Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

34

Transcript of Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

ii Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

Africana Studies:A Review of Social Science Research

EditorJames L. Conyers, Jr., University of Houston

Assistant Editor

Dr. Andrew Smallwood, Austin Peay University

Graduate Assistants

Kady Kante, Leah McAlister Shields, University of Houston

Book Review Editor

Dr. Christel Temple, Maryland at Baltimore County, an Honors College

Editorial Board

Dr. Delores P. Aldridge, Emory UniversityDr. Molefi K. Asante, Temple UniversityDr. Cary Wintz, Texas Southern UniversityDr. James Turner, Cornell UniversityDr. Julius E. Thompson, University of Missouri at ColumbiaDr. James B. Stewart, Pennsylvania State UniversityDr. Alan Colon, Dilliard UniversityDr. Reiland Rabaka, California State University at Long BeachDr. Anthony Pinn, Rice UniversityDr. Anthony Lemelle, University of Wisconsin at MilwaukeeDr. Kobi K.K. Kambon, Florida A & M UniversityDr. Shawn R. Donaldson, The Richard Stockton College of New JerseyDr. Gerald Home, University of HoustonDr. Janis Hutchinson, University of HoustonDr. Jane Dabel, California State University at Long BeachDr. W. Lawrence Hogue, University of HoustonDr. Sundiata Cha Jua, University of Illinois at Champaign-UrbanaDr. Fred Hord, North Carolina State UniversityDr. Molefi K. Asante, Jr., Morgan State University

Introduction iii

Copyright © 2009 by Taylor & Francis.

Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2009003863

First published 2009 by Transaction Publishers

Published 2017 by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

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ISBN 13: 978-1-4128-1045-6 (pbk)

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Racial structure and radical politics in the African diaspora / James L.Conyers, Jr., editor. p. cm. -- (Africana studies ; v. 3) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4128-1045-6 1. African diaspora. 2. Blacks--History. I. Conyers, James L.

DT16.5.R33 2009305.896--dc22

2009003863

Contents

Preface vii

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis 1 Beth Johnson

Black on the Block 13 Mary Pattillo

African Diaspora Connections and Gilroy’s Denial 45 Mark Christian

The “Race” Concept and Racial Structure 61 Clarence R. Talley

W.E.B. Du Bois, Reparations, Radical Politics, 81and Critical Race Theory Reiland Rabaka

Application of the African Model of Positive Mental 113Health and NTU Therapy in Clinical Practice with Clients of African Descent Paula A. Moore

Patriot Day: The World Community of Al-Islam in the 127West’s Vision of Multicultural Politics in a Neo-Racist World

Malachi D. Crawford

Edward Wilmot Blyden and the African Personality: 143A Discourse on African Cultural Identity James Conyers

Cultural Helix Theory: Language, Life, and Rhythm 161 Paul Easterling

Black in the Saddle: The Best Bull Rider You Never Saw 183 Demetrius W. Pearson

African American Culture and Oral History: 197A Social Study of Lawnside, New Jersey James L. Conyers, Jr.

Contributors 211

Index 213

Preface

This edition of the serial, Africana Studies: A Review of Social Sci-ence Research, focuses on the theme of Racial Structure and Radical Politics in Contemporary Africa. Racial structures can be referred to as, the study of Africana communities and their formation globally. Like-wise, the representation of radical politics advances itself to describe and evaluate the process of obtaining, affi rming, and exercising sovereignty from an alternative aspect. The essays aggregated in this volume, aspire to query, precipitate analysis, and offer a contribution to the forward fl ow of knowledge, as it pertains to social scientifi c approaches to describing and evaluating Africana phenomena.

Equally important, with a national election, to take place within months, U.S. citizens begin to exhibit an aesthetic of perplexity, concern-ing what drives interest, incentives, and structural approaches to outlin-ing the culture of politics. Indeed, this posture has a direct and indirect emphasis on African Americans. Certainly, issues and schema of race, gender, class, are comparative variables, which render investigation to this dialogue. Additionally, this volume, seeks to probe the themes of: agency, community studies, social stratifi cation, identity privilege, and market cultural enterprises of consumerism. Finally, this interdisciplinary approach provides readers with an alternative analysis of describing and evaluating Racial Structure and Radical Politics.

vii

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis

Beth Johnson

On January 3, 1921, The Broad Ax, a local black newspaper in Chicago, announced the opening of the Binga State Bank located at 3452 South State Street (since demolished). Jesse Binga (1865-1950) selected this location as the “corner around which Negro business would revolve.”1 To help spur the development of the neighborhood, he fi nanced the devel-opment of the 35th Street Arcade as well as purchased and leased other properties in the neighborhood allowing for the cultivation of a commu-nity in which blacks could live, work, and play outside of the oppressions of racism. The total cost to erect these two buildings exceeded $600,000. As a result of the establishment of the bank, the Black Metropolis (also referred to as Bronzeville and the Black Belt) was able to grow and fl our-ish; money was available to the African-American community when there was previously no access to the economic benefi ts of a bank. This gave blacks the opportunity to buy homes, invest in their own businesses, and develop their own community.2 Until its closing in 1930, the bank and Binga’s involvement in the neighborhood helped the African-American community prosper economically and socially.

Prior to the establishment of the Black Metropolis, there was no single cohesive African-American community. Blacks were scattered throughout the city located in close proximity to their places of employ-ment. Between 1850 and 1870 new technology aided growing industries; African Americans came to Chicago to take advantage of the benefi ts of manufacturing jobs within growing industries and make a better life. By 1870, the largest concentration of African Americans was located between 12th Street and 39th Street. The western border was defi ned by industrial properties and railroads; the eastern boundary was defi ned by affl uent white neighborhoods. The Black Belt contained the highest

1

2 Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

concentration of African American people in Chicago developing into an independent commercial and social strip. By 1900 the Black Metropolis was well established as a city within the city, a community that satisfi ed its own demand for goods and services.

Bronzeville initially began to fl ourish with the creation of the fi rst Binga Bank, a privately held black bank founded in 1908. The bank, located at 3633 S. State Street, was instrumental in the establishment and growth of businesses, entertainment and housing opportunities for blacks.

Jesse Binga, the man behind the bank, was born in Detroit in 1865. His parents were extremely infl uential introducing a strong work ethic to him and his seven siblings at an early age. He received a high school educa-tion and studied law for two years. In addition to his formal education his parents stressed the importance of obtaining diversity in vocational skills. He worked in his father’s barbershop and helped his mother with her real estate concerns.3

After leaving home Binga traveled west to explore Washington, Idaho, Montana, and Utah. In Idaho, he made a signifi cant profi t on a real estate transaction where he bought 20 lots in a small town called Pocatello and

Figure 1Binga Bank

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis 3

sold them for a handsome profi t.4 With these proceeds he relocated to Chicago, opening a real estate business at 3331 South State Street during the late 1890s5. His business prospered, allowing him to move to more desirable offi ce space on the fi rst fl oor of the Bates apartment building located at 3637 South State Street. Whites rented most of the units in the building, but after Binga signed a long-term lease, the residential makeup shifted toward African Americans. In 1905 he purchased the building. As a result, Binga gained the reputation of being a pioneer—opening doors for Negroes into white neighborhoods.6

Binga was intelligent and took advantage of an economic opportu-nity to create wealth. He arrived in Chicago just prior to the World’s Columbian Exposition of 1893, during a period of time when there was signifi cant activity and opportunity on the South Side. African Americans in Chicago were particularly sensitive to the lack of their involvement in planning the event and minimal attention given to the representation of their accomplishments. Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862-1931) was moved to write and distribute The Reason Why the Colored American Is Not in the World’s Columbian Exposition: The Afro-American’s Contribution to Columbian Literature at the Fair.

Figure 2Jesse Binga, ca. 1925

4 Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), at the request of President Florvil Hippolyte, was chosen to represent the country of Haiti, having served as United States minister to the country from 1891 to 1893. Douglass took up a daily vigil at Haiti’s pavilion, and from this position, he drew attention to not only the accomplishments of the tiny island nation, but also the lack of participation by African Americans at the Fair. The Hai-tian pavilion served as the headquarters for African Americans during the Exposition. Jesse Binga, Paul Lawrence Dunbar (1872-1906), Booker T. Washington (1856-1915), James Weldon Johnson (1871-1938) were among many blacks who attended the Fair.7

After the Fair closed, many of those who came to Chicago to help build the fairgrounds left to return to their homes or look for another viable employment opportunity. This resulted in a glut in the housing market and an opportunity for Binga to build his real estate business. Most of the existing housing in the neighborhood was unappealing to whites. These accommodations proved to be satisfactory for blacks who lived in less desirable neighborhoods and accommodations. White property owners did not protest black occupancy as their focus was on the profi t-ability of their real estate. An increase in real estate rentals and purchases by blacks led to the growth of the black population on the South Side.

Figure 3Binga Bank: 3633 South State Street

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis 5

Binga’s success in real estate prompted him to open a private bank at 3633 South State Street in 1908.

With the establishment of Binga Bank in 1908, the vicinity of State and 35th streets was rapidly transformed into the Wall Street of the black community providing a wide variety of commercial enterprises. Up until the time of the “Great Migration,” the black business community was largely housed in existing residential and small storefront buildings that were adapted for business purposes, often with unsatisfactory results. One of the fi rst notable enterprises in the area was Café de Champion established in 1912 by prizefi ghter, Jack Johnson. The property was lo-cated at 4 West 31st Street and featured a three-story structure housing a cabaret on the fi rst fl oor, a private dining room on the second fl oor, and an apartment for Johnson on the third fl oor.8

New construction was limited mainly to a handful of small one- and two-story structures and was erected as investments by white speculators who kept an eye on the growing potential of the black economic market. One of the fi rst new-construction projects in the Black Belt occurred in 1916, when ground was broken for the Jordan Building, at the northeast corner of State and 36th streets.9 It was an impressive three-story com-bination store and apartment building commissioned by songwriter and music publisher Joseph J. Jordan (1882-1971). The establishment of the Jordan Building was closely followed by a series of black-owned and black-fi nanced building projects erected along South State Street.

Jesse Binga, Anthony Overton, Robert S. Abbott, Robert T. Motts, and John “Mushmouth” Johnson were the most prominent black entrepreneurs who signifi cantly contributed to the development and economic growth of the Black Metropolis. Anthony Overton (1865-1947) commissioned the most important series of buildings, which included the Overton Hygienic Building, a combination store, offi ce, and manufacturing building built in 1922; the Chicago Bee Building, built in 1929 and housed the Chicago Bee newspaper; and the seven-story Knights of Pythias building erected in 1926 by a prominent lodge order followed plans designed by Chicago’s fi rst licensed black architect, Walter T. Bailey (1882-1941).

Overton was one of the most prominent economic investors in the neighborhood during its development. He was born in Monroe, Louisiana and grew up in Kansas. His father, a merchant, infl uenced his decision to become an entrepreneur. After putting his efforts into law and other interests he ultimately returned to business. Overton married and moved to Kingfi sh County, Oklahoma with thoughts of starting his own town, but when physically threatened by the whites, he decided to move to

6 Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

Kansas City, Kansas, where he opened the Overton Hygienic Manufac-turing Company in 1898. His company manufactured “baking powder, fl avoring extracts and toilet preparations.” The business was prosperous and Overton relocated the facilities to Chicago in 1911. In this new lo-cation, the product line grew from 52 to 72 products including a line of cosmetics branded as High Brown.

In an attempt to provide for the needs of the residents and build the economic strength of the community, Overton chartered the Douglass National Bank in 1922—housed in the Overton Hygienic Building—and established the Victory Life Insurance Company in 1924 with offi ces located at 3619-27 South State Street. The Overton Hygienic Building was designed to be a four-story brick and terra cotta structure. The sec-ond fl oor of the building was rented to black professionals and the upper fl oors were used as offi ces for other Overton enterprises. In anticipation of future growth, the elevator and mechanical shaft were built two stories above the structure to allow for additional fl oors to be constructed.

In 1929 Overton hired Z. Erol Smith to design the headquarters of the Chicago Bee, located at 3647-55 South State Street. Overton had previ-ously retained Smith, a white South Side architect, to draw plans for the Overton Hygienic Building. The Chicago Bee building was designed in the art deco style and featured apartments on the second fl oor with offi ces for the Bee on the ground fl oor. Later, the second fl oor would be converted to offi ce space for the Overton Hygienic Company and Douglass National Bank.

Meeting the standards to obtain a state charter in 1921, Jesse Binga was able to establish his second bank—Binga State Bank.10 The new home for the bank was erected in 1924 at 3452 South State Street. His wife, Eudora, contributed her inheritance along with the proceeds from his real estate transactions to help secure the fi nancial footing of Binga State Bank and establish it as the centerpiece for black business. Gam-bling syndicate owner, John “Mushmouth” Johnson, who amassed his wealth during the turn of the century, left the bulk of his estate to his sister Eudora when he died in 1907 (adding between $500,000 and $750,000 to other family money she inherited).11

To address the growing needs of the community, the Binga Arcade Building was erected next door to Binga State Bank in 1929 at 3458 South State Street. It incorporated two fl oors of shops, two fl oors of of-fi ces, and a large fi fth-fl oor assembly hall.12 Binga took great pride in the 35th and State business district, the growth of which he watched from its inception at the turn of the century. He was outspoken regarding the

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis 7

attempts to undermine it by the largely white-owned properties along 47th Street, stating in a 1928 Chicago Defender interview:

Most people don’t realize it, but practically all our business institutions and our most substantial investments are located on or near 35th Street. Not less than $3,000,000 is invested by our people in commercial property in the area fi ve blocks north and fi ve blocks south of 35th Street between State and Cottage Grove. There is the Defender plant, Liberty Life Insurance Company, the YMCA, Pythian Temple, our largest un-dertaking establishments, the Overton interests, our most important hospitals, clubs and the bulk of our residential real estate investments.13

Prior to the building of Binga State Bank and Arcade, The Chicago Defender moved into the neighborhood, bringing more jobs and adding to the economic development. In 1920 Robert S. Abbott (1870-1940), founder of the Defender, took over a Jewish synagogue at 3435 South Indiana Avenue, where he published the newspaper for 40 years. The Chicago Defender got its start on May 5, 1905, when Abbott printed the fi rst issue of his paper. He worked out of a kitchen in his landlord’s apartment with an initial investment of 25 cents and a press run of 300 copies. The fi rst issues of the Defender were in four-page six-column handbills fi lled with local news and clippings from other papers.

As a northern paper, the Defender had more freedom to denounce is-sues outright, and its editorial position was very militant, attacking racial inequities head-on. Sensationalistic headlines, graphic images, and red ink were utilized to capture the reader’s attention and convey the horrors of lynching, rape, assault, and other atrocities affecting black Americans. The Chicago Defender’s local circulation soon surpassed that of the three rival papers that existed in the Chicago area at that time: The Broad Ax, The Illinois Idea, and The Conservator (the fi rst black newspaper in Chicago).14 The newspaper was read extensively in the South. Black Pullman porters and entertainers were used to distribute the paper across the Mason-Dixon line. The paper was smuggled into the South because white distributors refused to circulate The Chicago Defender and many groups, such as the Ku Klux Klan, tried to confi scate it or threatened its readers. The Defender was passed from person to person, and read aloud in barbershops and churches. It is estimated that at its height, each paper sold was read by four to fi ve African Americans, putting its readership at over 500,000 people each week.

During World War I, The Chicago Defender waged its most aggres-sive (and successful) campaign in support of the Great Migration. This movement resulted in an increase of 148.5 percent in Chicago’s black population between 1910 and 1920.15 The Defender spoke of the hazards

8 Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

of remaining in the overtly segregated South and lauded life in the North. Job listings and train schedules were posted to facilitate the relocation. The Chicago Defender also used editorials, cartoons, and articles with blazing headlines to attract attention to the movement, and even went so far as to declare May 15, 1917 the date of the “Great Northern Drive.” The Defender’s support of the movement caused southern readers to mi-grate to the North in record numbers. The African-American population in Chicago grew from 34,335 to 92,501 from 1910-1920, nearly tripling the city’s black population.16

During the Great Migration, Jesse Binga was still active in the real estate market. With the population growing in the Black Metropolis, housing, jobs and other services were even more important. In order to take advantage of this opportunity, Binga located his real estate offi ce at 4742 South State Street. The street became known as “Binga Block” after he purchased all property on State Street between 47th Street and 48th Street in an effort to sustain the economic viability of Bronzeville. There were 21 stores and 54 fl ats located on the block, which helped extend the Black Belt farther south.17

The Black Metropolis thrived. Business was good in all aspects. More people had disposable income and there was a growing demand for entertainment in the area, since blacks were still not allowed in white establishments. This new economic growth spurred the development of the entertainment and gambling industries in the community initiated at the turn of the century by two business partners, John “Mushmouth” Johnson and Robert T. Motts.

Johnson partnered with Motts who was owner of the popular Pekin Inn at 2700 South State Street. Based upon the success of the Inn, the two of them opened the Pekin Theater in 1900 catering to an interracial audi-ence. The establishment of the Pekin was the catalyst for the development of a dynamic entertainment area in the Black Metropolis. Johnson and Motts fl ourished. Johnson built enough wealth to allow him to purchase property on State, Dearborn, and Federal Streets between Harrison and Polk. Upon his death, Motts became a benefi ciary of Johnson’s will. He received a substantial sum of money, which enabled him to revamp the Pekin Inn and reintroduce it as the Pekin Temple of Music. It was an immediate success. Motts’ sister and her husband, Lucy and Dan Jack-son, would continue to run the theater after his death. Jackson owned a funeral parlor next door to the Pekin. He would eventually create the Metropolitan Funeral Systems Association, one of the most important businesses on the South Side.

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis 9

In November 1912, “Mushmouth’s” brother inherited the remainder of his estate and leased property at 3518 South State Street (across the street from Binga Bank) and opened the Dreamland Café, one of the most popular establishments during that era. At 3030 South State Street the Elite Café opened next door to the Monogram Theater. Henry Teenan Jones, a local businessman, owned The Elite. He helped Frank Leland establish his fi rst baseball club in Chicago. In 1915, Jones opened the Elite #2 at 3445 South State Street. It was an elaborate building featur-ing a white glazed brick façade and was known as an after-hours club. By the time World War I started, State Street was transformed into an economic hot spot of dancehalls, theaters and nightclubs frequented by blacks and whites.

At the end of World War I jobs became scarce. White veterans were given priority in hiring practices. Opportunities for blacks were even more limited as the Depression approached. The post-war boon in jobs was depleted, resulting in a signifi cant rise in black unemployment. There was an economic shift in the Black Metropolis.

Binga State Bank, along with the other local area banks, was a member of the Chicago Clearing House Association (CCHA), which served as underwriter to the funds held at these establishments. Binga sent a rep-resentative to CCHA to ask for a loan of “a couple of hundred thousand dollars” to see him through bank diffi culties. State auditor, Oscar Nelson determined that an amount of $400,000 was needed and refused to grant the loan. Binga approached Nelson stating that he had funds in the amount of a certifi ed check for $200,000 to use to keep the bank open, but the CCHA refused to support the bank without consideration of this effort. On July 31, 1930 Binga State Bank closed.18 As a result, the faith of the customers at other banks was shaken and depositors began to withdraw their money resulting in the closing of several other banks. Subsequently Jesse Binga was accused and convicted of embezzlement.

Binga always maintained his innocence in the debacle. As he stated to the press, if he was a dishonest man, he “would not have turned over his entire personal fortune of $482,000 in an effort to re-open the bank and rescue the money of the depositors.”19 After serving three years in prison, he was paroled from Joliet penitentiary in 1938 and given a full pardon by Gov. Dwight H. Green on April 12, 1941.20

The Black Metropolis began to decline in the mid-1920s. Although the population grew rapidly as a result of the Great Migration, the community was not able to continue this development after the closing of Binga State Bank. The community made several efforts to revive the bank but these

10 Racial Structure and Radical Politics in the African Diaspora

attempts were not successful. After the bank closed, it sat empty for quite sometime. In an effort to resurrect the confi dence of the African-Ameri-can community, a prominent African-American physician purchased it in August 1943 for a price of $75,000. Dr. Claude W. Raines bought it to “keep it fresh in the memory of those who aided its development.”21 He wanted it to serve as a reminder that blacks had not lost everything. The bank was eventually demolished in 1952 (along with most of the other historic buildings in the neighborhood) during Chicago’s urban renewal initiative. The legacy of Binga Bank continues to be recognized for its signifi cance in the development of the Black Metropolis.

Notes

1. Hugh Gardner. “Jesse Binga, Former Banker Dies Penniless at 85,” The Chicago Defender. 24 June 1950 p. 2.

2. Arnett G. Lindsay, “The Negro in Banking,” The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 14, No. 2. (Apr., 1929), p. 192.

3. Inez V. Cantey, “Jesse Binga,” Crisis 34, December 1927.4. Carl Osthaus. “The Rise and Fall of Jesse Binga, Black Financier,” Journal of

Negro History, Vol. 58 No. 1 (January 1973) p. 40.5. Ibid. p.416. “Notes,” The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 13, No. 2. (Apr., 1928), p. 220.7. Dempsey J. Travis, “Chcago Jazz Trails, 1893-1950,” Black Music Research

Journal, Vol. 10, No. 1. (Spring, 1990), p. 828. J. Hockley Smiley, “Jack Johnson Opens the Café de Champion,” The Chicago

Defender. July 13, 1912, p. 1.9. “NEW OFFICE BUILDING.” October 21,1916. The Chicago Defender, p. 6.

Figure 4Binga Arcade Building and Binga Bank, ca. 1952

Binga Bank and the Development of the Black Metropolis 11

10. “NEW STATE LAW TO WIPE OUT 40 PRIVATE BANKS: Twenty Others Come Under Supervision.” December 30, 1920. Chicago Daily Tribune, p. 3.

11. “Mrs. Binga, Wife of Ex-Banker, Is Dead: Goes to Reward After Long Career of Service.” April 1, 1933. The Chicago Defender, p. 1.

12. “Jesse Binga Adds New Land Mark City’s South Side,” The Chicago Defender. 16 February 1929, p. 2

13. “Industry and Business.” August 4, 1928. The Chicago Defender, p. 4.14. The Conservator was established by a prominent black attorney, Ferdinand Barnett,

who later married civil rights activist Ida B. Wells (1862-1931). Wells bought the paper and served as editor and chief of the publication, using it as a tool to express her opinions on the maltreatment of African Americans during the time. They resided at 3624 South Parkway (now M.L. King Drive) and were associated with the Black Metropolis community.

15. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis. I:178-211.16. William M. Tuttle, Jr. “Contested Neighborhoods and Racial Violence: Prelude

to the Chicago Riot of 1919.” The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 55, No. 4 (Oct., 1970), pp. 266-288.

17. “JESSE C. BINGA THE REAL ESTATE WIZARD: Is Still Reaching Upward and Outward THE LARGEST REAL ESTATE DEAL IN CHICAGO Leases for Thirty Years, a Block of Stores and Flats, the Property at 4712-4752 State Street.” November 5, 1910. The Chicago Defender, p. 1.

18. “BINGA BANK IS ORDERED CLOSED FOR STATE AUDIT: Report Frozen Assets at Colored Institution.” August 1, 1930. Chicago Daily Tribune, p. 6.

19. “Jesse Binga, Ex-Banker, Freed,” The Chicago Defender. 05 March 1938, p. 1.20. “GREEN PARDONS NEGRO BANKER, AN EMBEZZLER.” April 18, 1941.

Chicago Daily Tribune, p. 2.21. “Binga Bldg. Purchased by Dr Raines,” The Chicago Defender. August 28, 1943,

p. 20.

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