Acholi south Sudan culture was based on boththeories and concept that enable the researcherfind it possible to study his topic without toomuch problems from the key Acholi south SudanElders who are able to feed me with theinformation about the Acholi culture.

Therefore, the Acholi elders, chiefs' womengroups and the youth said the Acholi are thepeople who migrated from the region of Bahr elGhazal and settled in Magwi County EasternEquatoria State along the western slope ofImatong Mountain. (Saturnino Onyala, 1st Edition2014, p.1-56).

2.2.1.i: The name and origin

Acholi is the name these people call themselvesand by which their neighboring nationalities knowthem. The Acholi people of south Sudan werecalled Shooli by Arabic-speaking traders from thenorth. The term then was transformed into Acholi.

According to Saturnino and Crazzolara, the Acholiare the Nilotic group who migrated from the Bahrel Ghazal region south wards starting in the late17th Century and settled in Magwi county Westernpart of Eastern Equatoria state Torit capital.They are the group who speak Acholi languageclassified as Luo language. (Saturnino Onyala2014,p.1-4 and Crazzolara, 1951, p.31)

2.2.1. ii: Demography and Geography

The Acholi in South Sudan number about 58,000 -60,000 people inhabiting what is now MagwiCounty, originally part of Torit District eastbank Equatoria. The nationality has beenfragmented by the international border withUganda with part of the Acholi found in northernUganda.

2.2.1.iii: Environment, Economy and NaturalResources

The Acholi land lies on the western slopes ofImatong Mountains and Acholi hills that rim thesouthern borders of South Sudan. This environmenthas influenced Acholi lifestyle and economy. Theypractice a form of mixed farming in which theykeep cattle, goats, sheep and fowls in additionto subsistence agriculture; by growing sorghum,millet, simsim, beans, tobacco and sweetpotatoes.

In recent times, just before the war, commercialfarming of Irish potatoes, tea and rice had beenintroduced. A timber saw mill powered by a smallhydro-electrical power plant was operationaluntil 1992 in Katire. There is potential inminerals like gold and chromites in Kit Riverarea.

2.2.1.iV: Mythology and History

Different accounts attest that the Acholi groupwas formed from different people who inhabited

the area as the result of Luo migration andtherefore assert that the Acholi are a product ofintermarriages between the Luo and the Madi;being Luo in language and custom and thereforeclosely related in history to the Alur of WestNile, the Jopadhola of eastern Uganda and theJoluo of Kenya, the Shilluk, Anyuak and other Luogroups in the Sudan.

Another legend asserts that Luo was the firstman. He had no human parents. He is said to havesprung from the ground. It is taken that hisfather was Jok (God) and that his mother wasEarth. The legend adds that Luo’s son Jipiti,whose mother is unknown, had a daughter calledKilak. Kilak is believed to have conceived a son,Lubongo, whose father was said to be the devil,Lubanga. Lubongo was the first in the line ofRwot – the chiefs of Payera, the dominant Acholiclan.

2.2.1.V: LanguageAcholi is a Luo-Nilotic language primarily spokenby the Acholi people in the districts of Gulu,Kitgum and Pader, a region known as Acholiland innorthern Uganda. Acholi is also spoken in thesouthern part of eastern Equatoria state, MagwiCounty south Sudan. It spoken by about 1.735,000people in Uganda and South Sudann. Song ofLawino, well known in African literature, waswritten in Acholi by Okot p'Bitek, although itssequel, Song of Ocol, was written in English,Acholi, Alur and Lango have between 84 and 90percent of their vocabulary in common and thusare mutually intelligible. The languages spoken

in three dialects: Labwor, Nyakwai, Dhopaluo(Chopi, Chope). The number of speakers isbelieved to have grown to a total of more than amillion people at the turn of the century.(Oyango-ku-Odongo, 1976 p.39).

The Acholi language is a Western Niloticlanguage, classified as Luo (Lwo). It ismutually intelligible with Lango, Alur and otherLuo languages. The Luo language and dialect isspoken by the Luo groups who are currentlysettled in various locations including westernKenya, Eastern Uganda, Acholiland, West Nile inUganda, and South Sudan.(SaturninoOnyala,2014,p.1-6 and B.A. Ogot, 1967, p, 148).

2.2.1.Vi: Location

Acholiland or "Acholi-land" (also known as theAcholi sub-region) is a necessarily inexact ethnolinguistic taxonomy that refers to the regiontraditionally inhabited by the Acholi. In theadministrative structure of Uganda, Acholi iscomposed of the districts of: Agago, Amuru, Gulu,Kitgum, Lamwo, Nwoya and Pader.

Under the decentralization policy of thegovernment, creation of another district, Omoro,is in the offing. It encompasses about 28,500 km2

(11,000 square miles) near the Uganda-south Sudanborder.Its current population is estimated to bearound 600,000 individuals, or four per cent ofthe total national population. The word 'Acholi'is a misnomer that became adopted for convenienceover the years. It refers to people known locallyas Luo Gang. That is why the Lango neighbors

refer to the Acholi as Ugangi, meaning people ofthe home. (Girling, F.K. 1960, vol. 30).

The Acholi in South Sudan number about 58,000 -60,000 people inhabiting what is now MagwiCounty, originally part of Torit District eastbank Equatoria. The Acholi of south Sudan landlies on the western slopes of Imatong Mountainsand Acholi hills that rim the southern borders ofSouth Sudan. The nationality has been fragmentedby the international border with Uganda with partof the Acholi found in northern Uganda.(Saturnino Onyala, 2014, p.2-4).

2.2.1.Vii: HistoryThe Acholi people are part of cattle-keeping Luo-speakers who migrated from their homeland alongthe Nile River in Southern Sudan now known asBahr el Ghazal. They moved southwards to northernUganda and settled in different parts of EastAfrica. Starting in the late seventeenth century,a new sociopolitical order developed among theLuo of northern Uganda, mainly characterized bythe formation of chiefdoms headed by Rwodi (Rwot,'ruler').The chiefs traditionally came from one clan, andeach chiefdom had several villages made up ofdifferent patrilineal clans. By the mid-nineteenth century, about 60 small chiefdomsexisted in eastern Acholiland. During the secondhalf of the nineteenth century, Arabic-speakingtraders from the north started to call themShooli, a term which was transformed into'Acholi'(Atkinson 1994, p.78.)

Their traditional communities were organizedhamlets, where their dwellings were circular hutswith a high peak, furnished with a mud sleeping-platform, jars of grain and a sunken fireplace.The women daubed the walls with mud, decoratingthem with geometrical or conventional designs inred, white or grey. The men were skilled hunters,using nets and spears. They also kept goats,sheep and cattle. The women were alsoaccomplished agriculturists, growing andprocessing a variety of food crops, includingmillet, simsim, groundnuts, peas, sorghum,vegetables, etc. In war, the men used spears andlong, narrow shields of giraffe or ox hide.

The Acholi are known to the outside world mainlybecause of the long insurgency of the Lord'sResistance Army (LRA) led by Joseph Kony, anAcholi from Gulu. The activities of the LRA havebeen devastating within Acholiland (though theyspread also to neighboring districts andcountries). In September 1996, the Ugandangovernment moved hundreds of thousands of Acholifrom the Gulu district into camps, ostensibly fortheir protection. Since 1996 this policy hasexpanded to encompass the entire rural Acholipopulation of four districts, one million people.These camps had some of the highest mortalityrates in the world with an estimated 1,000 peopledying per week at one point. Malaria and AIDShave been the primary disease causes of deaths.The refugees in the camps have also been subjectto raids by both LRA and government forces.

At the height of the insurgency, 1.8 millionpeople in the north were living in camps. Peacetalks beginning in 2005 promised some relief tothese people, and some camps were closed in 2007as security in the north improved. As ofSeptember 2009, large numbers of Acholi peopleremain in camps as internally displaced persons.The long civil war in the North has destroyedmuch of their society.

During the Condominium rule in Sudan, the Arabsand British imposed political and economicdevelopment in the interest of their colonialpower in the country. The Acholi and othersouthern ethnic groups supplied much of thenational manual labor and came to comprise amajority of the military, creating what some havecalled a "military technocracy". Due to achanging economy, after the 1956, fewer Acholiwere recruited to the Sudan armed forces, butcontinued to be associated with them in popularmythology and stereotypes until Anyaya onemovement in 1973 led by Joseph Lagu andeventually the Anyaya two movement in 1980popularly known as SPLA/M led by the late Dr.John Garang De Mabior. The SPLA/M led toseparation of south Sudan from the Sudan throughCPA signed in January 2005 that culminated a newnation the Republic of south Sudan.(SaturninoOnyala, 1 edition 2014, p.30-38).

2.2.1.Viii: Religion

According to Latigo, prior to colonialism, "theAcholi people maintained a traditional governmentthat was rooted firmly in their religiousbeliefs, norms and customs, which demanded peace

and stability in Acholiland at all times, basedon their philosophy of life. This structure wasmaintained by the real anointed chiefs of theAcholi, the Rwodi moo. Although they were believedto have supernatural powers, the chiefs ruledthrough a Council of Clan Elders, so they neverruled singlehandedly. The Council'srepresentatives could mediate issues betweenclans, and essentially covered both civil andcriminal functions, like a Supreme Court. It wasa system of governance fully integrated withtheir religion and cosmology.

It was not until 1995 that a constitutionalreform recognized such cultural leaders, but theyhave not been fully restored to previous powers,as so much of society has changed. In the pre-colonial era, all the Acholi believed in the samesuperior being, "Nyarubanga, through anintermediary deity, known as the Jok-ker, whichmeant ‘the ruling deity’. Killing of a person wasprohibited but if it took place, negotiations forblood money were led by the victim's family, withagreement followed by rituals of a reconciliationceremony to restore the killer to the community,and to bring peace between clans. In addition,the people have important rituals for cleansinghomes and sites, to welcome back people who havebeen away a long time, to clear spirits fromplaces where killings have occurred, and towelcome people who have been captive.

The religious leaders have tried to help end theconflict in the country of the last two decadesand to reconcile the parties. "In 1997, theCatholic, Anglican, Muslim, and later theOrthodox religious leaders of Acholi formalized

their increasing cooperation on peace issues bysetting up the Acholi Religious Leaders’ PeaceInitiative (ARLPI)."They have continued to workto end the war through negotiation. They havealso "played a vital role in Acholi traditionalreconciliation processes and in preparing thecommunity to receive former combatants indiscussing the peace talks of 2005-2007, Latigonoted leaders who called for a revival of thetraditional processes of the indigenous people bywhich they worked for accountability and justice,namely, mato-oput.

Acholi Religious Leaders Peace Initiative (ARLPI)Uganda is an umbrella organization of all themajor religious denominations in northern Uganda(i.e. Catholic, Pentecostal, Protestant andIslamic faith groups) formed in 1999.

ARLPI conducts mediations, peace trainings, andconflict resolutions through peace committees setup with communities.  ARLPI played a leading rolein confidence building between the LRA and theUganda government during the Juba peace talks andall previous peace initiatives in northernUganda. Through these peace communities ARLPI:mediates land disputes and other relatedconflicts within the communities, facilitatesdialogue, and promotes customary cultural disputeresolution of conflicts.

In the case of south Sudan the Inter-ChurchCommittee (ICC) formed in 2008 is an umbrellaorganization of all the major religiousdenominations in Acoliland. ICC facilitatesgrassroots and inter-communal reconciliation,peace and harmonious co-existence in all areas

and communities. ICC conducts mediations, peacetrainings, and conflict resolutions through peacecommittees set up with communities.

2.4: ISSUES AND AREAS OF STUDY.

Understanding the nature of culture inrelationship to communication is helpful in anumber of ways. First, it helps to explain theorigin of differences between the practices,beliefs, values, and customs of various groupsand societies, and it provides a reminder of thecommunication process by which these differencescame into being. This knowledge can and shouldheighten people’s tolerance for culturaldifferences. Second, it helps to explain theprocess that individuals go through in adaptingto new relationships, groups, organizations, andsocieties and the cultures of each. Third, itunderscores the importance of communication as abridge between cultures and as a force behindcultural change.

A number of questions also concern researchersand policymakers in this area. As communicationincreases between individuals, groups, andcountries, does this mean that culturaldifferences and traditions will inevitably erodealtogether? Will the cultures of individuals fromgroups, organizations, and societies that havegreat access to and control of communicationmedia overpower those in cultures that have fewerresources and less access and control? Canknowledge be used to help individuals morecomfortably and effectively adapt to newrelationships, groups, organizations, andsocieties? The importance of these issues makes

this area an important one for continuedexamination by scholars and practitioners.(JRanks Articles, culture and communication1961.p.64-91).

2.4. i: Economy.

Before the wars, Acholiland was endowed bybeautiful scenery, lush vegetation, rivers, gameanimals, birds and above all, abundant fertileland which has been communally owned, cultivatedand handed down by  Acholi families to theirdescendants from generation to generation.The Acholi people who were prosperous two decadesago were predominantly agriculturalistspracticing subsistence farming alongside animalhusbandry as a major source of livelihood.Cotton, tobacco, coffee and maize were among themajor cash crops grown by the people. Successfulagricultural production was made possible becausethe sub-region had a well linked network of roadsthat enabled transporting agricultural productsto meet the market demand. In addition tomarketing infrastructure, processing and storagefacilities were also at their disposal.Complimenting agricultural production inAcholiland was the wide scale ownership of shorthorned cattle used for ploughing and serving as asource of wealth.

Poverty, famine  and  drought were  unheard  ofin  Acholiland  because of the  conduciveenvironment for agricultural production, a

tradition of cattle and  livestock  ownershipand  being  a  hard  working community. In short,the Acholi community was prosperous and self-sufficient. The Acholi were excellent hunters,with the prey enriching the daily menu. Theyhunted in different ways: either as a group oralone as trappers (Okia); they used nets, pits,or they hunted the animals into the water andsubsequently killed them with their spears. Theyfish in the river bodies around them. Acholisfishermen, unlike their neighbors' tribe, theAcholi are an ethnic combining tradition andmodernity. (Atkinson, Ronald R. Pre-colonialPhase." Ethno history 1989: 36(1), p.20).

2.4. ii: Industrial Arts.

 Ironworking, mainly but not entirely confined tocertain lineages, appears to be almost as ancientas agriculture, going back perhaps to the firstmillennium B. C. Pottery and basket making werewidespread and relatively non specialized arts,carried out by both men and women. In mostchiefdom, only members of designated lineagescould make or repair royal drums. They alsoengage in beads making. (Crazzolara, 1950, p.61).

2.4.iii: Trade.

Pre-colonial trade, both within Acholi andthroughout the region, focused mainly onobtaining iron-ore and finished iron products inexchange for baskets or products of the farm,herd, or hunt. Significantly, iron-ore deposits

were located mainly at or just beyond thewestern, northeastern, southeastern, and southernboundaries of what became Acholi, and trade forthis iron created networks of movement andinteraction that helped determine a collectiveidentity within these boundaries. During thelater nineteenth century, the emergent Acholibecame involved in the international trade inivory and slaves, which were exchanged mainly forcattle, beads, blankets, cotton cloth, andfirearms. Colonial rule brought the penetrationof a money economy into Acholi, along with theestablishment of numerous rural and small-towntrading centers and major urban centers.(Girling, F.K. 1960 vol. 30).

2.4. iV: Division of Labor.

 In the pre-colonial era, warfare, herding, andhunting were the domain of men. Men have alsotraditionally played a significant role inagriculture, especially for such time-limited,labor-intensive tasks as clearing, planting, andharvesting (often as part of lineage-basedcooperative labor teams). Women also providemajor labor in the fields, as well as beingresponsible for most children rearing and allcooking and other food-preparation tasks.

The building of houses and granaries hashistorically involved both men and women, witheach performing specified functions. Boys andgirls are typically socialized into distinct

gender roles, and do household and other choresaccordingly. Since the entrenchment of colonialrule, an average of 10 to 20 percent of adultAcholi males at any one time have been involvedin migrant labor or employment in the police orarmy that has taken them from their home andfamilies. Relatively small numbers of Acholi havefilled middle-level or senior civil-servicepositions. (Webster, J. (1970) 1st annualconference, vol 3. p. 168-197).

2.4. V: Land Tenure.Traditionally, land rights were vested inlocalized patrilineal lineages, under the controland guidance of lineage heads and elders. Thisincluded both agricultural and hunting land. Anindividual had personal claim to land that he andhis wife (or wives) had under cultivation or thathad been cultivated but was lying fallow, andsuch rights passed from father to son. Given thelow population densities and minimal landpressure, almost anyone who was willing to clearand work unused land has been welcomed by lineageheads responsible for such land and, while theyfunctioned, by the Rwodi of chiefdoms withinwhose domains the land lay. Girling notes that aslate as 1950 there was still no system ofindividual land tenure in Acholi; however, suchtenure has become increasingly common sinceindependence. (Girling, F.K, 1960, vol 30).

2.5: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF ACHOLI CULTURE. Localized lineages have been the fundamentalsocial units in Acholi, with chiefdoms providing

a layer of organization above the lineages fromthe late seventeenth to the early twentiethcentury's. While Rwodi, members of royallineages, and lineage heads all seem to have beensomewhat better off than others before the latterpart of the nineteenth century, socialstratification appears limited, owing primarilyto both limited wealth in the society andredistribution. Certain Rwodi and interpretersbegan to accumulate some of the new wealthbrought into Acholi by international trade, anddescendants of some of these men used theirinherited wealth to build up prominent twentieth-century families. Since independence, arelatively few Acholi army officers have managedto accumulate substantial fortunes, as have a fewtraders. More commonly, almost any salaried jobin the public or private sector represents anincome that averages several times that of amember of the majority peasant population.(Branch, A. 2008 State building 2:p. 151-173).

2.5. i: Changing Roles of Women. Historically, Acholi women were defined almostexclusively in relation to their reproductiverole. The socialization of girls revolved aroundtheir preparation for the role of wife and later,mother. One of the most important lessons passedon to young girls was “how to respect and carefor a man.” Elaborate ceremonies prepared younggirls and women for these roles, includingmarriage and birth ceremonies which formallyrecognized a woman’s status within the familyhome she was married into, and validated herworth to the family and, by extension, the clanas a whole. The gendered division of labor

followed. In the home, women were expected tocare for children, tend the fields, cook andclean. In contrast, men were expected to dig,harvest and hunt, and to construct and maintainthe compound.The conflict has transformed traditional genderroles. Confined to camps, men are no longer ableto fulfill traditional productive roles. Women,on the other hand, continue to be responsible forreproductive roles with the added burden ofhaving to care for orphans and, in some cases,have been forced to assume a position as head ofthe household. “Men relieve their burden onwomen,” said Mego Dorothy Abwot. Today, women are“responsible for feeding the family” [digging,planting, harvesting, and food collection fromWFP and moral and universal education, areas inwhich men were once prominent. “Men only know howto drink now.” Yet men continue to dominatedecision-making in the household and community.

2.5. ii: Social Control.

 In pre-colonial Acholi, lineage heads and elderswere most responsible for social control, thoughone of the attractions that assisted thedevelopment of chiefdoms seems to have been theability of Rwodi to help settle disputes thatinvolved more than one lineage.

With colonial rule came a new hierarchy ofchiefs, clerks, and policemen, all under theauthority of the government. Much of thosehierarchy continued into updates regimes, hence,

have led to a breakdown of any meaningful socialcontrol in the areas of Acholi.

2.6: POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF ACHOLI CULTURE.

Prior to colonialism, the Acholi kingdom wascomposed of kaka (loosely knit clans), eachheaded by a Rwot Moo (anointed chief) derivedfrom a royal clan. He was typically the Eldestson, although reportedly ‘the people’ couldremove and replace Rwot Moo should he notrepresent or care for them well. Each Rwot Moolived in a large, extended and polygamoushousehold located within the domain of hisclansmen. He was responsible for promoting unityand the social welfare of his clansmen; toprovide for them in times of need. Each Rwot Moowas supported by a Council of Elders throughwhich he ruled based on consent, rather thanforce. The structure of the Council of Elders wascomplex with variations from clan to clan. Itsmain function was to “guide communities, solvedisputes and create peace and unity amongpeople”. Councils were present at all sociallevels, starting with the family level. Everyhousehold unit appointed an Apoka (Elder) torepresent their voices. Apokas from the differentclans formed a Council of Elders, which waspresided over by the Atekere. The Atekere was themiddleman between the Apoka and the Rwot Moo.

Meetings among these actors were held regularlyto discuss community issues and concerns.

Under the British colonial administration, theRwot Moo were stripped of power and replaced bythe Rwot Kalam, translated to ‘men of the pen’(educated men who served the colonialadministration). Rwot Moo continued to exercisefree, if informal, cultural leadership among hispeople, but was limited in the exercise ofadministrative power. Under colonialism, the RwotMoo of the largest clan emerged as a ‘leader’among other Rwot Moo. However, until this era,the Acholi had no Paramount Chief. As oneinformant observed, “The institution of aParamount Chief was a completely new one. In thepast, there was no one Rwot who was more powerfulthan the other.”

Elders and Rwot Moo continued to play importantcultural roles, but political structures by thetime of independence had been slowly replaced bythe apparatus of the state governments. The on-going conflict in Northern Uganda and in southSudan has weakened both Rwodi and the Councils ofElders. Like the rest of the population, Rwodiand Elders were forced to leave their homesteadsand live in IDP camps. In fact, the majority ofRwodi no longer live in the centre of theirsubject’s domains, but in town centres. As aresult, many people today no longer automaticallyknow their Rwot, nor what his role should be.When they do live in camps among ‘their people’,

it is in a setting of extreme poverty, limitingthe role they can play in cultural rituals,mediation or unity building. The spirit ofcommunalism that characterized Acholi domains inthe past has been replaced with that ofindividualism. As one Acholi proverb puts it,“oyo man ki wino doge” – “each rat with its ownwhisker”. Respect tends to be afforded to personswith money or power, and yet Rwodi in camps havelittle more than their people. Research revealedthat more IDPs could identify their LocalCouncillor (LCs), religious leader or camp leaderthan their Rwodi. However, when Rwodi do live ina camp, people are more likely to know theirRwot. Moreover, camps where strong Rwodi – thoseconsidered persons of good moral character live,an increased level of respect were afforded tothem.

The duty of Elders in conflict resolution haslargely been replaced by the work of camp leadersand LCs. As Ladit Eromasio Odara commented, the“Elder institution has been replaced with campleaders and LCs who are not always able to passthe best advice. Their neutrality in handlingcases is normally compromised because of money,nepotism and politics”. Elders have also becomeisolated from ‘their’ people, with whom they oncehad close proximity to in the village. Clans areoften intermixed in camp settings, or in somecases, extended families are dispersed acrossdifferent camps. “Elders are now scattered

everywhere, they use to live with their people”.Displacement has also separated Elders from eachother and poor security conditions prevent themfrom meeting regularly to discuss communityissues. In short, Elders previously gained theultimate respect of their communities because“they were seen as fathers by the youngergeneration.

The way Elders conducted themselves was soextraordinary that many would refer to them asgods”. Elders were always approached for advice,however, the problems that have occurred in thecamps are beyond the reach of the Elders, andthus render them unable to perform their duty.( Dwyer, John Orr 1972, p,76 and Twesigye,K.,Emmanuel, 2010).

2.7: CONFLICT RESOLUTION (TRADITIONAL JUSTICE).

In traditional Acholi culture, justice is donefor ber bedo, to restore harmonious life.Traditional justice was distinguished from formaljustice in terms of the voluntary willingness ofthe perpetrator to confess. Part of the logic ofAcholi cosmology is to illicit fear and shame ifone broke a social norm and to encourage peopleto take the appropriate steps towardsrestoration. For instance, the powerful narrativeof cen - that one would endure sickness and deathuntil a wrong is made right - was a form ofpsychological punishment to the wrongdoer. In

cases when a killer is well known but refuses toadmit to his or her guilt or crime, then revengeby the spirit of the murdered victim isencouraged by Elders. This will result inmisfortune of the offending clan. Otherwise, theoffending parties may legitimately threatenrevenge (a blood revenge), but this is said to bekept in check by a period of “cooling off”between clans and enforced by Elders. Thecommunity has an interest in avoiding revengekillings, and will do all it can to cool off thehigh level of tensions. (Latigo 2006, p. 102-108).

2.7. i: Truth. 

The process of establishing the facts of aparticular conflict was considered by mostrespondents as essential to resolving theconflict. In general, a mediator (usually anElder at the family and sub-clan level, arepresentative of the Rwot-Moo (anointed Chief)at the clan level, or the Rwot-Moo himself at theinter-clan level) would establish these facts inconsultation with the involved parties, theirrelatives and witnesses. This was done either ina process of ‘shuttle diplomacy’ or in publicmeetings, depending on the circumstances.Establishment of the facts (such as whether acrime was intentional or not) could determine theamount of compensation and the correspondingritual or ceremony required to appease spiritsand ancestors. Finally, establishing the truth

was regarded as an important component forfacilitating reconciliation between conflictingparties, at the family, clan, inter-clan, orinter-tribal levels. Women were involved only ininstances when a conflict involving women or a“woman’s issue” arose. Senior women were limitedto being witnesses to crimes committed, and womenwere never given the opportunity to preside overany open court.

2.7. ii: Compensation.

Categories of crime and correspondingcompensation exist in Acholi traditional by-laws,some of which have now been documented and arecurrently being translated into English. Theseinclude compensation on a wide range of familylaws, including divorce, marriage, burial rites,and criminal laws including arson, theft, ormurder. The circumstances surrounding the crimeare always considered in determiningcompensation, including whether or not the crimewas intentional. Compensation is largely paid inthe form of livestock (cows, bulls, goats), orincreasingly in the context of the displacementcamps, the monetary equivalent of the requiredlivestock. A chief Elder in charge ofcompensation receives it from the offendingperson’s entire clan. The clan or family of thewrongdoer will be expected to help contribute toraising the compensation. (Latigo, 2006, p. 90-92)

2.7. iii: Restoration.

Traditional justice in Acholi culture wasdescribed by informants as restorative ratherthan punitive, seeking to repair social harmonyof a community, rather than establish individualinnocence or guilt. In Acholi, one person’s crimeextends to the entire family, and the family ofthe injured party is likewise affected. Thus oneperson’s crime causes a rift within the entirecommunity that can only be resolved afterestablishing the truth, payment of compensationand followed by a series of rituals or ceremoniesin order to reconcile ‘bitterness’ and chase awayill will or spirits that threaten the unity ofthe clan.

Prior to colonialism, crimes were handled in“open courts” held at different levels of socialorganization (household, sub-clan, clan, inter-clan and inter-tribal) according to the nature ofthe conflict (land, domestic conflict, arson,murder).

Serious conflicts involved Elders and Rwodi atthe clan or inter-clan level, whereas lessserious crimes could be handled by Elders andpeers at the familial, sub-clan or clan level.The voluntary admission of guilt was considered anecessary act for moving forward. Ideally, thedecision regarding compensation and rituals forreconciliation was arrived at ‘consensually’among Elders and in consultation with injuredparties, and according to interpretation oftraditional by-laws.

During pre-colonial times, when a transgressionoccurred the Elders would gather the people andinform them of the problem. The Elders then metthe involved parties to listen to both sides ofthe case before deciding what compensation wasappropriate. Respondents often insisted this wasa consensual approach, and no decision was takenuntil all parties agreed. While the introductionof the court system by colonialists did notappear to wholly undermine traditional courtsystems, it was not clear from respondents iftraditionalmechanisms once practiced continue to exist incamps today (and therefore should be subject offurther study). These included: Family Courts: The won-ot (head of household,always a man), would be the first to attempt toresolve any domestic crimes or sources ofconflict including quarrels between familymembers. The rituals of tummu-buru (incidentsinvolving fire) or tummu-kir (all otherincidents) were then performed to appease Jok.

Clan Courts: The Atekere (The Atekere isresponsible for safekeeping of royal culturalitems, such as the drum, the royal arm band(Ogul), hoe, beads, or gourd (abino), andtherefore also rituals required for performingpurification. It was not clear if every clan hadan Atekere or not, or Ladit Kaka settled disputesat the family level that could not be settled bythe ‘family head’, and conflicts (over land,

food, water) at the clan level. But most often,the Atekere was responsible for conductingrituals when kii occurs and was responsible foroverseeing the rituals.

Abomination (kii or kiir) is often an individualact or curse that symbolically jeopardizes thewell-being of the family and therefore of theentire clan. It is often committed by a husbandor wife who has exhausted all other avenues ofcommunication or resolution. For instance, theact of throwing food at a person in anger isconsidered a grave taboo that will offend boththe ancestors and Gods. Without an immediateritual (in this case, sacrifice of a goat),“grave misfortune to the person and their family”will follow. Informants could identify a verylong list of forms of kii, and Elders were adeptat knowing the corresponding rituals necessaryfor lifting a curse cast by the act. Inter-Clan courts: Typically, inter-clanconflicts were mediated by the Rwot Moo from thetwo clans involved. A messenger – lakwena – wouldthen act as a go-between to the parties involvedand the Rwot Moo. Rwot Moo only became involvedin cases of serious injuries, murder and in theinterpretation and execution of by-lawsdetermining compensation. In some instances, thisinvolved holding court at the home of the RwotMoo, and bringing in the advice of other Rwodifor determination of compensation. Inter-tribalcourts:

To end a conflict, Elders from conflicting tribeswould meet to discuss the source of conflict,develop prevention strategies and to warn thepopulation to discontinue fighting. The mediatorwould bend the spear (Gomo Tong) to signifydiscussion is over and as a vow to endhostilities. It was reported to have been carriedout both with the ceremony of Mato-oput andwithout, depending on the conflict. (Doom, Ruddyand Koen Vlassenroot. 1999: 98(390), p.7).

2.8: RITUALS TO ESTABLISH EVIDENCE. 

Different rituals are undertaken when the factsof a crime are not all available, and there is noway to establish the truth. In one version, aspear is put in the flames until it turns red.All suspects are made to hold or lick the spear.If one is innocent then the spear will not burnyou. This can only be conducted by ajwaka or onewho was born with the special gift to do thisceremony.

Another way to determine innocence or guilt isdigging a hole and all suspects jump over it. Ifthe person is guilty they will fall in. A thirdway to establish truth is to have the suspectsfeed a hen using poisoned food. If one is guiltythe hen will move towards theoffender and eat the poisoned food right away, ifnot guilty then the hen will run away. One cannote that these rituals also play with the

psychological conscience of the offender in thesame way that the spiritual world does. Anothermeans of establishing the truth is to consult anajwaka. A group of Elders consult up to threedifferent ajwaka living in areas far from thearea where the crime took place (this way theajwaka would not know about the crime prior tothe consultation). The ajwaka invite the spiritsof dead and reveal the identity of theperpetrator. If the three ajwaka identified thesame perpetrator then truth would be established.It is important to recognize that establishingthe truth will not necessarily lead to a ritualor a mediation of the conflict. It is always upto the individual, the offender, to initiate thisprocess. Under the British colonialadministration, the cultural practices relatingto justice were replaced with formal legal codesand the introduction of Local Courts (LCs). Thissignificantly undermined the authority of Eldersand Rwodi, although they continued to play anactive role in the resolution of family disputes,and mediate community conflicts. In addition, thepractice of paying compensation also remains andElders continue to play an important role inmediating this process. However, the wisdomimplied in the traditional system was viewed ascorrupt in the modern Law Court system: “Peoplelook at justice today in terms of making someonesuffer,” and indicating the individualistapproach ran contrary to communal, restorative

approaches. Elders maintained there was no suchform of punishment in the past. Furthermore,Elders argued that the role of mediation in thepast was absent in LCs. Thus, the ‘truth’ wasreplaced with the ability of lawyers to make astrong defense, regardless of the innocence orguilt of the party involved. The practice oftraditional justice has been further jeopardizedover the course of the war.

The intermixing of clans, poverty and extremeviolence has broken down levels of social trust.In addition, mechanisms for socializing Acholiyouth about social rights and wrongs, and abouttraditional rituals and beliefs, have beenchallenging obstacles in displacement camps. Inthe past, “people were united. If you were not ongood terms with your neighbor, life may not besimple for you. This is because each and everyperson depended on one another.” Cases areresolved today by paying a price to the localjudge or courts, run by Local Councils. As oneElder put it, “many people now look at justice interms of money and imprisonment”. Another Elderargued that in camps today, “people look atjustice in terms of force. They use the LCsystem, police and camp leaders. [Before thecolonialists came] there was no force like now”.The Acholi commonly known saying 'Agoyi ci wapida apida’ perhaps sums it up best ‘I beat youand then I win’, meaning as long as the

perpetrator has the money to buy off the judge,he or she can do what they want.

Despite all this, formal judicial bodies arerespected by virtue of the law by Elders; in mostcases, they make the distinction between nationaland traditional laws. For instance, Ladit Latimas well as other informants recognized that noone should interfere with or attempt to replacethe law. “It is wrong for a cultural institutionto appear superior to the law. The legal systemtakes precedent. At the end of one’s jailsentence, then traditional justice may come in.Until this is done, one is a social outcast.”Traditional justice may be a compliment but notalternative to the formal system. It is alsorequired, according to Elders, to restorerelations between conflicting parties, and forone to reconcile with her or his-self to thespirit world. “Even if you win in court but youare guilty, you are able to bribe your way out ofit, cen will still follow you. So at the end theoffender will have to return to the Elders andtell them the truth of what really happened.”(Latigo, James, Uganda Law Reform Commission, 4September 2006)

2.9: MARRIAGE IN ACHOLI CULTURE.

The institution of marriage in Acholi was acentral feature of Acholi culture. Historically,young boys are expected to ‘move out’ of the

house to construct their own hut in preparationfor marriage (the bachelor’s hut). Bride price,traditionally in the form of cattle, was paid tothe family of the girl, but held in trust forbrothers of the girl for their own bride price.Given poverty and congestion in camps, this isnot always possible. This has a twofold impact.On the one hand, a young boy may feel pressuredto leave the house to find an independentlivelihood, exposing him to greater vulnerabilityand potential exploitation. On the other, theidleness and frustration of young men who cannotprovide traditional means for marriage may leadto increased tensions and violence, as has beendocumented in other studies of conflict zones.

According to Acholi cultural norms, boys and menare responsible for the protection of girls andwomen. As one Mego observed, this is no longerpossible “because even the boys are threatened byrebels.” At the same time, men are also thegreatest violators of women’s personal and bodilysecurity. The sexual norms which once protectedthe virginity of girls and women before marriageincluding a taboo against sex outside theinstitution of marriage that would result ininfertility have collapsed.

Rape is reportedly the most serious threat ofharm against women and girls. As one Megoobserved, “After rape you are considered a publicwoman.” Prostitution has grown rampant as a meansof survival among young girls today, a lane forprostitutes is well known by locals.

(Atkinson, Ronald R."Pre-colonial Phase."Ethno history1989: p.20).

2.10: NORMS (THE GENERATION GAP: CHILDREN ANDYOUTH).

In Acholi traditional society, children and youthwere to be looked after and provided by adults.Until married, they lived with their father andmother(s). Although they were expected to assistwith household tasks, the responsibility ofproviding basic necessities broadly fell toparents. Beyond this, in times when parents wereunable to provide for their family, theresponsibility fell to the extended family andRwodi, due to the communal nature of the Acholiculture. Youth and children thus held societalroles of obedience to adults, particularlyElders. Young people were expected to possessproper respect for Elders, and in turn, Elderstaught youth societal values to guide theiractions.

As Ocitti Francis elaborated, “[Elders played an]advisory role. They imparted discipline intochildren and socialized the young into culture.”Through informal (wang oo), traditional dancing,private counsel mechanisms and cultural leadersplayed a key role in facilitating the transfer ofsocial knowledge, which provided the cultural andbehavioral codes that shaped Acholi society.

In addition, children and youth who commutenightly into towns have little interaction withtheir family structures anymore. Years ofconflict and displacement has had a fundamentalimpact on the dynamics that shaped both the role

of Acholi children and youth as well as theirrelationships with their parents and to Elders insociety. Youth are no longer cared for andprotected to the extent that was accorded thempreviously.

2.11: MUSIC AND DANCE IN ACHOLI CULTURE.

Acholi folk music is, like most African music,pentatonic. It is distinctive with choralsinging, in parts with a lead voice. Songs arealso accompanied by a string instrument, theharp-like adungu, and numerous percussioninstruments. The vocal lines of the songs of menand women are in polyphonic style, and they tendto create a counter-point effect. Songs areperformed at various occasions. The singing ismelodic, and dances are performed collectively.

Solo dancing is rather rare. The Acholi havevarious kinds of dances: Various dances areperformed on certain occasions like, for example,birth, funeral, wedding, rituals (ancestralworship, beginning of a hunt, victory overenemies) and the celebration of the seasons (forexample, thanksgiving).

Apiti Dance was only danced by girls. The menwere not admitted. The girls danced in a line andsang.

Bwola Dance is a court dance (in the king'spalace) of the Acholi, who live in the north of

Uganda and south Sudan. This is a circular dancethat is performed by the older men and women, butnow boys and girls performed it and the circlerepresents a fence that surrounds the palacecourt.

Dingi-Dingi dance is performed by the young girlsof the Acholi, and their movements are meant toimitate birds. The girls dance to attract theyoung boys, so the dance is usually held onbright days, when the sun is out.

Larakaraka Dance is a ceremonial dance of theAcholi, who have borders with the Sudan. It isprimarily a courtship dance that is performedduring weddings. When the young people in aparticular village are ready for marriage, theyorganize a big ceremony where all potentialpartners meet. There are other minor dances inAcholi which are not mentioned here, but arelisted in chapter one of this research work.

2.12: TRADITIONAL RITUALS AND CEREMONIES.

Despite the degradation of culture, traditionalrituals continue to hold an important value topeople of Acholiland. Although restricted by alack of resources, where possible people continueto either enjoy contributions by the community,or in some cases, have adapted by selecting lessexpensive cultural items to replace moreexpensive ones (such as a hen instead of a goat,

seeds instead of an egg, or herbs instead of ahen). The extent of cultural practices largelydepends on the participants and the role ofcultural leaders.

Agat. A form of prayer before initiating anyrituals, it is a way to call or communicate withthe ancestors and the spirit world in order toask them to accept your ceremony. For example,Agat is done when you sacrifice a goat to Jok(Acholi god). If it is not done, you are notnotifying the gods and the ritual can fail as aresult. This is normally practiced before everyritual by Elders involved in the ceremony.

Kac. Kac is beliefs to be the Gods of Acholi sub-clan. Each sub-clan has its own kac placed at thedoor side of the elder who hold it at his home.This ritual is performed in order to giveblessing and fortune and to take away misfortuneand calamity whenever happened within the sub-clan, the family who is responsible for Kac shallperform the ritual to prevent such calamity.

Ciriba. Ciriba ritual is performed by Acholielders when there are rivals over the land. TheWon-tim (landlord) will gather the elders fromboth parties and each party assigned a person whokeeps the Ciriba to be blown such that the partywho claim the land will face the consequences ofthe calamity. It is normally done to avoid thosewho grabbed some others land.

Cen spirits (mediums).According to Acholicultural leaders, cen is sent when a wrongagainst the dead has been committed. Thephenomenon of cen illustrates the centrality ofrelationships between the natural andsupernatural worlds in Acholi, the living and thedead, and the normative continuity between anindividual and the community.

Cen was described by Elders and Mego as theentrance of an angry spirit into the physicalbody of a person or persons that seeksappeasement, usually in the form of a sacrificeor, in the case of a ‘wrongful death’,compensation and reconciliation between the clanof the offended and offender. The spiritmanifests as cen, which will ‘haunt’ thewrongdoers by entering their mind or body in theform of visions and nightmares that may result inmental illness and sickness until the wrong ismade right. Cen can also send nightmares and sickness to therest of the family of the individual involved, sothreatens not only the individual, but the familyand community.Cen manifests over a period of timein several ways, cen could take decades tomanifest, but typically attacks the family or subclan of a person who:(1) treated the dead ordying in an ill-manner (a form of kii – orabomination), (2) committed murder ormanslaughter and (3) inherited the wrong-doingfrom a parent or grandparent. Ladit Jurubabel Ojok also argued that a family ofa person who committed suicide was alsosusceptible to cen.

First, treatment of the dead and dying arecentral processes and practices in Acholi. Forexample, if one dies “in a bad way” (throughneglect by family members, by being forced fromthe family home in anger, or because they weredenied food), the spirit of the dead will notrest, or, will actively seek to correct the wrongcommitted in the form of cen. As a result,elaborate burial and funeral rituals andceremonies have evolved to show respect to thedead, and are considered vital to maintain thewell being of the clan. Cen also haunts those whohave disrespected the dead, either by failing toprovide a proper burial, or for failing to showadequate respect. For instance, Ladit John Moroargued cen could be ‘got’ from a spirit of amother who died if her relatives were not givenproper paneyo, that is, a type of contribution orcompensation (usually livestock), wasn’t paid bypeople attending the funeral.During periods of extreme violence during theconflict, they would pass dead bodies in thestreet on their way to school and were instructedby their parents that they must always place aleaf of the olwedo tree (or any other in itsabsence) on the body to show respect, and wardoff cen.Likewise, as many may pass the dead on the road –due to accidents or violence related to theconflict – the same practice is required. Cen cangather in places where a person’s death occurred,and enter one who moves through this place.Hence, people are reluctant to move through orlive around sites of cen, such as places wheretraffic accidents occurred or, too commonly in

Acholi, massacre sites.

Secondly, cen manifests in persons who purposelycommitted an act of murder that is unresolved. Insome clans, this extends to accidental death ormanslaughter. In either case, the responsibilityfor setting things right falls not only on theindividual, but the family and community ofElders within the clan. One Elder gave an exampleof what the spirit might say if contacted: "I’mvery annoyed with you the Elders. When I wasmurdered you didn’t ask for compensation fromsuch clan. Or, when I died you didn’t bury me athome [referring to a person who died in thebush]. Or, when I died, you didn’t perform lastfuneralrites (guru lyel). I therefore demand a sheep,hen, cow, revenge, compensation etc."

Thirdly, persons can inherit cen from the wrongdoings of a parent. Cen is said to manifest overa long period of time and therefore, may manifestonly in the second generation of the wrongdoer.It is said that a baby can be born with cen, ifthe mother or father also had cen. Alternatively,cen might not even manifest in the wrongdoerthemselves, but in future generations; a reasonwhy Elders are concerned about future generationsof former rebels. As one Elder stated: “If cen isnot ritualized, it may follow the family lineageof the killer.

The types of rituals used to “chase cen” dependon the clan affected and the act which led tocen. In most cases, the sacrifice of an animal,or the slaughter of an animal is used to chaseaway “bad spirits” to the setting sun. In the

current context, many Elders argued povertylimited their ability to carrying out rituals.(Latigo, James, 4 September 2006 and Webster, J.1970 vol 3, p. 168-197).

Nyono Tong Gweno. The ‘Stepping of the Egg’ceremony welcomes home a member of the familythat has been away for an extended period oftime. Absence may have been caused by somedomestic dispute or may have been voluntary, suchas for education, hunting or work. In eithercase, there is a perceived need to receive aperson back home in order to reconcile anyproblems or feelings of alienation that may haveresulted from their extended absence, and toensure that the person feels once again a fullmember of the family. This ceremony has beenadapted to facilitate the reintegration processof returnees. The ceremony involves the returneestepping on an egg (tongweno) placed on a‘slippery branch’ (opobo) and a stick with a fork(layebi), traditionally used to open granaries.The egg is said to symbolize purity. “The egg hasno mouth, and cannot speak ill of others. The eggalso symbolizes that which is ‘soft’, ‘fragile’,suggesting a restoration of innocence. The opobois a soapy, slippery branch, which helps tocleanse the returnee from any external influenceshe or she might have encountered in the ‘bush’that might be calling them back. The layebi is asymbol of welcoming a person back into the home,where the family members will once again share

food together. Such cleansing ceremonies weremostly practiced in the private domain of thefamily home or compound and involve a ritualpractice.

Goyo-laa.  Blessings by an Elder or Elders usingsaliva or water, which is typically spit on thechest or palm of a person.

Tum. Tum (sacrifice) is done to cool a conflict,appeal to or consult with the spirits of theancestors and/or Jogi regarding a naturallyoccurring problem facing the clan, or to preventharm or bad weather. There are many differenttypes of tum, with variations across clans, andfor different reasons and purposes. Sacrificesusually involve sheep, goat or chicken.

Tumu Kii. Tumu Kii is a sacrifice to appease tothe gods for an abomination (kii) that hasoccurred. The various types of abominationsresult in different types of sacrifice. Thisinvolves specifically a goat, sheep, and herbs.

Riyo-tal.  Mediation conducted by the Elders andRwodi in times of conflict. People who arespecifically involved in mediations are calledLupii (plural), or Lapii (singular). In the pastbefore waging any war, Lapii were consulted fortheir approval. If support for the war was given,they would give olwedo (leafs) for protectionthis is considered a blessing. If the blessing isdone once, Lapii or Elders cannot undo it.

Ryemo Ojwee / Gemo.  Ryemo ojwee or Ryemo Gemo isundertaken to ‘rid’ an area of cen. Organized byElders and senior women at night, it involves thebeating of calabashes, saucepans, doors and othergeneral noise-making. It is believed that cen isafraid of the noise and will be driven out of thearea towards the West (sunset). Women prepare“lawinya plus moo yaa” (Shea butter), thenentertain the people with acut (a cultural dancefor the women). The occasion is typically markedby drinking alcohol.

Moyo Piny/Tumu Piny.  Tumu Piny or Moyo Pinyloosely translated means ‘sacrifice’ and‘cleansing’ of an area. The ritual can also betermed as Ryemo cen (chasing away cen).

This ritual of sacrificing a sheep is conductedby Elders to appease Jogi whenever there was asignificant amount of acena (cen in the area).This can manifest in various forms: sickness,death and strange behavior, for instance. TheAcholi believe cen lingers in places where ‘baddeath’ has occurred, such as forests (huntingexpeditions that resulted in death, improperburials, and traffic accidents and so on).

Yubu Kum.  The ‘cleansing of the body’ ritualinvolves the transfer of cen from a person to ananimal. The ritual has many variations. In one, achicken is swung around a person. In another, agoat is speared by the person involved and ifsuccessful, the evil spirit is thought to be

chased away. In still another version, the personsteps on the body or blood of the sheep, as asign of transferring the cen to the sacrificialgoat.

Ryemo Jok. If, after doing all the necessaryrituals to chase cen from a person, abnormalbehavior continues in a person, an ajwaka isconsulted and asked to perform this ritual. Theajwaka is in charge of the entire ritual, andslaughters a goat or chicken and throws it intothe site where the spirit thought to be causingthe harm dwells such as rivers, wells or rock outcrops.

 Lwoko pig wang. ‘Washing of tears’ ceremony isconducted when a person had disappeared and wasthought to have died, but returns to a family.Lwoko pig wang literally refers to washing awaythe tears a family shed in mourning the death ofthe person. Symbolically, it is to wash away ‘thethought of death’ that may manifest in a bad omenor can attract bad spirits to the family when theperson returns. “This is because when the livingmourns the dead, the dead may call you to jointheir world”.

Goyo-pii. The ritual involves variations, butgenerally a calabash of water is passed fromElder to Elder who cleans their hands in it. Thewater is either sprinkled over a person toprovide a blessing or placed over the entrance of

the hut and is dribbled over the person as theyenter the door.

Moyo-ret. This ritual involves a sacrifice for aperson who was injured in an accident in order toappease the ancestors, prevent further illness asa result of the injury, and to facilitaterecovery.

Moyo Remo. This ritual is completed in order toprevent a reprisal blood feud after a murdertakes place between two clans. According toElders, moyo remo means the ‘cleansing of theblood’. The ritual involves the sacrifice of agoat in order to cleanse the blood that hadpoured from the killing, and to prevent the lossof more blood.

Gomo Tong. This symbolic ritual is not known tohave been practiced since the 1980s. Gomo Tong(Bending of Spears) is a vow between two clans ortribes engaged in violent conflict to endhostilities. It is done both with Mato -oput andwithout, depending on the conflict. Elders fromconflicting clans or tribes meet to discuss thesource of conflict, develop prevention strategiesand to warn the population to discontinuefighting. The mediator bends the spear to signifydiscussion is over. In the act of bending thespear, the spirits of both sides are evoked andpromised killings would stop. If, without duecause, conflict started again, the tip of thespear would turn back against the aggressor.

Kwero Merok. This ceremony is performed after aconflict involving another clan, when a foreignerhas been killed by returning soldiers; or,alternatively, when a dangerous beast has beenkilled.

Mato-oput. The ceremony of Mato-oput comes at theend of a long process of confession, mediationand payment of compensation to reconcile twoclans after a murder has occurred betweenthem. The ceremony itself has various formsacross different clans, but commoncharacteristics include the slaughter of twosheep which are cut in half and exchanged by bothclans, and the drinking of the bitter herb Oputby both clans to ‘wash away bitterness’. Theceremony continues to be practiced to date,although it was learned that a number of casescontinue to be pending due to a lack of resourcesrequired for the elaborate ceremony.

i- Beating of the Stick: The beating of the stickseems to be broadly symbolic of the restorativemotivation for a Mato-oput, although it was morespecifically defined by Elders in various ways: 

a) The stick symbolizing the ‘next person’ whowould be killed in revenge, which the mediatorstops the families from doing;

b) The beating of the stick symbolizes the“anger, bitterness” which could lead to fightingand acts of revenge if not mediated; 

c) The beating of the stick illustrates to thespirit of the murdered person that he or she iscared for; a mediator symbolizes that withoutmediation, more death would have followed throughrevenge killings.

d) In another account, the stick symbolizes the‘truth’, described as important to restoringjustice. After beating the stick, the offendingside runs away, symbolizing the acceptable guiltof the murder.

ii- Slaughter of the Sheep and Goat: The sheep,supplied by the offending clan, is a symbol ofthe cen that haunts the clan whose member hascommitted murder or manslaughter. In anotheraccount, however, the sheep was said to symbolizehumility, because a sheep is a humble animal. Thelaroo (goat), supplied by the injured clan, is asymbol of unity, signaling that the injured clanis willing to forgive and reconcile. The sheepand goat are cut in half, and the opposite sidesare exchanged among the two parties. In oneaccount, the sheep and goat represent the twoparties prior to Mato-oput (separate entities),and the cutting and mixing symbolize the unitingof the two parties. The mouths of the sheep andgoat are held together to prevent them from‘crying’ out during the slaughter, which would bea bad omen.

iii- Eating Spoiled Boo: Boo mukwok (spoiled boo,or local greens) is a sign that tension existed

long enough for food to become spoiled. Eatingthe Boo mukwok symbolizes that the clans areready to ‘Mato-oput ’ (reconcile) after such along time.

iV- Drinking of the Bitter Root: Oput (bitterroot) is a symbol of the bitterness that existsbetween the two clans. Drinking of Oput by bothparties symbolizes the washing down of bitternessin people’s hearts, acting as a ‘medicine to curethe bitterness’. Participants drink whilekneeling down, with their heads bowed and handsclasped behind their back in a show of respect tothe murdered person. In another account, handswere clasped behind backs to convey sincerity ofnever wanting to fight again. A representative ofeach party drinks at the same time from thecalabash. Before drinking they yoko wic(literally ‘knocking heads’) to symbolize thatwhere “heads have been separated before, they arenow united.”

V- Eating of the Liver: In the process of theceremony, the acwiny (liver) of the sheep andgoat are cooked and eaten by both parties. Inhumans, the liver is thought to be the placewhere all bitterness is stored, or variously thesource of life, where all ‘blood is stored, andblood is the source of life and the unifyingfactor of all clans’. The liver of the sheep andgoat are eaten by both parties to illustrate thattheir blood has been mixed and united through thegoat and sheep. The eating of the liver also

symbolizes the washing away of all bitternessstored in the blood of the human liver. In oneaccount, the eating of the liver also symbolizes‘kweyo cwiny’ (calming down the conflictingparties by the mediator). OkutuLacac/lacaa/lacaro is the instrument used to feedthe liver to each of the parties. Okutu Lacacsymbolizes that tensions existing prior to Mato-oput would be ignored from that day forward.Another interpretation was that the thornssymbolized the thorny relationship between thetwo clans, resolved upon completion of theceremony. Yet another account is that a thorn isused instead of hands, because the hands of themurderer are considered unclean and wouldcontaminate the food.

Vi- Eating Odeyo: Consuming Odeyo (what remainsof a saucepan, used for mingling) is one of thelast rituals of the ceremony. It is thought tofree the involved parties to eat together again.Eating of Food:

Eating of all the food prepared for the day is animportant part of the Mato-oput process. No foodshould be taken home afterwards, or the Mato-oputwill not be considered to be complete. Finishingthe food symbolizes no tensions or bitterness isleft between the two clans.