Public Open Spaces in Bahrain - White Rose eTheses Online

PublicOpenSpacesinBahrain:ThePotentialforTransculturalConviviality

By:

WafaAl-Madani

AthesissubmittedinpartialfulfilmentoftherequirementsforthedegreeofDoctorofPhilosophy

TheUniversityofSheffieldFacultyofSocialScienceDepartmentofLandscape

June2018

i

Acknowledgments

Iwould like toexpressmy immenseanddeepsenseofgratitudetomysupervisor,Dr.Clare

Rishbeth,forhercontinuedinvaluableguidanceandinspiration.Dr.Rishbethhasencouraged

methroughouttheyearsofthePhDandsupportedmetogrowasanacademicresearcher.I

havealsobeenfortunatetohaveDr.NicolaDempseyasaco-supervisor.Iwouldliketodeeply

thankDr.Dempsey forbeingtherewhenever Ineeded.Thankyoumysupervisors,youhave

alwaystakenyourtimeto,sogenerously,shareyourknowledgeandideaswithme.Iextend

mythanksalsotothestaffinthedepartmentoflandscapeforallthesupporttheyprovided.

IalsoofferaspecialwordofthankstotheUniversityofBahrainforgivingmethisopportunity

tocontinuemystudy in theUniversityofSheffield. Iamverygrateful for the funding Ihave

receivedfromthemformystudy.

I am indebted and very thankful to all my family. Deep thanks to my parents for their

unstintingsupportthroughouttheyearsofmyeducation.Thankyoumysistersandbrothers,I

appreciateallyourhelp,encouragement,andsupport.Mywarmgratitudeandappreciationto

myhusbandEbrahimandmysonsKhalil,TalalandFaisal.ThankyouEbrahimforyoursupport

andyourbeliefinmeandthankyoumychildrenforyourpatienceandmotivationyouoffered

metoaccomplishthiswork.

Finally,thisPhDisdedicatedtomylovelycountry,Bahrain.

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Abstract

This research investigated how theories of conviviality, transcultural cities and everyday

encountersinpublicopenspaces(POS)areinterrelated,andexploredthesedynamicsthrough

fieldwork in Bahrain. Throughout its history, Bahrain developed a fluid population ofmulti-

ethnic origin, and the later oil boom has led to a population increase mostly among non-

Bahraini migrant residents, who now account for more than 50% of the population. This

researchusedaqualitativemethodology,integratingobservation,on-siteshortinterviews,in-

depthgo-alonginterviewsandexpertinterviews.TheparticipantsincludedbothBahrainiand

migrant groups from different origins and generations. The intention was to understand

diverse personal interpretations and socio-spatial associations and analyse these alongside

differentpatternsofuseinPOS.Thisresearchfocusedoneightcasestudyareasincludingboth

formal and informal POS in different cities. The findings explored the importance of POS in

Bahrain for transculturalpracticesanddevelopinga senseofbelongingacrossdifferences. It

highlightedhowtheseplacessupportpositivemigrantsexperiences inBahrain.Thevariation

ofcasestudiesaddressedspatialandtemporalaffordancesfordifferentleisureactivitiesand

patternsofoutdoorsociabilityanddemonstratedhowthesereflectdifferentculturalvalues.

Theresearchalso foundthatdifferent transculturalpractices inPOSsupportconvivialityand

meaningful encounters. However, the findings also explored that conflicts arise from the

complexity of cultural differences in transcultural cities. Parenting and littering appeared as

cultural differences regarding social responsibility in public spaces. Although these are

mundaneconflicts,ignoringthemmayhavewidespreadimplicationsbothforthevalueofPOS

and intercultural exchanges within the city. The research engaged theory with practice,

utilising the social justice agenda proposed by Low and Iveson (2016) to shape the

responsibility of professional practice inmaintaining the responsiveness of public spaces in

urbancontextsofculturalcomplexity.Thisresearchsuggeststhattosupportconvivialityand

to respond positively to cultural differences in POS, embedding an understanding of

transculturalurbanisminlandscapearchitectureplanning,designandmanagementcanbean

effectiveandethicalapproachinbothBahrainandthewiderGulfregion.

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TableofcontentsAcknowledgments i

Abstract iii

ListofTables,FiguresandCaseStudyPortfolios xiii

ChapterOne:Introduction 1

1.1Questioningthe‘public’inopenspace 1

1.2UnderstandingBahrain 4

1.3Transculturalcities 7

1.4Livingwithdifference:Convivialityandencounter 9

1.5Socio-spatialdimension 10

1.6Aimsandobjectives 11

1.7Structureofthethesis 12

ChapterTwo:LiteratureReview 13

2.1Introduction 13

2.2Transculturalcities 13

2.2.1Anemergingdiscourse 13

2.2.2Transnationalmigrationandhybridityincities 16

2.2.3Migrantexperiencesinanewplace 17

2.2.4TransculturalBahrain 19

2.2.4.1HistoricisinghybridityinBahrain 20

2.2.4.2ContemporarymigrationsinBahrain 22

2.2.4.3ComplexitieswithculturaldiversityinBahrain 24

2.2.5Complexitiesintransculturalcities 25

2.3Convivialityandeverydaydiversityinpublicspaces 27

2.3.1Convivialityandencounters 27

2.3.2Meaningfulencounters 30

2.3.2.1Materiality 32

2.3.2.2Temporality 35

2.3.3Hospitality:Amoralvalue 37

2.3.4Conflictswithinconviviality 38

2.4Urbanpublicopenspaces:Socialvaluesanduses 40

2.4.1ActivitiesandculturaldiversityinPOS 40

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2.4.2SocialvaluesofPOS 43

2.4.2.1Restorationvalues 43

2.4.2.2Socialcohesion 45

2.4.2.3TheimportanceofPOSfornewmigrants 47

2.4.3Importantroleofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS 48

2.5Framingsocio-spatialimplicationsoftransculturalurbanismwithcommitmenttosocialjusticeinPOS 50

2.5.1Publicspaceanddistributivejustice 51

2.5.2Publicspaceandrecognition 53

2.5.3Publicspace,encounterandinteractionaljustice 55

2.5.4Publicspaceandcareandrepair 57

2.5.5Publicspaceandproceduraljustice 58

2.6Conclusion 60

ChapterThree:MethodologyandMethods 63

3.1Introduction 63

3.2Qualitativeapproach 64

3.3Ethnographicapproach 65

3.4Casestudyapproach 67

3.4.1Selectionofcasestudies 69

3.5Fieldworkmethods 71

3.5.1Broadscope:Fieldobservationandon-siteshortinterviews 74

3.5.1.1Fieldobservation 75

3.5.1.2On-siteshortinterviews 87

3.5.2In-depthethnography:Go-alonginterviews 90

3.5.3Expertinterviews 94

3.5.4Overviewoffieldworkmethods 103

3.6Qualitativedataanalysis 104

3.6.1Organisingandtranscribingofdata 104

3.6.2Coding 105

3.6.3Structuring 106

3.6.4UsingofQDAsoftware 107

3.7Positionalityandreflexivity 108

3.8Ethicalconsideration 110

3.9Conclusion 111

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ChapterFour:TheSelectedCaseStudyAreas 113

4.1Introduction 113

4.2PublicopenspacesandurbanforminBahrain 113

4.3Locationoftheselectedcasestudyareas 116

4.4Theportfolioofthecasestudies 118

4.5Conclusion 119

ChapterFive:UnderstandingtheEverydayPatternsofDiversityinPublicOpenSpaces 121

5.1Introduction 121

5.2Formalpublicopenspaces:ParksandGardens 123

5.2.1Users’diversity 123

5.2.2Dailytemporality 125

5.2.3Seasonalpatternsofuse 131

5.2.3.1Climate 131

5.2.3.2Schoolterms 135

5.2.3.3Events 136

5.3Pedestrianisedurbanspaces 137

5.3.1SahatinthePearlingTrail 137

5.3.1.1Users’diversity 138

5.3.1.2Dailytemporality 138

5.3.2.BabAl-BahrainSquareandSouq 141



5.3.3Amwaj-lagoonandBlock-338 145



5.3.4Seasonalpatterninpedestrianisedurbanspaces 153

5.4Informalandincidentalpublicopenspaces 154

5.5Religiousobservances 160

5.5.1Prayertimes 160

5.5.2ThetemporalityofRamadanMonth 161

5.5.3ThetemporalityofEiddays 163

5.5.4Muharram 164

5.6Politicaluprisinginthefield 165

5.7MovementBarriers 166

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5.8Multi-sensorypleasuresofsocialisingoutdoors 168

5.9Conclusion 173

ChapterSix:VisibilityofCulturalDifferenceandAffordancesforConviviality 175

6.1Introduction 175

6.2Affordancesoftheresearchcontext 177

6.2.1HybridityandcommonplacediversityinBahrain 177

6.2.2Interculturalsustainedrelations 179

6.3Memoryandtransculturalpractices:SenseofbelonginginPOS 180

6.3.1InBabAl-BahrainSouqandSquare:LittleIndia 180

6.3.2Parksandgardens:like-homedesertpracticesandchildhoodmemories 183

6.4TransculturalbondinginPOS 185

6.5Thevisibilityofbeingoutside:Acknowledgingorjudgingdifferences? 187

6.6Mundanemoraljudgementsinparksandgardens 188

6.6.1Cleanlinessresponsibilities 189

6.6.2Parentingresponsibilitiesandchildren’smanners 191

6.7Affordancesforsociabilityinstreets:Permeabilityandwalkability 195

6.7.1Fromestrangementtofamiliarity 196

6.7.2Neighbourliness 197

6.8Affordancesforsociabilityinparksandgardens:Beingoutdoorandsharedpatternsofuse 200

6.8.1Acquaintanceshipandsharingtemporalities 200

6.8.2Informalsolidaritiesamongfemaleparkusers 202

6.8.3Familyatmosphereforlonemigrants 203

6.8.4Encouraginghealthyactivities 204

6.9Spatio-temporalnegotiationacross-differencesinsharingPOS 205

6.9.1Genderinasharedspace 206

6.9.2Playingsport 210

6.10Conclusion 212

ChapterSeven:ContributiontoDevelopingTheory 215

7.1Introduction 215

7.2Transculturalcitiesandasenseofbelonging:Beingyourselfinanewplace 216

7.2.1Patternsofsociabilitysupportingtransculturalpractices 217

7.2.2Memorytriggersinpubliclandscapes 218

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7.2.3Wellbeingandoutdoortransculturalprocess

andpracticesinaridclimate 218

7.2.4Connectingmigrantsandurbanheritageintransculturalcities 219

7.2.5Visibilityofdifference:Opportunitiesandapprehensions 220

7.2.6Movingtowardsauthenticbelongingintransculturalcities 221

7.3Theoriesofconvivialityandencounteracrossdifferences 222

7.3.1MeaningsofeverydayconvivialityinPOS 223

7.3.1.1Wellbeingandinclusivity 223

7.3.1.2Egalitarianpracticesofoutdoorleisure 224

7.3.2POSasconnectiveconvivialitysites:cross-culturalsocialbenefits 225

7.3.2.1WaysinwhichqualitiesofPOScansupportmeaningfulencounters 225

7.3.2.2Intersectionofgenderandmigration:Socialsupportformigrantwomenandmalemigrantworkersinuseofpublicspace 227

7.3.2.3Towardssociallyresponsivespaces 228

7.4ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOS:Complexityoftransculturalcities 229

7.4.1Parentingandlitteringinpublic:Culturaldifferencesandsocialresponsibility 229

7.4.2OpportunitiesfornegotiationinPOSsupportconviviality 231

7.5Conclusion 233

ChapterEight:ContributiontoDevelopingPractice 235

8.1Introduction 235

8.2Comparingfindingsfromfieldworkandexpertinterviews 237

8.2.1RecognitionofhowdiversityshapesthepracticeofoutdoorrecreationinBahrainPOS 237

8.2.1.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings 237

8.2.1.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork 238

8.2.1.3Comparison 238

8.2.2UnderstandingbarrierstoaccessforusingPOSinBahrain 239




8.2.3IdentifyinginterculturalconflictsinuseofPOSinBahrain 241




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8.2.4Ideasofhowtodevelopinclusivemanagementpractice 243




8.3OverviewoftheSocialJusticeandPublicSpacesframework 247

8.4PropositionOne:Publicspaceanddistributivejustice 248

8.5PropositionTwo:Recognitionofdiversity 255

8.6PropositionThree:Socialinteractionaljustice 261

8.7PropositionFour:Repairandcare 268

8.8PropositionFive:Proceduraljustice 273

8.9Conclusion 275

ChapterNine:ConclusionandRecommendations 279

9.1Revisitingthethreevignettes 279

9.2Thekeyfindingsoftheresearchaims 281

9.2.1TheimportanceofPOSfortransculturalprocessanddevelopinganewformofbelonging 281

9.2.2ThescopeofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacrossdifferences:Productivesitesforpositiveencounters 285

9.2.3Socio-spatialimplicationsfortransculturalurbanisminplanning,designandmanagementofPOSwithcommitmenttosocialjusticetosupportconvivialityacrossdifferences 288

9.3SociableandIntegratedCulturallyResponsivePublicSpaces:Aframeworkstrategyforplanning,designandmanagementofPOSinBahrain 289

9.3.1IncreasingthecapacityofPOS:Reducingpressureandpromotingsocialinclusivity 290

9.3.2Legitimisingtheculturalpracticeofbeingoutdoorinmundanespacesandsupportingeverydaysocialencounters 291

9.3.3Facilitatingsocialinclusivityinparksandgardensandincreasingactivities 293

9.3.4Effectivetransparentandcollaborativelyproducedregulation 295

9.4Scopesforembeddingintopolicyandpracticeinothersectors 296

9.4.1Implicationsforthehealthsector 297

9.4.2Implicationsforcommunitycapacitybuilding 297

9.4.3Implicationsfortheheritagesector 298

9.4.4Implicationsforlandscapearchitectureeducation 298

9.5Scopeforfutureacademicresearch 299

9.6Reflectionson(andlimitationsof)thescopeoftheresearchandthefieldworkprocess 300

9.6.1Professionalperspective 301

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9.6.2Engagingwithnotionsofculturalliteracy 301

9.6.3Othermethodologicallimitations 303

9.7Summaryofthesignificantimpactoftheresearch 305

References 307

Appendices 329

AppendixOne:Theethnographiclocationpointsintheselectedcasestudyareas andtheirsurroundingcontexts 329

AppendixTwo:FieldworkProcess 337

AppendixThree:On-siteShortinterviewquestions 340

AppendixFour:ListofOn-siteShortInterviews:Fieldnotes 343

AppendixFive:GuidelineQuestionsforGo-alongInterview 349

AppendixSix:ListofGo-alongInterviews:Fieldnotes 351

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ListofTables,FiguresandCaseStudyPortfolios

ListofTables

Table1.1 Non-BahrainipopulationsinBahrainin2014(Bel-Air,2015). 6Table3.1 Checklistofcriteriainthecasestudyareaselection. 71Table3.2 Summaryoftheconducteddatacollectionmethods. 73Table3.3 Observationpointscategorisedaccordingtothesitespatial

typologiesofPOSintheselectedcasestudyareas. 80Table3.4 Listoftheexpertinterviewsandasummaryofthecoveredtopics. 102Table3.5 Summaryofthefieldworklinkingresearchaimsandmethods. 103Table8.1 Summaryoftheexpertinterviewmethod. 236Table8.2 PlanningstandardsforparksandgardensinBahrain

(MWMAUP,2015). 249Table8.3 Sizeandnumberofparksandgardens

inBahraincomparedtoothercountries(MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning,2012). 250

ListofFigures

Photosaretakenbytheauthorunlessotherwisestated.

Figure1.1 Redaction:Figure1.1removedforconfidentialityreasons (GehlandSvarre,2013). 2

Figures1.2 TheschemeofthefirstwinnerinBABcompetition (MinistryofCulture,2012). 2

Figure1.3 AssigningentryfeesparksinBahrain(Al-A’ali,2017a). 3

Figures1.4 LocationofBahrainwithintheGCCcountries(a). MapofBahrain(SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2011)(b). 4

Figure1.5 PopulationinBahrain(InformationeGovermentAuthority,2017). 5

Figure2.1 FourqualitiesusedbyPPS:spacesareaccessible;peopleareengaged inactivities;thespaceiscomfortableandhasagoodimage; andfinally,itisasociableplace(ProjectforPublicSpaces,2009). 49

Figure3.1 Locationandsignificantcharacteristicsoftheselectedcase studyareas. 70

Figure3.2 Datacollectionmethods. 72

Figure3.3 Researchprocess. 73

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Figure3.4 Fieldnotes,photosandsketchesfromethnographicobservation. 78

Figure3.5 InitiallypredeterminedsamplingpointsinAndalusGarden. 80

Figure3.6 EthnographiclocationpointsinthecontextofAndalusGarden. 81

Figure4.1 BahrainGovernorates(SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2015). 116

Figure4.2 DistributionofBahrainisandnon-Bahrainispopulationin Bahraindistricts(CentralInformaticsOrganization(2011). 117

Figure4.3 LocationofthecasestudyareasontheaerialmapofBahrain (CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013). 118

Figures5.1 Thediversityofusersandeverydaypatternsofuseisvisiblein allparksandgardens,particularlyamongwalkersandrunners. 125

Figures5.2 Morningtimesinparksandgardensarethelessbusywhenuserscanparticipateinactivitiesoftheirchoice(a-c).SunbathingisnotcommoninPOSinBahrainbutcanbeobservedinthemorningduringcoolweather(b). 126

Figures5.3 Studying,workingonlaptops,reading,restingorsleeping

aresomecommonpatternsbymigrantsinparksandgardens, particularlyduringthequietmorninghours. 127

Figure5.4 Agroupofuniversitystudentschosetopreparefortheirexam atHunainiyahParkonabusyFridayafternoon. 128

Figures5.5 Fromthedata,itappearsthattheconceptofhealthandwellbeing influencesthepatternsofuseintheparksandgardens. 129

Figures5.6 Itisafamiliarsighttoseevisitorsinsmallandlargegroups settingoutpicnicmats,foodbasketsandflasks,withsome usersbringingalongradios,boardgames,playingcards, babycotsandchangesofclothingforchildrenandotheritemsthat allowthemtospendfivetoeighthoursawayfromtheirhomes. 130

Figures5.7 Aspacebetweenplantsprovidesprivacyforwomen andiswarminwinter(a).Thegreenridgeisaspatialchoice forafamilyduringlateafternooninthesummer(b). ThegreenplazainKhalifaGardenisanalternativepicnicspot(c). 132

Figures5.8 Alternativesofsittingareas. 134

Figure5.9 Oncrowdeddaysitis‘matonmat’. 135

Figures5.10 Formalandinformaleventsinparksandgardens: DiscoverIslamarrangedbyMuslimmigrantsinBahrainin theparkingareaofAndalus(a);vendinginHunainiyah ParkarrangedbymostlyYemeniwomen(b-d);aformally organisedmarketforthecelebrationofthenationaldayof BahraininKhalifaGarden(e);andaformaleventinAndalus(f). 136

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Figures5.11 Thepedestrianisedstreetsandthebenches,whichareprovided, supporteverydaypatternsofuseinthePearlingTrailarea. 139

Figures5.12 Oneofthesahatsites(micro-POS),watergardenandsouqintheareaofthepedestrianisedPearlingTrailProject. 139

Figures5.13 PatternsofusealongthePearlingTrail. 140

Figure5.14 Theflowofmigrantsinoneofthesouqalleysalongthemall. 141

Figure5.15 TheAtriuminthemallactsasattraction pointformiddleclassuserstoBabAl-BahrainArea. 142

Figure5.16 TheSquareonaFridaynightisaleisure urbanspaceformigrantworkers. 144

Figures5.17 Affordancesofthelagoon-sidewithdiverseactivities thatcaterforthedifferentneedsofage-genderintersections. 147

Figures5.18Examplesofpatternsofdiversityanduseatthelagoonarea. 148

Figure5.19 AgroupofPakistaniwomenhavingpicnicatthelagoon-side. 148

Figures5.20 ThedifferentspatialterritoriesatBlock-338provide affordancesfordifferentresidentsandtouristsneedsinthearea. 149

Figures5.21ThestreetcafésinBlock-338. 150

Figures5.22ThepedestrianisedzoneatBlock-338. 151

Figures5.23 Skateboardinganddogwalkinghavebecomepopular activitiesamongbothmigrantsandBahrainisinAmwaj andBlock-338aswellasinotherurbanlocalities. 152

Figure5.24 Theinformalfabriccoversofthealleysproviding shadefortheusersandtheitemsforsell. 153

Figures5.25 Beingoutdoorsisamundanecultural practiceamongstthediversepopulation. 155

Figures5.26 Vendorsandvegetableshops,usuallyoperated bymigrants,providesocialinteractionpointsinstreets. 156

Figures5.27 Insomedeprivedneighbourhoods,theice-creamvan oracornershopcouldbetheonlyprovidedleisure. 156

Figures5.28 Usingthesidewalk,streetcornersandparking islandforrestingandgatheringbymigrantworkers. 157

Figures5.29 Playingfootballorcricketarecommonin informalPOSbyBahrainisandmigrants. 157

Figures5.30 ‘Gahawi’ortraditionalcoffeehousesin streetsareheritageurbanspacesandprovide socialinteractionpointswithinthediversepopulation. 158

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Figure5.31 Theproximityofreligiousinstitutions. 160

Figures5.32 RamadancannonovertheridgeofHunainiyah(a).ArrangingPublicIftarinBabAl-Bahrainusuallyattracts

migrantworkers(Alwasatnews,2015)(b). 162

Figures5.33 Atraditionaleventinthenightthatprecedes ‘EidAl-Adhha’inHunainiyah. 164

Figures5.34 TheurbantemporalityofMuharram. 165

Figures5.35 Atthebusstop,migrantworkersarevisible. 168

Figure5.36 Bahrainiculturehasastrongrelationshipwithpalmtrees, whicharealsovaluedbymigrants. 169

Figure5.37 TherenownedvalleydesertviewfromtheridgeinHunainiyahsite. 170

Figures5.38 ThetopographyoftheridgeinHunainiyahcreatesa substantiveinformalsettingfortheresidentsinthearea andvisitors(a).Socialsettingandrespectingprivacyontheridge(b). 171

Figures6.1 Interculturalsustainedrelationswereobviousinthefieldwork. 179

Figure6.2 ThesouqinBabAl-BahrainislikeanIndianbazaar. 181

Figures6.3 Theparkingareaisthepreferredspatialchoice formaleleisureactivitiesinHunainiyah. 183

Figures6.4 Visiblepatternsofsociabilityinparksandgardensare supportedbytheaffordancesofthedesignandmanagementof theparksandgardensandtheprovidedlandscapeelements. 185

Figures6.5 Hawkingandlitteringhavebeencriticisedbysome participantsinparksandgardens. 190

Figures6.6 Oneofthesharedmotivationsforgoingtotheparksandgardenisforchildrentoplay. 192

Figure6.7 AsianmigrantparentslookingaftertheirchildreninKhalifaGarden. 193

Figure6.8 ChildrenattheboundaryofAradBayPark. 194

Figures6.9 Inthego-alongethnographytheparticipantwasexchanging regardswithpedestriansduringthejourneyoftheinterview. 197

Figures6.10 Workersfromthesurroundingareashavetheirmeal intheirbreakinAndalusandArad. 204

Figures6.11 Thepicturesshowthespatialchoicesandaffordances ofthedesignedlandscapeelementsforwomen; eitherseekingprivacy(a)orbeingvisible(b). 206

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Figures6.12 Amotherpreparingherplaceforsitting(a),afamilywith picnicequipmentwalkingtotheirpicnicspace(b), andagroupofwomenmovingtotheirplaceofgathering(c). 207

Figures6.13 Familiesarrangingfortheirstayintheparksandgardens. 208

Figures6.14 Sportareascreatevibrantinclusivespaceswhereplayersinteract. 210

Figures6.15 Playingbadmintonhasbecomecommoninparksandgardens(a-b). BoysplayingcricketinaprovidedcourtinSalmaniyaGarden(c). 211

Figures8.1 Theresidentsprovidetheirownbenches,sofasandplants. Similarly,Figure(e)(Rios,2009)isinDubaiandisa typicalinformalsettingintheGulfcities. 253

Figure8.2 Chargingentryfeesproposaltoagarden(DTNews,2015). 256

Figure8.3 TheMunicipalBoardproposestobanmen fromagardeninBahrain(TradeArabiaNews,2015). 258

Figure8.4 Proposaltobaneatingseeds inpublicparksandgardens(Al-A'ali,2015). 258

Figure8.5 Adouble-fencedroundabouttopreventmisuse. 259

Figures8.6 Signshavebeenprovidedatcertainsites inthelanguageoftheintendedmigrantusergroups. 260

Figure8.7 Anoticeboardinagardenintwolanguages. 260

Figures8.8 ‘TheIntervention’isatemporaryprojectheldin BabAl-BahrainSquarein2012(Zakharia,2012aand2012b). 264

Figure8.9 Thepictureshowstheconceptoftacticalurbanism inBlock-338createdbyAl-Riwaqforamarketeventin2012. 265

Figure8.10 Theguardsweretakingcareofchildrenwhowereunsupervised. 270

Figure8.11 AwalkingtrackinAndalusGarden. 271

Figure8.12 TheprojectofParksFriendsisannounced inallparksandgardensinBahrain. 272

CaseStudyPortfolios 118

Photosaretakenbytheauthorunlessotherwisestated.

CaseStudyAreaOne:BabAl-BahrainSquareandSouqinManama

Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.

Thescaleoftheroundaboutinthesquare.(MWAMUP,2014a).

xviii

Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.

Imagea:TheSquaredoesnotactassquare;itismainlyusedbycars;howeverthe,theroundaboutisfullyoccupiedbymigrantworkers.

Imageb:Thepedestrianavenuethroughthenew-erectedmall.

Imagec:CarparkingbetweentheFHandBabAl-Bahrainsquare.

Imaged:AtraditionalAlleyinBabAl-BahrainArea.

Imagee:Aviewfromthesouqtotheoneoftheharbourtowers.

Imagef:Oneofthesouqalleys.

CaseStudyAreaTwo:AndalusGardeninManama


SalmaniyaandAndalusaretwonearbygardensinthisarea.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.

Andalussiteplan.(MWAMUP,2014b)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.

Imagea:Thepedestrianbridgelinksthetwogardensacrosstheroad

Imageb:AviewtoSalmaniyaGardenfromthebridge

Imagec:WalkingtracksinAndalusGarden

Imaged:ThesittingareawitharcadedesigninAndalusGarden

CaseStudyAreaThree:PedestrianQuarter,Block-338inManama



Imagea:Al-RiwaqArtSpace

Imageb:ViewinBlock-338–Amural

Imagec:ViewinBlock-338–Apedestrianstreet

Imaged:ViewinBlock-338-Alfrescocafé

CaseStudyAreaFour:‘Sahat’inthePearlingTrailProjectinMuharraq




Imagea:AtraditionalalleyinMuharraq

Imageb:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)

Imagec:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)

Imaged:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)

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Imagee:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)

Imagef:Duringrestoration

Imageg:Lifepatterninthenight

CaseStudyAreaFive:AradBayParkinMuharraq


SitePlan(SupremeCouncilforEnvironment,2014)


Imagea:Oneoftheelevatedpedestrianbridgeslinkingtheparktotheneighbourhood(MWAMUP,2014c).

Imageb:Thewalkwaytrack

Imagec:Thewoodenwalkingbridgeoverthebay.

Imaged:ExamplesofMarinalifeintheprotectedbay

Imagee:ExamplesofMarinalifeintheprotectedbay

CaseStudyAreaSix:Amwaj-lagooninMuharraq

Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)


Amwaj:AnartificialIslandandagatedcommunity.(AmwajIslands,2007)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.

Imagea:Sittingareas

Imageb:Thelagoon

Imagec:Pedestrianpathwaywithrestaurantsandcafé

CaseStudyAreaSeven:KhalifaAl-KubraGardeninRiffa

Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)

Relativelywell-deignedandlargegarden,aboutthesizeofanationalpark,locatedamidsthouses

Siteplan.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.

Imagea:Alfrescocafésinthecommercialcentrenexttothegarden

Imageb:Apathwaythroughthegarden

Imagec:Viewtothegardenfromtheridge

Imaged:Aviewoutsidethegardenboundaryshowsthefence

Imagee:Thegreenridge

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CaseStudyAreaEight:HunainiyahParkinRiffa

Locationofthestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)


Siteplan(MWAMUP,2014a)

Imagea:Viewfromtheridgetothegarden.AlongstairfromtheneighbourhoodtotheHunainiyahvalleyisprovidedforthepedestrians.

Imageb:Thepark

Imagec:Thefortoverlookingthepark

Imaged:Migrantsplayingcricketinthepreparedlandsforsport.

1

ChapterOne:Introduction

1.1Questioningthe‘public’inopenspace

ThreepublicspacesinBahrainareeffectivetointroduceasvignettesofhowpublicsphereand

publicspaceareimportanttobeunderstoodinrelationtoeachother.Butfirst,adatestamp.

17December2010isconsideredthebeginningoftheArabuprising(orArabSpring).Asparkin

TunisiaignitedarevolutionthatspreadtootherArabcountries,wherepoliticalassemblies

tookplaceinurbanopenspacessuchasTahrirSquareinEgypt.Sincethen,inanydiscoursesin

thepublicdomainaboutpublicspacesintheArabworld,concernsaredirectedtowardsthe

ArabSpring.LowandIveson(2016)claimthatfromtheArabSpringthereemergedanew

spatialrelationshipbetweenthepublicsphereandpublicspaces.Theroleofurbandesignand

managementinthisrelationshipshouldbeemphasised(ibid).

Inthelast15years,Bahrainhaswitnessedaneraofreformstowardssocio-economic

developmentanddemocracythatallowsthefreedomofexpressionofpublicopinion.In

February2011,protestsinBahraintookplaceatthePearlRoundabout(Figure1.1onpage2),

thoughwithdifferentaimsfromtheArabSpring,toemulatethepoliticaluprisingsthathad

emergedfirstinTunisiaandthenEgypt(Bassiounietal.,2011).Parallelwiththesepolitical

factionsattheRoundabout,therewerenationalassembliesthatwereheldintheopenplaza

oftheAl-FatehGrandMosque,alsotheManamaNationalDialoguewasinitiatedwiththe

intentionofmediatingbetweendifferentgroups.Fromareadingonlandscapesas

‘constitutingconflictingsymbolisms’(Dayaratne,2012,p.2)itcanbeinferredthattheremoval

ofthePearlRoundaboutwastoremoveasymbolofconflictfromthelandscapeofBahrain.

Theplantoremovetheroundaboutcouldalsobeseenasaproposaltoalleviatetraffic

congestioninthearea-thePearlRoundaboutlackedfunctionalaccessibilityasitwasinthe

middleofabusyhighwayjunction1.Therewerealternativenarrativeswhicharguedthatsuch

actionswere“topreventthesitefromfurtheruse”(GehlandSvarre,2013,p.73).Thisvignette

suggeststhatthereisrelationshipbetweentheactivitiesinpublicopenspacesandthepublic

sphere,buttheconceptofpublicnessinthisrelationshipmightnotbeonlyrelevanttothe

1MostgreenurbanspacesintheGulfcountries(suchasroundaboutsandstreetscape)lackfunctionalobjectives(Bolleter,2009).

2

politicaldimensionbutalsotothesocialandculturaldynamics.However,thereislackof

researchoncontemporarypublicspacesintheArabworldandtheirdifferentpatternsofuse.

Figures1.2TheschemeofthefirstwinnerinBABcompetition(MinistryofCulture,2012).

Redaction:Figure1.1removedforconfidentialityreasons(GehlandSvarre,2013).

3

BabAl-BahrainSquareisahistoricalandheritagesite.Itwasthefirstpublicopenspaceinthe

Gulf.ItsnameisderivedfromtheBabAl-Bahrainmonument,whichmeansBahrainGateway.

ThesouqthatisdirectlyaccessedfromthegateisalsoanArabicculturalurbanelement.

Parallelwith2011politicalunrestinBahrain,acompetitionwasheldbytheMinistryofCulture

torethinkthemeaningofcontemporaryurbanspacesintheArabworldthroughare-designof

thisSquare(MinistryofCulture,2012).Thewinningproposal(Figures1.2)recommended

convertingthespaceintoavastwaterbody.Thisconceptisintendedtorepresentthe

transnationalhistoryofthisparticularspace,whichinthepastwastheportthatlinked

Manamaandtheworld,andmorebroadlyofBahrain’smaritimeheritage.However,inseveral

blogs,thechargewasmadethatthepresenceofwaterwasacovertmeansofremovingthe

potentialtoprotestinthisarea,claimingthat‘urbandesignservesastoolofrepressionin

Bahrain’(McEwen,2012).Fromalandscapearchitecturalperspective,thisambiguityand

conflictintheroleofurbanpublicopenspacesinreflectingculturalmeaningsorserving

politicaldemonstrationscouldstemfromalackofunderstandingofthenature,useandvalue

ofthesespacesintheregion.

Parksandgardens’policiesarenotomittedfromthisdynamics.ThethirdvignetteisKhalifa

GardenintheRiffaarea.Assigningentryfeestopublicparksandgardensisawayofexclusion.

ForthefirsttimeinBahrain,anentryfeewasassignedofficially(Figure1.3)toapublicgarden

inFebruary2017(Al-A’ali,2017a).Themunicipalitiesareplanningtoapplyfeestoallpublic

parksandgardensinBahraintocontroldifferentsocialpracticessuchasovercrowding,

lingeringandvandalism(DTNews,2015;DTNews,2017).

Figure1.3AssigningentryfeesparksinBahrain(Al-A’ali,2017a).

4

Thesethreevignettesillustrateagapbetweenthepolitical,culturalandsocialinfluencesand

publicspacesandgeneratequestionsaboutthemanagementofurbanspacesthatposition

thisresearchregardingdecisionsmadeaboutpublicopenspaces(POS)inBahrainwith

differentsocialandculturalvalues.TheseconcernsarisefromthefactthatBahrainhasa

diversepopulaceandthisdiversityisvisibleinurbanopenspaceswithlargemigrant

populations.Theresearchcontextualiseswiththetimeperiodpostthepoliticalunrestofthe

ArabSpring.Thequestioniswhetherthereisaspatialrelationshipbetweenconflictsinthe

publicsphereandpublicspacesorbetweensocialdynamicsonmacro-andmicro-scales.It

alsoreflectshowtheabsenceofculturalgroupsfromparksandgardenscouldaffectinclusion

inthepublicsphere.TheissueishowdifferentculturalpracticesandexpressionsinPOScould

besubjecttosuppressionandrepression,whichcouldadverselyaffectthedifferentculturesin

Bahrain.Thisresearchcouldbeawaytoconnecttheoryandpracticeregardingurbanpublic

spaceandintroduceaconceptualframeworktoinvestigatetheresearchcontextandshape

theresearchquestions.

1.2UnderstandingBahrain

Figures 1.4 Location of Bahrain within theGCC countries (a). Map of Bahrain (SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2011)(b).

5

BahrainisacountrylocatedintheGulfregion(Figures1.4above).Itisthesmalleststateand

theonlyislandintheArabworld.In1981,sixGulfcountries(Kuwait,SaudiArabia,Bahrain,

Qatar,theUnitedArabEmirates,andOman)coalescedtoorganisetheGulfCooperation

Council(GCC)toencompasscultural,socialandeconomiccooperationandprotecttheGulf

identity2intheregion.

Bahrainhasbenefittedfromtheriseinglobaloilpricesandthishasbeenpredominantly

responsibleforanationaleconomicboom.Ithasalsoledtoamassivepopulationincrease

mostlyamongnon-Bahrainitransnationalmigrantresidents,whonowrepresentover50%of

theentirepopulationasillustratedinFigure1.5.“Bahrainisare[themselvesalso]afluid

populationofmulti-ethnicoriginwithnaturallydiverseidentities”(Al-Khalifa,2012,p.58).

Accordingly,theBahrainipopulationhasbecometheminorityamongstmigrantgroups.

Migrantpopulationisalsofluidasitisaffectedbythere-migration.Table1.1(page6)

elucidatesthecurrentmigrantnumbersandtheirorigins,butthepatternofmigrants’

movementischangingwhichcontinuouslyshapesthesefigures.Thetableshowsthatthe

majorityofthemigrantsarecomingfromthesubcontinentandconstitutethemajorityofthe

workforce.Therearealsointer-regionalmigrantsfromdifferentArabcountrieswithdifferent

culturesandsocio-economiclevels,mostofwhomcometoBahrainseekingabetterqualityof

life.ThefiguresalsoshowthataminorityofmigrantscomefromtheUKandothercountries.

AsseenintheTable1.1,themigrantsinBahraincouldeitherhavefamilyornon-familystatus.

Thisshapesthegenderratio;asdemonstratedinthetablemostofthemigrantsaremale

2Bahrainanditsneighbourssharesimilarreligion,language,history,geographicalcontext,customsandtraditions,andeconomicresourcesofoil.

Figure1.5PopulationinBahrain(InformationeGovermentAuthority,2017).

6

workers.EventhoughBahrainisessentiallyanegalitariansocietywithastrongconstitution

thatprotectshumanrightsforallpeople,akintomanyothersocietiesinourglobalisedworld,

thereareclustersofwealthandclustersofpovertyacrossbothcitizensandmigrants.This

majorityandminorityofdifferenttransnationalidentities,socio-economiclevelsandreligions

haveincreaseddiversityinthesociety.

InprovisionandregulationofPOS,theauthorityinBahrainhassparednoeffortinproviding

well-designedandmaintainedgreenopenspacesforpublicuse.Thechallengeiswhetherthe

currentprovisionis‘fitforpurpose’intermsofmeetingtheneedsofacontemporarydiverse

societywiththeirdifferentvaluesandpreferences.Duetotheincreaseinthemigrant

populationinBahrain,thereisaneedtobetterunderstandboththepatternsofsociallifein

everydaypublicopenspace,andtheimplicationsforurbanplanningpractices(Dayaratne,

2008;Alansari,2009;Alraouf,2010;Dayaratne,2012).Alraouf(2010)arguesthatwhen

designingPOSinBahrain,culturaldiversityshouldbethemainconsideration.Inanotherstudy,

Dayaratne(2008and2012)investigatesbotharchitecturalhybridityandtheroleoflandscape

Table1.1Non-BahrainipopulationsinBahrainin2014(Bel-Air,2015).

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architectureindevelopingfluididentitiesinBahrain,andalsoclaimsthatthesocialfabricis

beingtransformed.Heemphasisestheroleofmigrationinthesechanges.Fromadifferent

perspective,Alansari(2009),investigatingtheimpactofseareclamationpracticeonurban

morphologyandwaterfrontpublicspacesinBahrain,recommendsthatfurtherstudiesonthe

transformationofsocialspacesneedtobecarriedout.

Bahrainispassingthroughaneraofpolitical,socialandeconomictransformation.Accordingly,

substantiveinitiativeswithinthepublicrealmarebeingcarriedout,butthequestionis

whethertheseinitiativesaresociallyresponsiveandwhatthismightentailintheBahrain

context.Thepractitionersinthefieldofbuiltenvironmentintheregionfindthemselves

lackingadequatetoolstoendorsesociallyinclusivespacesindiverseculturalcontextsandthe

relevantliteratureintheMiddleEastisnotwell-established(Bolleter,2009and2015).Hence,

thisresearchisanopportunitytoexaminetheexistingsocialdiversityandcomplexityin

Bahrainusingqualitativemethodsandtoreflectontheprevalentpracticesinlandscape

architectureinBahrain.

Thus,theimpactofthisstudyisexpectedtobesignificant.Theresearchestablishesastrong

baseconnectingtheoryandpracticetoaddresschallengesofincreasingdiversity.The

conceptualframeworkinthisresearchislinkingpracticeandtheorywithintheemerging

discoursesontransculturalcitiesandconvivialityinrelationtosocialusesandvaluesofPOS.

Bahraincancontributetostudiesontransculturalcitiesandtodebatesonconviviality,social

encountersandlivingtogetherindiversity.ResearchonPOSinGulfregionsislimited;the

professionalpracticesinthesecountriesfacesimilarchallengesofdynamicmigrationincities.

Hence,thisresearchmayalsoexpandtheexistingknowledgebaseandleadtofurther

researchinthissubjectintheMiddleEastorglobally.Itisimportanttodistinguishtheroleand

knowledgeoflandscapearchitectureindealingwithsocialandculturaldynamicsandintricate

valuesandpatternsofuse.Thesignificanceofthisresearchisthatitisalsodesignedtoinform

practitionersinthefieldofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSinBahrain.Linkingthis

researchtotheprofessionoflandscapearchitecturemayalsoaddextranoveltyvaluetothe

proposedwork.

1.3Transculturalcities

Thisresearchismorewidelysituatedwithintheemergingfieldoftransculturalcitiesand

landscapearchitecture.Theconceptoftransculturalcitieshasemergedinthe21stcenturydue

8

totherapidandmassivepatternofmigration,fluidpopulationandsuperdiversityinmodern

cities(Hou,2013).Thissuperdiversityisaglobalphenomenonandhasshapedtherecently

emergedbodyofknowledgeinwesterncountries.Theterm‘superdiversity’isintroducedby

Vertovec(2007b)anditemphasisesthecomplexitiesofdiversityratherthanmerelyfocusing

onethnicity.Migrantidentitiescannotbeexcludedfromintersectionalityofmultiple

identities.Gender,religion,educationalbackground,socio-economicandfamilycontexts,

ideologies,race,lengthofresidence,migrantandnon-migrantbackgroundsandlegalstatus

arealsovariablesofdiversityandculturaldifference.Theflowsofmigrationalsoincrease

diversityinmoderncitieswithmigrants’differentheritage,culturalexpressionandlife

practice.Thediscourseontransculturalcitiesalsoprovidesinsightintomigration,belonging

andlandscapeexperiencesandtheprocessofadaptationinrelationtothebuiltenvironment,

memoriesandformationofhybridity(PowellandRishbeth,2012;RishbethandPowell,2013).

People’svaluesarealsoshapedbytheintersectionalityofthesedifferentfactors.This

intersectionalityandsuperdiversityincreasethecomplexitiesincontemporarysocietyand

makegeneralisationofpeople’svaluesverycritical.Inthiscontext,AgyemanandErickson

(2012)prefertheuseofthetermculturaldifferencethanculturaldiversityasthelatteris

mostlyusedwithissuesofrace,thetermculturaldifferenceshapesthecomplexityofdiversity

incontemporarysocietyandraisesissuesrelevanttojustice.

Here,IfindanotherrelevanttimestampthatisadecadeprevioustotheeventsofArabSpring.

Afterthedevastatingeventsof11September2001,theUNESCOUniversalDeclarationon

CulturalDiversitycameasanopportunitytopromoteinterculturaldialogueinsteadof

concentratingontheconflictsbetweencultures(UNESCO,2002).TheDeclarationaimsto

‘preserveculturaldiversity’andto‘preventsegregationinthenameofculturaldifferences’

(ibid,p.3).TheUniversalDeclarationexplicitlystatesthateachindividualmustacknowledge

thepluralityofhisorherownidentitywithinsocietiesthatarethemselvesplural(ibid).

Bahrain,withitsdistinguishedArab-Islamicculture,aridclimateanddynamicpatternof

migrationcouldbeasignificantcontributortothetransculturalcitiesdiscourseandin

preventingsegregationinthenameofculturaldifferences.Bahraincouldcelebratethe

culturaldiversitywhileprotectingthelocalheritageandidentity.Theconcernishowdiversity

shouldbecomprehendedandcommunicated.Elsheshtawy(2008,p.10)assertsthattheGulf

citiesaresiteswheredivisionsaremadevisibleandaregreatlyintensified;however,another

wayofinterpretingthecitieswouldsuggestexploringsomesimilarities,tiesandrepositories

of‘memories’wherespacesareinscribedwithmeaningbytheirusers,whichmakesthe

9

spacesliveableandpleasurable.However,Gardner(2010a)statesthatthereiscritical

marginalisationoftheGulfcitiesinthebodyofresearch,particularlyontransnationalurban

spaces.

Thekeyissuesfortheoryandpracticeinlandscapearchitecturearewhetherthedecisions

madeaboutPOSaresociallyresponsiveandculturallyappropriatefortheindividualswith

multipleidentities,andpeoplecouldcoexistwithcomplexityandvisibilityofcultural

differencesinPOS.POSarealsowithintheagendaofhealth,wellbeingandqualityoflife

(Cattelletal.,2008),whichraisesthesignificanceofsocialinclusivityandtheaccessibilityof

POS.LeisureandrecreationalactivitiesinPOSarealsodimensionsofsuchculturaldifferences

anddifferentpatternsofuse.Theresearchisappropriateintermsofunderstandingthespatial

andtemporalusesofeverydayoutdoorspaceswithinthecontextofdifferenttransnational

identitiesandsocialusesandvalues.

1.4Livingwithdifference:Convivialityandencounter

Thisresearchisalsosituatedwithintheoriesofconvivialityand‘geographiesofencounters’

(WiseandVelayutham,2009;Nealetal.,2013;Wilson,2016).Studiesofconvivialitylookat

everydaypublicspacesfromamicro-scaletounderstandhowpeoplemanagetheirsocial

relationsinrealityandlivetogetherinadiversesociety.Theoryofconvivialityhasemergedas

counter-narrativetoanxietiesaboutmassivediversityincities.Thistheoryhasdeveloped

aroundtheconceptofeverydaydiversityandthatpeopleintheirordinarylivescoexistwith

eachother,whilediversityappearstobeacommonfeatureinpeople’severydayencounters.

Ethnographyhasappearedtobesignificantwheninvestigatingeverydaydiversity.However,

livingwithdiversitycouldalsohavecomplexitiesthataffectencounters(Amin,2002;

Valentine,2008).

Bahrainhasasuperdiversepopulationthathascoexistedthroughoutitshistory.“Bahrainshall

remainthestateofinstitutionsandtheruleoflaw.Itshallalwaysbeahomeforco-existence

andconviviality,andanoasisformoderationandopennessontheworld",HMKingHamad,

KingofBahrainsaid(BahrainNewsAgency,2016).TheattitudetowardsoftheArab-Islamic

worldisalsosignificanttothecontextandshapestherelationshipbetweenthediverse

populationsinBahrain.ThequestionsarehowthecontextofBahraincancontributetothe

emergingtheoryofconvivialityanddebatesaboutculturaldifferencesandpositivesocial

encountersincontemporarysocietiesandhowdesignandmanagementoftheurbanspaces

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supportconviviality.Theliteraturereviewfoundnostudiesconsideringtherealityofhidden

everydayexperiencesintheGulfurbanareasandoftheordinaryinteractionsofdifferent

communities(Elsheshtawy,2006and2008).

Urbanopenspacesaresitesforsocialencounterswhereculturaldifferencesarevisible.

Ethnographyandstorytellingmethodscanbeusedtoencapsulatetherealitiesandthehidden

storiesthatshapethesocialrelationsinthepublicrealm.Thesemethodsarealsosignificant

contributorstothestudyofthesocio-spatialassociationwithinthetheoryandpracticeof

landscapearchitecture.

1.5Socio-spatialdimension

Thesocio-spatialperspectivecanintegrateapproachesfromdifferentsocialscience

disciplines.Soja(1980)findsthatthesocialprocessshapesspatialityandspatialityshapes

socialprocess.Thissocio-spatialprocess,accordingtoHenriLefebvre,canproduce:perceived

spaces,as“activitiesthroughwhichsocietydevelopsandreproducesitsspatiality”;conceived

spaces,asdefined“byplanners,architects,andotherspecialists”andenduredspaces,inwhich

“usersofspaceexperiencelivedspaceeveryday”(Ronneberger,2008).Socialdimensionhas

alsobeenasignificantsubjectofstudyinurbanplanning,designandmanagement(as

considered,forexample,byJacobs(1961),Whyte(1980)andLynch(1981)).Socio-spatial

urbanismaddresseshowthebuiltenvironmentandsocietyinteractandhowbothofthem

affectandchangeeachotherinanongoingprocess(Madanipour,2014).

Thesocio-spatialprocesscanshapeandbeinfluencedbydifferentpatternsoflifeinurban

spaces.Thiscanalsoleadtosocio-spatialinequalitiesandinjusticeifthesedifferencesarenot

considered(Soja,1980;LowandIveson,2016).Socialandculturaldynamicsanddifferences

(i.e.class,age,ethnicandgender)arealsoimportantconsiderationsinthisassociation.As

partofthat,transculturalcitiesisintegratedwithsocio-spatialurbanism(Hou,2013).Similarly,

sociologicalapproachesforinvestigatingconvivialityandsocialencounterareanintegralpart

ofsocio-spatialdimensions(Nealetal.,2013).

Conductingtheresearchwithinthefieldoflandscapearchitecturecouldbeofsignificant

relevancetothisdiscussion.Landscapearchitecturecasestudymethodisanopportunityto

investigatespatialdesignqualitiesofdifferenttypologiesofPOSfromalandscapearchitecture

perspective.Accordingly,theoryandpracticeoflandscapearchitecturecancontributetothe

11

understandingofnewphysicaldimensionswithinthedefinitionofconvivialityandsocial

encountersacrossculturaldifferences.

1.6Aimsandobjectives

Inthisresearch,Iwillfocusonthreeareasoftheory:Transculturalcities,convivialityandsocial

usesandvaluesofpublicopenspaces.Ascholarlookingatanyofthesethreeareasalsoneeds

toexaminetheoverlapsandinterrelationsbetweenthethreethemes,whichshapethe

researchquestionsofthisstudy.Theinterrelationraisesconcernsabouthowthevisibilityof

differencesinPOSandtheirincreasingcomplexitysupportorposechallengestoconviviality

andmanagingsocialrelationsandwhattheroleofprofessionalpracticeis.

Theprimaryfocusofthisresearchistoinvestigatetheroleandpotentialofurbanpublicopen

spacestosupporteverydaypositivesocialencountersacrossdifferenceswithinaBahraini

context.Therefore,theaimsoftheresearchare:

1. Tounderstandtheeverydayactivities,preferencesandmotivationsforusingPOSin

Bahrain,withaparticularemphasisontheexperiencesofusersfrommigrant

backgrounds.Themainobjectivesofthefirstaimareto:

a. Understandhowtheuseofoutdoorspacesisreflectedacrossdifferenttypologies

ofspaces.

b. Investigatehowtheseusesarereflectedatdifferenttimesofthedayandyear,

andhowtheyarereflectedwithintersectionalitiesingender,socio-economic

status,generationandmigrants’identities.

c. Addresshowthehistoryofmigrationshapesthevaluesandpreferencesofusing

POS.

2. Toexplorehowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublicspaceswithin

thecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.Themainobjectivesofthesecondaim

areto:

a. Explorehoweverydayactivitiessupportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractionin

formalandinformalspaces.

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b. Investigatehowconvivialityisshapedwithregardtoculturalandethnic

differences.

c. Examinebothsupportiveandproblematicspatio-temporalnegotiationin

transculturaluseofPOS.

3. ToidentifythepotentialofplanninganddesignofPOSforsupportingconvivialityin

transculturalpublicspaces.Toaccomplishthelastaim,theobjectivesareto:

a. AddressthecurrentpoliciesforimplementingPOSinBahrain.

b. Identifyculturallyappropriateopportunitiesforsupportingconvivialityinpublic

openspaces.

c. Analysethecurrentpolicies

d. Informdesignapproachesandpoliciesforplanningandmanagingopenspaces

specificallywithinMiddleEasternandIslamiccontexts.

1.7Structureofthethesis

Thisthesisisstructuredintoninechapters.ChapterTworeviewsanddevelopsthetheoretical

frameworkofthisresearchbydrawingonstudiesfromvariousdisciplinesinrelationto

transculturalpractices,publicoutdoorspacesandconvivialitytoshapetheaimsand

methodologyofthisstudy.Thischapteralsoidentifiescomplexitiesandchallenges,and

overlappingareasbetweentheinvestigatedtheories,whichrequirefurtherresearch.In

ChapterThree,IdescribemyresearchstrategyandmethodsandinChapterFour,Iintroduce

POSinBahrainandselectedcasestudyareas.ChapterFiveandSixpresentthefindingsofthe

firstandsecondaims.InChapterFive,IdescribethepatternofdiversityinPOSintheselected

casestudyareasand,inChapterSix,Iexplorehowsuchdiversityinfluencessocialinteraction.

ChapterSevendiscussesthesefindingsandcontributestothedevelopingtheorythrough

integratingthefindingsandtheliterature.ChapterEightcontributetodevelopingpractice,

whichillustrateaimthree.InChapterEight,Iarguethatwithinthetransculturalmoderncities,

thepracticeofplanning,designandmanagementinlandscapearchitectureshouldbe

intrinsicallyconnectedtosocialjustice.Finally,ChapterNinereflectsontheresearchfindings

andproposesscopesforfutureresearch.

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ChapterTwo:LiteratureReview

2.1Introduction

Thischapterprovidesthetheoreticalframeworkandshapestheaimsandmethodologyofthis

study.Themainfocusoftheresearchistoexplorethepotentialofurbanopenspacesin

Bahraintosupportpositivesocialencountersinanincreasinglydiversepopulation.Todothis

requiresreferencetoarangeofdisciplinaryfields,includinggeography,sociology,landscape

architectureandurbanstudies.Thischapterexploresaframeworkforresearchenquiry

shapedbythreeinterdisciplinaryareas:transculturalcitiesdiscourses,theoriesofconviviality

andtheprofessionalfieldofpublicopenspaces.

Thischapterisdividedintofoursections.Thefirstsectionreviewsrelevantliteratureon

transculturalcitiesandexplorestherelevanceforcontemporaryBahrain.Thediscourseof

transculturalcitiesinvestigatessocialdynamicsandculturaltransformationandhowthisleads

toincreasedcomplexityincities.Thefollowingsectionreviewsthetheoriesofconviviality,

whichfocusonstudyingeverydaysocialencountersatmicro-level.Thirdly,thischapter

articulatesthesocialusesandvaluesofeverydayoutdoorspaces.Thechapteralso

investigatestheoverlapsbetweentheseinterdisciplinaryareas.Theseoverlapsraiseconcerns

abouthowthevisibilityofdifferencesinpublicopenspacesandincreasingcomplexitypose

challengestomanagingsocialrelationsinthepublicrealmandtheroleofprofessional

practice.Thefourthsectionintroducestransculturalurbanismasarelevantandtimely

approachforaddressingthesechallenges.Finally,thechapterconcludesbyframingthe

researchaimsandmethodologythatarederivedfromtheliteraturereview.

2.2Transculturalcities

2.2.1Anemergingdiscourse

Thissectionisabriefoverviewofthedevelopmentofdifferentnotionsexpressedaround

culturaldiversityincities.Thesectionclarifiesthedifferencesbetweenthetermstranscultural,

multiculturalandinterculturalapproaches,andalongside,itdescribeswhytransculturalisthe

termchoseninthisresearch.

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Inthelasttwodecades,geographers,urbantheoristandpractitionershavestrivedtoportray

atransculturalcityinitsentirety(Manzo,2013).Hou(2013,p.4)linkstheterm‘transcultural’

tothe21stcenturyphenomenonofculturalhybridityandfluididentityinanurbancontext,

whichisbecominganincreasinglyrelevantphenomenon.Hestatesthatthediscourseon

transculturalcitieshasemergedasaresultoftheneedforadeeperunderstandingoftoday’s

urbansettingwithcomplexityof‘culturaldynamics’and‘cross-culturalinteractions’(p.7).

Manzo(2013)discussestransculturalcitiesasplacesthatare‘morethanmulticultural’in

identity,stating:

“Itisaplacethatprovidesopportunitiesnotonlyforthespatialexpressionofmultipleculturalidentities,butmoreimportantly,totraversedifferentworldviewsandenablenewculturalencountersandspatialpracticestoemerge”(p.135).

Multiculturalismdevelopedasanofficialpolicyinthe1970sinCanadaandAustraliawhere

theirmulti-ethnicpopulationhasgrownwithincreasingmigrationandsettlement(Angand

Stratton,2006).Concernsforinclusionofethnicgroupswithinanationalculturespurredthese

governmentstoimplementthemulticulturalismpolicy(ibid).Themainprincipleofthe

multiculturalismpolicyistoachieveequalityamongethnicgroups(Hou,2013).Nevertheless,

suchapolicyfailedtoincludecertainminorityormigrantgroupsandcentredsolelyonethnic

diversitydevoidoftheculturaldynamicsincontemporarysocieties(Vertovec,2007a).

AccordingtoSandercock’s(2000and2003a)researchclosetothebeginningofthe21st

century,theconceptofmulticulturalismshouldbedevelopedfurtherwithanintercultural

approach,inwhichinterculturaldialoguecanhelpeasethecomplexitiesthatariseinspaces

whereculturaldiversityisanorm.TheCouncilofEuropehasembracedthemodelofthe

interculturalcitytofurther“explorethepotentialofaninterculturalapproachtointegrationin

communitieswithaculturallydiversepopulation”(BAKBasel,2011,p.5).Aninterculturalcity

approachviews‘diversityasanasset’ratherthanathreat,encourages‘activeinvolvementof

public’,createsopportunitiesforformalandinformalsocialencountersinurbanspaces,and

providesamenitiesandservicessuchashousing,sanitation,healthcare,educationandjob

opportunitiestoallwithoutdisparity,whichhelpsbuildsocialsolidaritybasedontrust

(Khovanova-RubicondoandPinelli,2012,p.14).CouncilofEurope(2013)alsoexplainsthatin

theinterculturalcityapproach,culturalintegrationandresponsivenesstoethnicdiversityis

thecollectiveresponsibilityofallcitycivicbodiesandnotonespecialdepartmentorofficer’s,

extendingAngandStratton’s(2006)criticismthatmulticulturalpolicyismoreatop-down

politicalstrategy.

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Inthiscontext,theterm‘transculturalism’canreplace‘multiculturalism’asitbetterbefitsthe

moderncities,whichareconstantlychallengedbythedynamiccharacteristicsofthesocieties

(Hou,2013).Thetermtransculturaldefinesthe“changethathastakenoristakingplace

throughinterculturalcontact”;andwhilsttheinterculturalperspectiveexamineshowdifferent

culturesinfluencepeople,thetransculturaloutlookstudieshowdifferentpeopleaffect

culturesandplaces(Schulz,2008,p.91).Welsch(1999,p.11)pointsoutthatin

interculturalism,everycultureisallowedtoretainitsuniqueness;however,transculturalism

“sketchesadifferentpictureoftherelationbetweencultures,notoneofisolationandconflict,

butoneofentanglement,intermixing,andcommonness”.Hence,transculturalismmaynot

mean‘meltingpot’,butrespect,trust,understandingthattherearedifferencesandcreatinga

spacetoprogress.Furthermore,transculturalismimpliesamutualchanging,thatdifferent

culturesimpactandchangeeachotherinvariousways(includingmajorityordominant

culture)–whereasmulticulturalismismoreaboutequalityalongsideeachother.

Inthisrespect,reflectingthenotionoftransculturalisimontothesubjectofthisresearch

aboutpublicopenspaces,differentpeople’spracticesandidentitiescouldmostlybevisible

andtheseidentitiescouldbeshapedbysocialandculturaldynamicsandcross-cultural

interactions.Hence,itbecomescrucialtounderstandtheroleofplaceandregulationinfitting

theculturaldynamicsandinteractionsintransculturalurbanspaces.Thisisalsoreflectedin

howdifferentmanifestationsofculturalpracticescouldtakeplaceinasharedspaceandhow

benefitsofpublicopenspacescouldbedistributed.

Thediscourseontransculturalcitieshasemergedinlinewithincreasingthedynamicsof

transnationalmovementandmigration.Robinson(2009)findsthatthepreviousdecades

witnessedrapidmigrationsonaglobalscale,withamassflowofworkersintoWestern

Europe,theUnitedSatesandtheoil-richArabnations.Sassen(2005)declaresthatdespite

transnationalmigrationshavingsignificantimpactonthedevelopmentofcountries,migration

asamajorprocessofgrowthhaseitherbeenneglectedornotgivenduecredit,moresoin

developingcountries.FromVertovec’s(2007a,p.17)perspective,“mostintegrationpolicies

andprogrammes,inturn,donotapplytopeoplewithtemporarystatus”andmoreneedstobe

donetounderstandtheinadequaciesandproblemsforbothmigrantsandserviceprovidersin

thehostnations.Hence,indiscoursesontransculturalcities,itiscriticaltoconsidertemporary

migrantworkers.AstransnationaltemporarymigrantworkersarehighlyrelevantintheGulf

region,laterinthechapterIwillinvestigatethecurrentliteratureinthisareaandthe

significanceofBahrainintransculturalstudies.Priortothat,thenexttwoSections,2.2.2and

2.2.3,reviewtherelevantliteratureonthedynamicsoftransculturalism,whicharereflected

16

andfeltmostkeenlyasanoutcomeoftherapidtransnationalmigrationsandhybridityin

today’scitiesandthelivedexperienceofmigrantsinpublicrealm.

2.2.2Transnationalmigrationandhybridityincities

Thissectionaddresseshowtransnationalmigration,multipleidentities,cultural

transformationandsuperdiversityincontemporarysocietiesareintertwined.Theflowof

contemporarymigration1hasincreasedthediversityinmoderncities(Vertovec,2007b;

Wessendorf,2014a).Superdiversityisatermdescribingtheunderlyingintricatevariables

resultingfromincreasingdiversityandmultipleethnicities,skillsofthemigrantworkforce,

socio-economic,education,creed,andthegenerationofmigrants’statusandtheirlengthof

stay:newcomersandestablishedcommunities,whichareconstantlyevolvinginurbancities

(Vertovec,2007b).Differentgenerationsofmigrationsandsettlementsincitiesthroughout

historycreateddiversityandthentheongoingcontemporaryremigrationhasaddedtothe

socialculturaldynamics,whichmakestransculturalismaninevitablephenomenon.Agyeman

andErickson(2012)suggestusingthetermculturaldifferenceinsteadofculturaldiversityas

thelatterismerelyfocusingonethnicityandnotrepresentingsuchcomplexitiesinmodern

cities.

Intersectionalityofthesevariablesincreasesthecomplexityofdiversity,whichinfluences

people’svaluesandformshybrididentities.Humannetworksandmaterialitiesthattransfer

acrossnationscanalsosupportmultipleattachmentsandtransculturalpracticesasthese

oftenremainsociallyentrenchedinmigrants’nativeculturesandethnicideologies(Vertovec,

1997;Amin,2004).Thesepracticesarerelevanttothemigrant’sintangibleheritage,butcould

alsoincreasethedifferenceincities.Hence,migrantidentitiescannotbeexcludedfromthe

intersectionalityofmultipleidentitiesinsuperdiversesocieties;however,countryoforiginis

nottheonlyfactorthatshapesmigrantidentities(Vertovec,2007b,AgyemanandErickson,

2012).Aspartofintersectionality,identitiesarealsotransformedpostmigrationandare

shapedbymigrants’generationandtheirlengthsofstay,whichincreasethecultural

differencesincitiesevenamongthesameculturalgroups.

1The21stcenturyistheeraofrapidandmassglobalmigrations,withmigrantnumberstourbancitiescitedas224millionin2015-a41percentgrowthcomparedto2000(UnitedNations,2016).

17

Theconceptofatransculturalcityisfocusingonunderstandingthedynamicsof

transformationandhybrididentities;however,itisimportanttounderlinethepointthat

transculturalismdoesnotequatewithassimilationintoamajorityculture(Cahill,2013).For

example,Sen(2013)explainsthatMuslimshavediverseidentitiesandcultures.Hefurther

explainsthatMuslimidentitiesarechangeable,andnotnecessarilyoveralifetime,buteven

onaneverydaybasiswithdifferencesinclass,race,gender,countryoforiginandprofession.

Hence,theseidentitiestransformspatiallyandtemporally.Sen(2011)elucidates:

“Inatransculturalcity,proteanidentitiesareneitherinconsistentnorcontradictory,butareindeedincreasinglythenorm.Therefore,itshouldbenosurprisetofindsomeoneidentifyingwiththeUmmah(IslamicPeoplehood)whileprayingorcelebratingRamadan,beingamoderncosmopolitanconsumerwhileshopping,whilealsobeingcivic-mindedduringelections”(p.43).

Lifeactionspostmigrationandmigrants’experiencesinanewplaceareintegraltoevolving

cultures,andhenceshouldnotbeexcludedfromtheprocessofhybridityandadaptation;as

addressedinthenextsection.Manystudiesontransnationalurbanism2showthatthereare

complexconnectionsbetweenindividuals,socialnetworks(throughmobilityandmigration),

urbanspacesandeverydaysocialpractices(ConradsonandLatham,2005;Smith,2005;

Sassen,2005;MauandZimmermann,2008;Robinson,2009;Sassen,2011).

2.2.3Migrantexperiencesinanewplace

Cultureshockiscommonlyexperiencedbymigrantsontheirarrivalinanewplace,together

withthefeelingsofalienation,ambiguityandworriesregardingcontinuingculturalpractices

(Armstrong,2004;Rishbeth,2013).Legibilityandunderstandingofthecityandadaptingtothe

weatherarealsoothercommonchallengesthatmigrantsface(PowellandRishbeth,2012).In

additiontobeingawayfromtheirfamilyandhome,differentexpectationsregardingthetype

oflife,leisure,habitatorworkandissuesofpovertycouldincreasethemigrants’stress.

Therearemanystudiesthathaveemphasisedthatthelivedexperiencesinplacescan

constructmeaningfulrelationsandattachmentswithplaces,shapemultipleidentitiesand

increasefamiliarity(Gustafson,2001;GhoshandWang,2003;Manzo,2003,Manzo,2005;

RishbethandPowell,2013).Intransculturalcities,migrants’experiencesinplaceshavealso

2Inthisresearch,theconcernisnotaroundtheformalnationalidentitiesandhencethetermtransculturalbetterrepresentsculturaldynamicsandhybridityincitiesthanthepoliticalandeconomictermtransnational.However,thetermtransnationalissometimesusedwithparticularemphasisonnationalboundariesandculturaldifferences.

18

directrelationsinconstructingtransculturalpracticesandhybrididentities(GhoshandWang,

2003).Thesestudieshavealsohighlightedtheroleofplaceinshapingthelivedexperiences.

Fromthisperspective,theenvironmenthasbecomesignificanttosupportadaptationandto

buildasenseofbelongingamongstmigrantsandnewcomers.Armstrong(2004)andRishbeth

andPowell(2013)exploretheroleofthespaceintriggeringmemoriesandformingspatial

associations.Suchattachmentsdevelopedmorefromcreativeengagementbetweenthelocal

andtransnationalratherthanfromsentimentalrecollectionsornostalgia(ibid).Thechoices

andvaluesofferedtothenewmigrantsintheirsurroundingsenablethemtoform

transnationallinks,engagewiththestrangenessandfamiliarityineverydayspaces,and

developandstrengthenasenseofemotionalaffinitytothespace(GhoshandWang,2003;

RishbethandPowell,2013).PowellandRishbeth(2012)investigatetheextenttowhichthe

outdoorbuiltenvironmentsinfluencestheadaptationprocess,wherebytransnational

identitiesevolveintohybridversions.The‘electivepractice’(Nealetal.,2015)ofbeing

outdoorsappearsvitaltosupportsuchmeaningfulrelationsthroughtheavailableexperiences

andchoices.Rishbeth(2013)alsostatesthatwhilenewmigrantsarelikelytofeelunsettledat

theoutset,spendingtimeoutdoorswillenablethemtoidentifywiththeirnewenvironment

anddeveloptransnationalidentities.

However,transculturalpractices,migrants’experiencesandresponsestotheirnew

environmentsdiffer,temporallyandspatially,amongindividualswithculturaldifferences

(GhoshandWang,2003).Individualsalsofacecomplexitiesintheirdecisionsregarding

retainingcontactwithhomecultureortolocaliseduringtheirdailylifepracticespost

migration(Rishbeth,2013,p.127).Migrants’legalstatusandmotivationfortheirtransnational

movementalsoaffecttheirdecisionsintheirlifeactionsandexperiences(GhoshandWang,

2003).Thesedecisionsarealsoshapedbytheeconomiclevelofmigrantsandtheaffordability

ofbeingoutdoors(PowellandRishbeth,2012).Thus,thenewconceptsofcontemporaryforms

ofcomplexassociationsinthepublicrealmhavesupportedthedevelopmentofstudieson

transculturalcities;however,complexitiesoftransculturalismneedtobeaddressedbothin

thetheoriesonandpracticesoftransculturalcitieswithagreaterfocusonsocio-spatial

dimension.

19

ThisnextsectioninvestigatesthesignificanceofBahrainintransculturalstudies.Thescaleof

themigrantlabourers’populationandcontemporarytransnationalmovementsintheGulf

regionstandsinstarkcontrasttothelackofdataaboutthefundamentalaspectsofmigrations

(Gardner,2011;Gardneretal.,2013).Gardner(2010a)arguestheneedformoreresearchto

understand‘thelivedexperiences’oftransnationallabourersanddifferentcommunitiesinthe

Gulfcities,includingintra-regionalArabmigrants.“Todatethereislittleethnographically

groundedworktohelpusunderstandtheexperiencesoftheseothercommunities”(ibid,p.23).

Elsheshtawy(2008)declares:

“Acentralconstructunderlyingthesenewdevelopmentsisthenotionoftransnationalurbanisminwhichurbanizingprocessesareexaminedfrom‘below’,lookingatthelivesofmigrants[…].CitiesintheArabworldarecuriouslyleftbehindinthisdiscussion,especiallytheGulf”(p.5).

2.2.4TransculturalBahrain

Drawingontheliteraturereviewed,thissectionexploreshowandwhyBahrain,aGCCstate,

fitsintothetheoriesoftransculturalcities,whichmainlyemergedfromwesterncontexts

(Elsheshtawy,2006;Gardner,2011;Gardneretal.,2013).Lessonsfromwesterncasestudies

canbevaluableintheBahrainicontextdespitetheapparentdifferences.Forexample,the

metaphorsof‘MeltingPot’and‘SaladBowl’havebeenusedinNewYorkandBritainto

describetheirdiversity,andBahrainshouldnotberemovedfromsuchdebates.However,the

westernapproachestosuperdiversityinpublicspacescannotbesimplyappliedtoaMiddle

EasternmilieuduetothedistinctIslamiccontextanddifferentsetoftensionstothatofthe

West.Forexample,while'Islamophobia'hasincreasedtensionsinBritainbecauseMuslim

migrantscanbeviewedasmembersofterroristregimes,inBahrain,thereisnobasistoview

migrantsasterroristseventhoughtheyareprimarilyMuslims.Notwocontextsare

comparable,butprocessescanbeshared.Accordingly,theCouncilofEurope(2013,p.19)has

statedthatinapplyingurbanmodelsofinterculturalintegration,“nocityembarkingonthe

processisatabularasaandthateachstartsfromadifferentplaceandisonitsownunique

trajectoryofdevelopment”.

Throughoutitshistory,Bahraindevelopedafluidpopulationofmulti-ethnicorigins,andlater

theoilboomalsoledtorapidandintensemigrations.Themajorityofthepopulationis

Muslim,butotherreligionsarepresent.Indeed,havingapopulationwithdiverseoriginsand

culturesiscreatingwhatcouldbeknownasa‘superdiversesociety’;aphenomenonalso

observedinotherGCCcountries.Comparedwithclassically‘superdiverselocations’suchas

20

LondonandNewYorkCity,theshapingofdifferentreligionsislessimportant,butstillmultiple

differencesinclass,statusandrangesofhomecountriesareclearlyapparent.Although

Bahrainsharesmanycharacteristicswithitsneighbouringstates,ithascertainuniquefeatures

relatedtomigrationpatternsanditsgeographicallocation,characteristicsandsizethatmake

itaninterestingcasefortransculturalcities.Karolak(2009)argues“Wehavetoconsiderthena

verysmallareawherepopulationhasbeeninconstantblendingovercenturies”(p.2).

2.2.4.1HistoricisinghybridityinBahrain

Inordertoinvestigatetheprocessofhybridity,Smith(2005)arguesthat‘historicizing’

transnationalpracticesisanapproachthatleadstolearningaboutdifferencesandsimilarities

betweenculturesnotonlyasnewphenomenaarisingfromglobalisationbutalsofrom

developingexperiencesthroughoutthehistory.Tracingbackthetransnationalpracticeswill

alsorevealthesuperdiversityofthepopulation.

Bahrain,duringthecourseofitshistory,developedafluidpopulationandamulti-ethnic

societyfromtradingandpearling.Bahrainhaddependedonmaritimetradebeforeoilwas

discovered.Theearliestdocumentedhistoricalaccountsandevidencegatheredfrom

archaeologicallocations(forts,ancientburialmoundsandothersites)revealtheearliest

culturalandtradinglinkswiththeMesopotamia,theIndusValleyandGreece.Historyalso

documentedthejourneysofGilgameshtoDilmun,theisland’sfirstname,insearchofeternity

(Hamblin,1987).Bahrain’spositioningonthetradingsearoutebetweenancientMesopotamia

andtheIndiansubcontinentmadeitanidealstopoverforthetradersontheirvoyages(Al-

Nabi,2012).Itsidyllicislandscenery,famousforpalmtreesanddeep-waterspringsanda

supplyofpreciouspearls,madethecountryirresistiblyappealingtothetraders.Inadditionto

itslonghistoryofagriculture,Bahrain’sflourishingpearltradeprospereduntilthe19thcentury.

Besidespearls,datesandhorseswerealsoexportedtodifferentpartsoftheworldincluding

India,Persia,Iraq,NewYorkandLondonandotherpartsofEurope(Al-Rasheed,2005).Trading

vesselsenteredthroughManama3andmerchantsremainedformonthsinordertostrikethe

bestbargains.Thesetradersalsobroughtgoodsintothecountry,andmanyofthesetraders

subsequentlymadeBahraintheircentreforbusinessandmovedherewiththeirfamilies

(Fuccaro,2005;Onley,2014).

3ManamaisthecapitalofBahrain,andinthepastatradingportwaslocatedhere.

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Fuccaro(2005),Onley(2005)andOnley(2014)investigatedthePersianandIndian

transnationalcommunitiesintheregionwhoaredeeplyentrenchedinBahrain’ssociety.

ThesestudiesfoundthatmigrantcommunitiesintheGulfheldaphysicalmanifestationin

thesecitiesthatshapedtransnationalconnectionineverydaypractices.Inthissense,Fuccaro

(2005)addsthattradingwithIranandIndiaandimportingfinequalitycommoditiessuchas

shawls,woollenclothes,velvets,silks,shoes,spices,rice,tea,rosewater,liquorsandbooks

influencedtransnationalassociationsthatimpactedonthelocalities.Fuccaro(2005)addsthat

buildingPersianmattamsandIndiantemplesindicatetheimpactoftransnationalaffiliations

ontheurbanenvironments.Al-Rasheed(2005)findsthattransnationalmovementresultedin

newformsofhybriditythatarereflectedintheurbanframework.Thesustainedheritage

neighbourhoodswiththejuxtapositionofmattams,mosques,templesandchurcheshave

displayedthishybridityandhavestayedasawitnessforBahrain’sdistinguishedheritage,

whichincorporateshybridity.

SeveralstudieshavedepictedManamaasacosmopolitancityoverthelast150years

(Fuccaro, 2005; Dayaratne, 2008; Alraouf, 2010;JarachandSpeece,2013).Fuccaro(2005)

identifiescosmopolitanisminManamaasavitalelementfortransnationalismandforthe

flowofpeopleandideasacrossboundaries.Palgrave(1883,p.381)describedhowthe

coffeehousesinBahrain,inthemid-19thcentury,sportedaninternationalveneerand

differedfromthosefoundintheneighbouringArabiccountries.AccordingtoFuccaro

(2005),Manamacityservedasahubforculturalandsocio-economicexchanges,for

promotingclosetiesbetweenlocal,regionalandforeignpeopleandasactivetradingcentres

forcommodities.

Inadditiontotheenterprisingmaritimesystemsthatsupportedtheflowofseatraffic

betweentheMiddleEast,IndiaandAfrica,Fuccaro(2005)arguesthatthemobilitywithin

tribalsocietiesintheregionalsolargelyinfluencedthedemographyoftheisland.Sheasserts

thatthepermeablenatureofBahrain’sbordersencourageddiverseethnicandreligious

factionstointeractharmoniously.Bahrain’sislandtopographyprofferedstablepolitical

boundaries,whichallowedthetribaldynastiestorulethecountrywithoutexternal

interference(ibid).Asboththerulingfamilyandthemajorityofthepopulationwere

immigrants,Bahrainwashometodiversecultures,politicalloyaltiesandlegalcustoms,which

functionedindependently;yetthesociallifewasinterconnected(ibid).

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2.2.4.2ContemporarymigrationsinBahrain

EuropeandNorthAmericaarefrequentlydiscussedasdestinationsfortransnationalmigrants,

whiletheunderstandingoftransnationalmigrationtotheGulfcountriesremainsundeveloped

(GardnerandWatts,2012).Inthissense,Gardneretal.(2016)assertthattheseGCCcountries

encompassthethirdlargestdestinationformigrantworkersinthecontemporaryworld,after

EuropeandNorthAmerica.Inwesterncountries,eventhemostsignificantmigrationflowsare

categorisedasminorities,whileintheGulfStates,theratioofmigrantstothelocalcitizensis

considerablyhigherandtheirdemographicstructuredifferswidelyfromotherpartsofthe

world(Gardner,2011).Gardner(2010a)asserts:

“TheGCCstatesoftheArabianPeninsulaareanimportantjunctureinthetransnationalmigrationoflabor[…]foreignlabormakesupthemajorityoftheworkforceandinseveralstates[…]anabsolutemajorityofthepopulation”(p.25).

ThereareseveralreasonsfortheGCCcountriestobesignificantmigrantdestinationsand

transnationalhubs.Predominantly,thedramaticriseofthesecountries’economiesattracted

migrantworkers.Thediscoveryofoilin1932broughtprosperitytoBahrain;andinthis

context,Ben-Hamouche(2004)claimsthatsinceonsetoftheoilboom,Bahraincommenced

onamodernisationdriveandadoptedanall-inclusivewelfarepolicy,whichbecamea

significantforceinshapingthecountry.Onesignificantresultofthisunprecedented

developmentwastheradicalchangeinthemigrationpattern.Theeconomyexperiencedmass

growth,whichnecessitatedtherecruitmentofskilledandunskilledmigrantlabourduetothe

shortageofalocalworkforce.Tothis,Sassen(2011)addsthattheGCCcountrieshave

immigrant-friendlypoliciesandtemporaryworkerprogramsduetowhichthousandsof

workersfromNorthAfricaandAsiahavemigratedtothesecountriesandworkinarangeof

jobsfromthehigh-leveltothelowest-paidjobs.Additionally,theGulfregionhasthe

advantageofbeinglocatedbetweentheIndiansubcontinent,NorthAfricaandAsia,and

consequentlyinclinedtomigrantflows(Al-Rasheed,2005).Mobilityandthelatest

technologiesalsosupportGCCnationstoforgeandmaintaingloballinksandalsoGCCcitizens

themselvestravelwidelyaroundtheworld(Dresch,2005a).Gardner(2011)alsofindsthat

withthemigrants’adaptiontoGulfcountries,somemigrantfamiliescannotadaptwhenthey

returntotheirnativecountry,henceseveralnewergenerationsofAsianmigrantfamiliesopt

toliveeitherintheGulformigratetoWesterncountries.While,HillsandAtkins(2013)find

thatthewesterncommunitiesdonotfacethisissuewhencomingtotheGulfastheycan

adjusteasilyandintegrateintothenewenvironmentastheGulfcitiesappearsimilarto

23

westerncities.Thus,Gardner(2011)concludesthattheGulfStateshaveemergedasa

springboardtoaWesterndestinationformanymigrants.Inthissense,heclaimsthatthe

“worldbeyondArabiahascometotheGulf”(p.19).

Thoughthelegalstatusofmigrantsisnotattheforefrontofthisresearch,itisusefultogivea

briefquickoverviewofgovernmentpoliciesregardingmigration.InBahrain,thepopulation

nowofficiallyconsistsofBahrainiandnon-Bahraini,bothofwhomarefromdiverseorigins.

Theexpression‘migrants’doesnotholdpolicyconnotations,butinstead,itrefersto‘guest

workers’,‘contractlabourers’or‘non-Bahrainis’(Dito,2007;Fowler,2012).Non-Bahraini

residentsinBahrainaremostlythosewithatwo-yearcontractworkvisaorwithavisitors’visa

foracertaintime,wherebothtypesofvisasarerenewable.Somemigrantworkersare

allowedtobringtheirfamilyaccordingtotheirtypeofvisa,butmostlytheseworkershavea

non-familystatus.

Toexplainpoliciesrelatingtomigrantworkers’recruitmentintheGCCcountries,Gardner

(2011)statesthattheskilledworkersarerecruitedaccordingtogloballycommonsystemssuch

aspersonalnetworksandadvertising,whilethelowerincomeworkersarehiredthrough

‘kafala’,whichisa‘sponsorshipsystem’.Heexplains“Thecontemporarysponsorshipsystem

redistributesmuchoftheresponsibilityofmanagingandgoverningforeignlabourfromthe

statetoindividualcitizen-sponsors”(p.8).Itisalsomentionedthatrecruitmentpoliciesfor

migrantworkersintheGulfcreateseveralconflictsbetweenworkersandemployersandhave

beengloballycritiquedasaHumanTraffickingsystem(ibid).Therearealsoanumberof‘free

visa’transnationalworkersinBahrain.Pessoaetal.(2014,p.212)describe‘freevisa’asneither

freenorlegal,andthatit“existsasanalternativetotheinjusticesofthesponsorshipsystem”.

Inthissense,Gardner(2010b,p.4)portraysthe‘Kafala’systemtobea‘structuralviolence’

focusingonthepoliticalandeconomicaspectsarisingfromexpansionoftheglobalmarket.

Yet,hestatesthatthissystemisnotrepresentativeofthetolerantprinciplesintheGulfand

thehospitablecharacteristicsofBahrainiculture.

In2009,BahrainbecamethefirstGCCcountrytorevokethesponsorshipsystemand

centraliseitunderthecontroloftheLabourMarketRegulatoryAuthority.TheGovernmentof

Bahrainratifiedasetofconventionsrelatedtoworkers’rightincollaborationwith

internationalhumanrightsandcounter-humantraffickingagencies.Afewnon-governmental

organisationsinBahrainsuchastheMigrantWorkersProtectionSocietycontinuetomonitor

problemsorabusefacedbymigrantworkers.In2015,theLabourMarketRegulatoryAuthority

establishedashelterforhumantraffickingvictimstosupportandprotectmigrantworkers.

24

However,Gardneretal.(2016)alsoquestiontheaccessibilityandmobilityformigrantworkers

toaccessthejusticesystemandprotectionorganisations,whichareurbanissues.Thereare

alsoissuesrelevanttoworkinginharshoradverseenvironmentssuchasworkingoutdoorsin

theextremeheatofsummeraswellastomigrants’livingconditionsandlocations.

2.2.4.3ComplexitieswithculturaldiversityinBahrain

Dresch(2005a)mentions that regardless ofthedeveloped transnational connections inthe

GCCstates,somecomplexitiesstill emerge in forming transnationalcommunitiesand

cultural exchange. Firstly,BahrainwasapioneerinthefieldofeducationintheGulf,and

literacyratesamongstmaleandfemalecitizensarethehighestintheregion.Jarachand

Speece(2013)findthatinthepre-oilera,themigrantsweremostlyfromanelitebackground

andtheylargelyinfluencedthesociety.Presently,however,mostofthelow-incomemigrants

areuneducatedandilliterate.Thiscreatesagapandhierarchyinasociety(ibid).

Secondly,whiletheeconomicsystemintheGulfStateshasattractedmoreinvestorsand

migrants,ithasalsocreatedsocialandculturalcrises(Bolleter,2015).Withtheadventof

‘globalcapitalism’anddevelopmentofthebankingsector,theGCCcountrieshavesurpassed

the2005WorldBankgovernanceindicators,whichalsoledtoagrowthinforeigninvestments

andmigrations(Elsheshtawy,2008).Theelitemigrantsoperatingindifferentorganisationsin

Bahrainholdpowerfulpositionsandarehighlyaffluent;however,themajorityofmigrantsare

atthebottomofthehierarchy.Migrantworkershavemainlybeenemployedinsectorssuchas

manufacturing,construction,servicesanddomesticworkwithlowwages(Fowler,2012;Bel-

Air,2015).Thishasadirectimpactonthesocialhierarchyinthecountry.

Additionally,thereisincreasingtensionamongBahrainisduetoanemploymentcrisis,in

responsetowhichthegovernmenthasintroduceda‘Bahrainisation’policytoencouragethe

privatesectortoemploycitizens;however,thepolicyinitselfisimpractical(Fowler,2012).Itis

alsoproposedtoreducethenumberofforeignworkerstosafeguardthelocalcultureand

values(Karolak,2009).Dito(2007)arguesthatanyreductioninmigrantnumberswillremain

anillusionowingtothepersistentgapsintheworkforceastheBahrainemploymentmarket

heavilyreliesonunskilled‘cheapwage’migrantworkers.

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Thirdly,apprehensionsregardingculturalerosionorlossofculturalpurityareprevalent.Inthe

Gulf,behindthefacadeofthelatesttechnology,themodernshoppingmalls,thewesternstyle

cafés,andmultinationalfast-foodchains,dependenceonforeignlabourisunavoidable;yet

oneencountersstrongassertionsoflocalheritageratherthancelebrationsofhybridity(Al-

Rasheed,2005).Forexample,whenGardner(2006,p.74)wasconductinghisethnographic

researchinNovember2002ontheIndiancommunitiesinBahrain,hewasfrequently

challengedbyBahrainicitizensastowhythefocuswasnotontheir‘wonderfulculture’.The

concernintheGulfregionistoprotecttheindigenousfromthespreadofglobalisationand

‘lossofauthenticity’(Al-Rasheed,2005).Bahrainisalsofindtheircultureamarketableproduct,

whichcanhelpattracttouriststotheisland(Gardner,2006).Bahrain’sdistinguishedheritage

isalsorevealedinthebuiltenvironment.Whilehalfthepopulationareforeignersandthe

otherhalfareintricatelydiverse,thepracticeoflandscapearchitectureinBahrainisusedto

constructnationalidentities(Dayaratne,2012).Dayaratne(2008)states:

“[This]hascontributedtothemakingofthegreatercosmopolitanisminthesocial-fabricparticularlyinthepublicsphere,andthusanarchitectureoffusionsofoldandthenew,localandforeignandthereforeundeniablyhybrid.Thesehybriditiesvaryfromthoseoftheforms,useofspaceandelementsthemselves”(p.5).

Inshort,suchcomplexitiesputBahrainwithinthedebateoftransculturalcities.Transcultural

studiesinGCCcountriesarefragmentedandlackingawell-definedtheoreticalframeworkand

analyticalrigor(Al-Rasheed,2005).Thequestionishowtobalancebetweenprotecting

heritageinthesocio-spatialdimensionsandtherealitywhichismuchmorecomplexand

cosmopolitan.AkeytointerpretingcomplexitiesoftransculturalismintheGCCcountriesmay

lieinhowthesesocietiesformtheirownunderstandingofproprietyanddiversity(Dresch,

2005b)andeverydayencounters(Gardner,2010a).Al-Rasheed(2005)recommendsdeeper

ethnographicalstudiestocapturethecomplexity.

2.2.5Complexitiesintransculturalcities

Thesocialandculturaldynamicsinmoderntransculturalcitiesarereflectedintheeveryday

socialencounters;however,thereshouldbeanawarenessthattransculturalencountersdo

notonlygraspapositivedimension.Manzo(2013)argues,“Itisnosmalltasktoembrace

diversityinawaythatwouldmoveourcitiestobetrulytranscultural”(p.136).Weneedto

understandissuesincontemporarysocietiesthatcreateconflicts.Cahill(2013)states,“Cities

immediatelycometomindasspacesofintimateandintensecontactacrossdifference,urban

contextsexemplifyboththetransformativepossibilitiesandtensionsoftransculturalism”

26

(p.195).Cahill(2013,p.194)alsoassertsthatunderstandingthatthecityisa‘siteof

contestation’anddissentmovesbeyondthe‘romanticization’oftheurbanencounterand

meltingpot.Similarly,Pratt(1992),inhertravelwritingon‘transculturation’,usestheterm

‘contactzone’torefertothespacesofencounterinwhich:

“Peoplegeographicallyandhistoricallyseparatedcomeintocontactwitheachotherandestablishongoingrelationships,usuallyinvolvingconditionsofcoercion,radicalinequalityandintractableconflict”(p.6).

Inmanycitiestoday,the‘socialandspatialbarriers’betweendifferentethnicgroupshave

lingered(Hou,2013).Thechallengesinwesterncountries,whilebeingculturallydiverse,

catalysedaroundaspectsoffear,islamophobiaandthehistoricalbackgroundofracismand

colour(Sandercock,2000;Amin,2002;Vertovec,2007a;Leitner,2011).Withsuperdiversity,

culturaldifferenceshavebecomemuchmorecomplexandtheperceptionsofdiversityas

threatshaveincreasedworldwide(Vertovec,2007b).Themigrants’feelingsofestrangement

andculturalalienationarealsoobstaclesforengagementandparticipationindifferent

activitiesintransnationalcities(Amin,2007;Oliveira,2011;Rinelli,2013;Rishbeth,2013).

Variablesofsuperdiversitymayalsoclassifypeoplewithinasocietyto‘in-group’and‘out-

group’4.Lung-Amam(2011)assertsthatas:

“thebordersbetweennations,places,citiesandsuburbs,becomeincreasinglyfluidandunstable–inatimewhendiversity,complexity,andhybriditydefineasmuchwhoweareashowandwherewelive,thesearetherealchallengesthatwefaceifwearegoingtolearntolivetogether”(p.146).

Bordercrossingemergesasacriticalpartofeverydayexperienceanditisnolongerabout

travellingfromonenationtoanother,butaspartofeverydayencountersinthecity(Hou,

2013).Clashesbetweenculturalgroups,betweenestablishedpopulationandnewcomers,

betweenmigrantsandreceivingcommunities,canaffecteverydaysocialencounters.

AccordingtoNoussiaandLyons(2009),“Thephenomenologicalcharacteristicsofeachlocale

aresupplementedbybehaviourpatternsinthepublicrealminordertomaintainspatial

boundarieswhichgroupsdonotcross”(p.20).Theyaddthattheseboundariesarethe

‘appropriationofspacebymarginalgroups’andbasedon‘culturalrulesofdifference’(p.620).

Theseboundarieshavealsosomedistinctivenessintransculturalcities,where“boundariescan

beseenaslocaleswherepeople,activitiesandideascomeintocontactwitheachother,butit

isthecontrastthatmaintainsthedistinction”(ibid,p.620).4TermsusedbyAllport(1954)

27

Aspartofinvestigatingeverydaytransnationalspaces,itisnecessarytounderstandhow

peoplemanagetheireverydaysocialrelationswithinculturaldifferencesandhowthismay

supportintegration,adaption,andhowcomplexitiesarereflectedineverydayspaces.

AccordingtoNoussiaandLyons’s(2009)researchinOmonia,Athens,diversemigrantgroups

werefoundtointermingleinoverlappingareaswithoutexplicitconflictaseachgroup

maintainsdifferentspatialboundaries.Lung-Amam(2013)arguesthattofostertranscultural

cities,practitionersandspecialistsconcernedabouturbanspacesneedtopaygreater

attentiontotherealplaceswherepeopleencounterandengagewithdifferencesintheir

everydaylives.Thus,thenextstepistostudythecontextofconvivialityanddiversityinpublic

spacesandhowsocietyordersitself.

2.3Convivialityandeverydaydiversityinpublicspaces

2.3.1Convivialityandencounters

Developedinaninterdisciplinarycontextofgeographyandsociology,thetheoretical

approachestothenotionofconvivialityexaminetherealityofeverydaylifetocomprehend

howpeoplemixandmanage‘atease’theirsocialandspatialrelationsacrosscultural

differences(Nealetal.,2013,p.315;WiseandVelayutham,2014,p.407).“Theconceptof

convivialencountercanbeextendedtoincorporatetheconceptofelectivepractices”(Nealet

al.,2015,p.463).Therefore,theeverydayqualityofencounterisimportantwithinthetheory

ofconviviality.Thetheoryplacesanemphasisoninvestigatingsocialencountersatamicro-

levelineverydayurbanspaces(Nealetal.,2013)aspeopleseemtobemoreabletocoexistin

mundaneencountersandcopewithsocialsituations.Sandercock(2003a,p.92)observesthat

themodernmetropolitancities,withevolvingculturaldiversity,havebecomemorethan

merely‘ethnicallymixedcitiesandneighbourhoods’;nevertheless,sheclaimsthat,insuch

dynamics,thereisacollectivetendencytosupport‘cohabitation’.Gilroy(2004)hasdescribed

thatconvivialityisthe“cohabitationandinteractionthathavemademulticultureanordinary

featureofsociallife”(p.ix).Anumberofstudieshaveemphasisedthatindiversecities,people

aregettingtogetherandinterminglingastoday’scitiesarecharacterisedby‘everyday

multiculturalism’(WiseandVelayutham,2009),‘everydaycosmopolitanism’(Noble,2013),

and‘commonplacediversity’(Wessendorf,2014a).

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Nealetal.(2013)declarethatthetheoryofconvivialityhasemergedasacounter-narrativeto

anxietiesaboutdiversityincities.Theyassert:

“Theconceptsof(minority)-ethnicsegregation,culturalwithdrawal,andmulticulturalcrisisaretheoreticallyandempiricallyinadequateandtoopoliticallyselectivetodescribeandcapturethecurrentspatialandsocialformationsofmulticulture”(p.315).

However,theyarguethattheconceptofconviviality:

“doesnotignoretensionanddiscord,butratherattemptstorepositionthedominanceofconflictandpayattentiontothecoexistenceofother,oftenslightandspontaneousandsometimesamicableformsofmulticulturalsocialinteraction”(p.315).

Onthisperspective,WiseandVelayutham(2009)presentanapproachof‘everyday

multiculturalism’tolookattherealityofeverydaywithashiftfromthetraditionaltop-down

perspectiveinmulticulturalpolicies.Wessendorf(2014b)describesthatconviviality“is

characterizedbyafinebalancebetweenbuildingpositiverelationsacrossdifferenceand

keepingadistance”(p.393).

Inlivingtogetherdiversepeoplecanfindnichesofsimilaritieswithindiversities;thus,super-

diversitydoesnotnecessarilycreateestrangementanddiscrimination,butmaydevelop

sensesofbelongingandchoicesofaffiliation(Wessendorf,2014a;Wessendorf,2014b).

Sandercock(2003a,p.94)similarlydescribesthatbybanalencounterswithinthe‘successful

sitesofinterculturalinteraction’,peoplecanovercome“feelingsofstrangenessinthesimple

processofsharingtasksandcomparingwaysofdoingthings”.Convivialityprovides

opportunitiesforbridgingdifferences.

Convivialityisnotintendedtoinformamonocultureofpractice.Convivialitymeanssharing

andlivingtogether,whileretainingculturalfeatures.Gilroy(2006)defines:

“Convivialityisasocialpatterninwhichdifferentmetropolitangroupsdwellincloseproximity,butwheretheirracial,linguisticandreligiousparticularitiesdonot[…]adduptodiscontinuitiesofexperienceorinsuperableproblemsofcommunication.Intheseconditions,adegreeofdifferentiationcanbecombinedwithalargemeasureofoverlapping”(p.40).

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Consequently,Nealetal.(2013)arguethattheamicabilityandspontaneityfeaturesof

convivialityarewhatmakethisconceptparticularlyrelevanttothefast-changing

contemporaryurbanliving.Sharingapublicspacecouldinitiatedifferentlevelsofencounter,

fromsustainedtofleeting(WiseandVelayutham,2009)andconvivialitycanbefeltand

experiencedinthemostmomentaryorunpredictableeverydayencountersthatarise

spontaneously(Gilroy,2006,p.39;Nealetal.,2013,p.315)aswellasinmoresustainedsocial

relations(Nealetal.,2013,p.316).AccordingtoLofland(1989),socialencountersinapublic

realmarecategorisedintothreetypes:‘fleeting’,‘segmental’and‘unpersonal/bounded’.

Fleetingassociationsrefertobriefencounters;segmentalrelationshipsarethose

encounterswhereexchangesmayextendbeyondthegreetingandincludework-related

sphere,e.g.taxidrivers’interactionswiththeircustomers;‘Unpersonal/bounded’

encountersoccurringamongindividualsandfacilitatedbythearchetypalenvironmentof

theencounters(ibid).

Convivialityisnotfocusedontheformationofcommunityties,inwhichpeoplegettogether

withalong-lastingcommitment;butmoreusuallyaboutafriendly,casualandsuperficial

interaction,whichcouldhappenbetweenstrangers.Incitieswithdiversity,convivialityis

characterisedbyfriendlinessandnotnecessarilybyfriendship(Fincher,2003).Spontaneous

encountersandexchangearetogetherness,neighbourliness,acasualchat,givingway,holding

adooropen,giftgiving(vegetables,foodorcarepractices)andexchangeofgestureorsmile

(WiseandVelayutham,2009;Nealetal.,2016).Thesecanbeseenasaformof‘light

engagement’(Nealetal.,2013,p.318).Thesesmall,mundaneencountersareseentobe

importantfortheirpotentialtoofferevidenceofquotidianinterculturalpracticesand

competenciesinwhichpeopleroutinelynavigateculturaldifferences(NealandVincent,2013).

However,withconcernsof‘romanticized’accountsofconviviality,Valentine(2008)callsfora

greateremphasisonmeaningfulencounters.WiseandVelayutham(2009)assertthatliving

togetherpresentsdifferentstoriesandexperiencesofinterminglingandencounterswithsome

positiveexperiencesandsomeeverydayracism.Asaresult,everydayspacesandpractices

needtobeinvestigatedtoexplorehowculturaldiversityisexperiencedandnegotiatedonthe

groundandshapessocialencounters(ibid)onwhichtheaimsofthisresearcharedesigned.

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2.3.2Meaningfulencounters

Amin(2008)claimsthatconvivialityisanessentialcommonplacevirtuewithinmulti-cultural

experiences,andpresently,thereappearstobeaconsciousshiftinurbansocietiesto

encouragesocialsolidarityandculturalawarenessinordertostimulateculturalintegration

andappreciation.Reflectingmoralphilosophyinthepublicrealm,Lofland(1989)deemsthat

peoplemaintaincertainnormsandcodesofcivilitywheninteractinginurbanpublic

spaces.Shedescribes‘civilitytowardsdiversity’asimperativeinthepublicrealmand

ascribestermssuchasrulesor‘minutiaeregulatory’tothefeaturesofsociallifeinthe

publicrealm,trendsinuseofthepublicspacesandsociability.Sheclaimsthatcivilityor

courteousnessisreactingwithoutbiasorevenmaintainingindifferencetodiversityandyet

treatingeachotherwithequanimity.

Thereishoweveradebateregardingwhatcanbeconsideredmeaningfulencountersorcivility

(Valentine,2008;Noble,2013);peopleinpublicmayencountereachotherinacourteous

manner,butthisshouldnotbeinterpretedtooquicklyasasignofrespectfordifference.For

example,Amin(2002,p.960and970)arguesthatthe"negotiationofdifferencewithinlocal

micropublicsofeverydayinteraction”suchastheworkplace,schools,colleges,youthcentres

andsportsclubsareexamplesofsuccessfulinter-ethnicencounters.Theconceptof

micropublicshasbeencriticisedaspeopleareonoccasions“forcedtoengageandinteract,to

createrelationshipsandinterdependence”(MaiandSchmit,2013,p.209),andthereforethey

donotnecessarilychangetheirnegativegeneralisationandprejudice(Valentine,2008).

Valentine(2008)furtherarguesthatencountercannotalwayssupportsocialtransformation

andthatinsomeormanycases“proximitydidnotequatewithmeaningfulcontact”(p.334).

AdefinitionofmeaningfulencountersofferedbyValentine(2008)includesintercultural

exchange,socialtransformationandculturaldestabilisation.Shearguesthatresearchersneed

toinvestigatehowtheseencounterscanbe‘scaledup’,translatedbeyondthemomentof

meetingtodevelopintoapositiveattitudeandrespecttowardsothers.Wilson(2016)argues

thatratherthanthinkingaboutmeaningfulencountersasachangeinindividualvalue,we

shouldconsidertheconceptof‘mobilisation’andrelocationoftheeffect.Hence,

“Itisnotassumedthatencounterswithdifferencewillnecessarilyleadtoashiftinbehaviourorthinking.Rather,[itisto]demonstratehowencountershavebeenplacedintowidersocialorenvironmentalcontexts”(Wilson,2016,p.11).

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Inthisperspective,Nealetal.(2016,p.465)findthat‘extendedencounters’takeplace

between‘complexlydiverseothers’indifferentbutconnectedspaces,andthattheycanbe

morethanmerelyencountersthatarerepeatedovertime.Theirstudyexplainsthatextended

encounterscouldtakeplacethroughsharingthesocialresourceinpublicspacesthatgenerate

interactionsbeyondtheirimmediateboundaries.Sharingspacesmaygenerateaffective

interactionsandsocialintimacyandsharingresourcesmayalsobinddiversepopulations

together(ibid).Theydescribe:

“Theextensionoftheencountertakesplacethroughthepracticesnecessarytosharetheresourcebutalsobecausethesocialresourcemayitselfgenerateinteractionsbeyonditsimmediateboundariesandlocation.Exchangesorrecognitionscantravelfurtherintoothersocialsites,locationsandpersonalgeographies”(p.465).

Thereismuchweneedtolearnabouthowmomentsofencounterscanbemeaningfuland

scaledupbeyondtheirimmediateboundary.Thenatureof‘mobilised’and‘extended

encounters’canberelevanttotheagendaofsocialcapital,andahelpfulframingfor

addressingthepotentialofanencountertobe‘authentic’meaningful.Socialcapitalmeansthe

socialnetworksandrelationshipsthatsupportpeopleandpromotetheircollectiveefficiency

(Putnam,2000).Thetheoryofsocialcapitalcategorisesthreeformsofsocialnetwork:bonding

referstothestrongtieswithinhomogeneousgroups;bridgingisacrossculturalexchange;and

linkingsocialcapitalconnectsindividualsandgroupsoutsidetheirimmediatecommunity

(ibid).Bridgingandlinkingprovidesthesettingfordailyinteractionandenablesconnections

withinthepublicrealm(LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007).

AnotherrelevanttheoryisthecontacthypothesisbyAllport(1954):

“Prejudice(unlessdeeplyrootedinthecharacterstructureoftheindividual)maybereducedbyequalstatuscontactbetweenmajorityandminoritygroupsinthepursuitofcommongoals.Theeffectisgreatlyenhancedifthiscontactissanctionedbyinstitutionalsupports(i.e.,bylaw,customorlocalatmosphere),andprovideditisofasortthatleadstotheperceptionofcommoninterestsandcommonhumanitybetweenmembersofthetwogroups”(p.267).

WoodandLandry(2012,p.107)elaboratethatinthishypothesis,fourfeaturesaffect

encounters:qualityandquantity(i.e.spatialandtemporal),voluntary,equalstatus,andthe

collaborativeandinteractiveenvironment,whichcouldbeconsideredininvestigatingaspects

ofencounters.

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Valentine(2008),Nealetal.(2013)andWilson(2016)allemphasisetheneedtounderstand

thecontextsandmaterialconditionsofeverydayencounters.Wilson(2016)alsoarguesthatit

isvitaltolookatmeanings,temporalityandtensionsinresearchingencountersin

contemporarycities.ValentineandSadgrove(2012)addthatthatweneedtounderstandthe

conflictsintoday’sencountersandarguethatunderstandingmeaningsofencountersshould

befromaparticipantperspectiveinrelationtospatial-temporalexperiences.

IwillnowidentifytwofactorsthatIbelieveneedtobearticulatedwhenaddressing

encountersinpublicspaces:materialityandtemporality.

2.3.2.1Materiality

Materialityinthisresearchisconcernedwiththematerialform,fabricandpracticethat

supportsharingspacesandvaluesandprovideopportunitiesformeaningfulencountersinthe

urbanenvironment.KochandLatham(2011)suggesttheneedtoattendmorecarefullyto

materialityofpublicspacesintheanalysisofeverydayencountersandtoconsiderthatpublic

spacesaremadeof“constructedsurfaces,arrangedobjects,architectures,demarcations,

infrastructures,hardandsofttechnologies,amenitiesandprovisions,aestheticdevicesand

sharedmaterialpractices”(p.522).Inthedisciplineofgeographyandsociology,anumberof

urbansettingshavebeenexaminedanditwasfoundthatpublicspaces(neighbourhood,

streets,workspace,school,market,parks,bus)areoftenproductivesitesforeveryday

encounters(WatsonandStuddert,2006;WiseandVelayutham,2009;Wilson,2011;Noble,

2013;Nealetal.,2015;Hall,2015;Nealetal.,2016).However,theaffordancesofthephysical

entitiesandspatialqualitiesarebarelyconsideredwiththenotionofmaterialityin

investigatingtheencountersinthesesites.Inthissection,Iarguethatratherthanmerely

focussingonmaterialculture,thematerialvaluesanduseshouldbeconsideredasembedded

withinthespatialandphysicaldimensionsofanurbanspace;henceunderstandingthe

complexityofindividualvaluesanduseshouldalsobeconsideredwiththeconceptof

materiality.Understandingthesensoryqualities(visualandnon-visual)thatintertwinewith

materialityisalsoimportantwhenconsideringusers’valuesandpractices(Pink,2008;Ingold,

2012).

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ValentineandSadgrove(2012)focusonpersonalvaluesthatappeartovaryindifferentspaces

andwithculturaldifferencesandintersectionalityofidentities.Theyarguethatthesevalues

areproducedandshapedthrough‘embodiedexperiencesofdailylife’(p.7).Individualsare

exposedtoawiderangeofvaluesandattitudesindifferentspacesand“researchon

geographiesofencounterhavepaidrelativelylimitedattentiontounderstandingthevalues

thatconstituteandareconstitutedbydifferentspaces”andhowtheseshapeencounterwith

differences(ibid,p.6).

Forexample,publicnessvalueappearsasa‘keydynamicinaffectiveencounter’(Nealetal.,

2015)becauseitisaboutsharingthevalueofanegalitarianspacewhereallusershavethe

righttouseandsharetheprovidedresourcesandbenefits.Publicnessisaboutfreeentry,

accessibilityanddistributionofresources.Theyclaimthatthematerialityofpublicspacesis

usuallyconsideredwithinthebackgroundof“politicalandsocialrelations”ratherthanthe

waysinwhich“thepublicspacesthemselvesaffectthosesocialrelations”(p.465).

Leisurepracticealsosupportsmeaningfulencounters.Parksattractpeoplebecauseoftheir

‘leisure-pleasureassociations’andmulti-sensoryexperiences;peoplearechoosingtobeina

sharedspace(Nealetal.,2015,p.473).Asaresultofmaterialleisureandspatialchoicesand

sharingthemotivationsandvalues,peoplearenotforcedtocometogether,asin‘micropublic

encounters’,whichsupporttheconceptof‘electivepractice’andmeaningfulencounter.For

instance,throughunderstandingtheaffordancesaplacemayoffer,KochandLatham(2011)

focusedonstreetjunctionsintheirresearchcontextandfoundthat,becauseofthesocialand

leisureopportunities,junctionstransformedintoconvivialsitesandproducedsocial

encounters.

Withcomplexityandsocialandculturaldynamicsthatshapethelandscapeintranscultural

cities,materialscouldalsobeunderstoodwithintheconceptofchangeanddynamicsrather

thanasfixedorstatic.LathamandMcCormack(2004)alsoassertthatmaterialityneedstobe

consideredwiththeconceptsofmultiplication,intersectionalityofdifferentmaterialityand

complexspatiality.Consideringthis“allowsustothinkthroughwhydifferentcities,different

urbanspaces,havequitedifferentaffectivecapacities”(ibid,p.719).Hence,theyemphasise

that“theworkofurbangeographersmightbecomemuchmoreaboutthinkingthroughways

offoregroundingtheproductivepotentialitiesoftenhiddenwithinthematerialitiesofthe

urban”(p.719).Conductingtheresearchusinglandscapearchitectureresearchmethods,

materialitywouldbeconsideredintheanalysis.

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Inusinglandscapearchitectureasalensthroughoutthisresearchtoexaminelocalitieswithan

emphasisontherelationshipbetweenconvivialityandmateriality,thefieldworkand

discussionrequiresareflectiononspatialdesignqualities.Inlandscapearchitecture,the

designeraimstocreateplacesthatmeetsocialandculturalobjectivesaswellas

environmentalandaestheticintentions.Socialresponsivenessinlandscapearchitecture

meansthatdesignersshouldbeawareofthedivergentwayspeopleuseandexperience

landscapesandthenrespondtotheseindesign(Thwaites,2001;Dee,2001).Differentforms

ofspacescanenabledifferentsocialfunctions.Thwaites(2001)highlightsthatdifferent

qualitiesandelementsofspatialconfiguration(centre,direction,transitionandarea)in

landscapearchitecturecanshapepeople’sexperiencesandsocialinteractionsinurbanopens

spaces.Forexample,edges(linear)andthreshold(in-between)haveintegrativesocial

functions(Dee,2001,p.3)andalsoThwaitesetal.(2014)arguethatmoreemphasisneedsto

begiventothetransitionalspacesinurbandesignandlandscapearchitecturetofacilitate

widesocialbenefitsofoutdoorspaces.Similarly,landscapeelements(water,pavement,plant,

structureandfurniture,topography)supportalsoaffordancesforsocialinteractionsand

triangulation(Whyte,1980).Thetheoryofaffordance,fromthisperspective,highlightsthe

potentialofoutdoorspacesforsupportingpeople’sinvolvement,socialinteractionandtheir

intendedusesinwhichmeaningsareconstructedbyindividuals(Kaplan,1979;Nassauer,

1995;Travlou,2006;MooreandCosco,2007;Tonnelat,2010;Legeby,2010;Colesetal.,

2013).Inlandscapearchitecture,affordancescouldbeconsideredundersocio-spatial-

temporaldimensions,butlandscapearchitectsneedtobesensitiveinrespondingtoand

supportingtheexistingsocial,culturalandenvironmentalpatterns.

Ininterrelatingethnographicresearchandplace-making,Pink(2008)alsoexploreshow

outdooractivitiesandmaterialitiescanevokememoriesthroughexposuretodiversesensory

experiencesatmicro-scale.Close-upexperiencesoflandscapeandimmediateexposuretothe

materialityofphysicalfabricofspacesprovidediversityofsensoryqualities(colour,light,

texture,orpattern)insurfaces,topography,vegetation,structuresandwater(Dee,2001,

p.188ff).Suchdetailsareinthesenseofthelandscapedesignandanintegralpartinthe

processofdevelopmentandimplementationofdifferentspacesandforms(i.e.paths,edges,

fociandthresholds)(ibid).Visualandnon-visualsensesevokememoriesandstimulate

differentactivitiesinpublicplaces(ibid).Qualitiesofinclusiveness,flexibilityandrobustness

helpsupportawiderangeofpeople’sperceptionsandactivities.Yet,thismaynotbeentirely

straightforwardincomplexandculturallydynamicurbanenvironments.

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Accordingly,carefulattentionshouldbepaidtohowmaterialsmaybeinvolvedintheactivities

andembeddedinculturalandsocialunderstandingofidentityasmaterialsnormaliseuse

(AskinsandPain,2011).AskinsandPain(2011)alsoassertthatthedeployment/employment

ofobjectsmaybecriticalwithinplanningandimplementationofanactivitysoastoenable

meaningfulencounter.Forexample,artprovidespointsofconnectionandtriangulation

betweenpeopleinamoment,whichopenuppotentialsfor‘newsocialrelationstobe

enacted’(ibid,p.817).Thus,policyshouldalsorecognisethetemporaldimensionofencounter

andtheneedforrepeatedactivitiestounderstandtransformationintheroutineuseand

relationsbetweenpeoplewherebynewnormsintheuseofthespacemayemerge(ibid).

2.3.2.2Temporality

Temporalityinthissectiondealswiththemeaningsdevelopedfromencounterswitha

temporaldimensionandwithinalimitedtime.Thoughencountersareoftencharacterisedas

momentaryorfleeting;momentaryencountersshouldnotberegardedasinsignificantoras

eventsthatdissipateasquicklyastheyseeminglyemerge.Rather,WilsonandDarling(2016)

andWilson(2016)emphasisetheimportanceofencountersaseventswithassociations

formedacrossmultipletemporalities.Theyarguethatevenfleetingencountersareformed

andshapedbyawealthofpastexperiences,eventsandmemories,whichcouldresonate

beyondtheirownimmediateoccurrencetoshapeopinionsandfuturecompetencies.Since

encountersaresituatedwithinpersonalandcollectivehistoriesaswellasimaginedfutures,

Wilson(2016)suggests,“Itispossiblethatencountersaccumulatetograduallyshiftrelations

andbehavioursovertime”(p.13),andhighlightstheimportanceofconsideringhowmovement

andmobilityshapeencountersthatarefleetingyetmeaningful.Repeatedmomentary

encounterscouldalsobecomesustainedovertimeandcouldbecomesignificantforinforming

theeverydaynegotiationofculturaldifferences(NealandVincent,2013;Nealetal.,2015;

Wilson,2016;Nealetal.,2016).Suchsustainedroutineencounterscanhappeninpublic

transport,communitycentres,schoolsorneighbourhoods(Wilson,2016).Hence,social

transformationhappensovertimethroughacumulativepatternofencounters.

Nealetal.(2015)addthatencountersarenottheonlymomentsofdirectinteractionand

dialogue,butalsosharingspacesandparticipationinsimilarpracticescouldbeaffective

encounters.Theirstudyrevealedthatsharingaspacecouldgeneratefeelingsofconnectivity

totheknownandtheunknown.Theyexplainthat“whilethesocialaffinitiesaffordedby

sharingtheparkspacemaybetemporary,therepeated,ongoingnatureofusing/visitingthe

spacemaygenerateadeeperformofencounter”(p.472),andaddthatrepeatedusemayalso

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generate“extradiscursivesensesofaffinityforthosespacesandaconnectiontoothersthough

withoutinteraction”(p.473).Withasimilarperspective,Wilson(2011)describestheethnically

diversesocietiesineverydayencountersonapublicbusroutetobe‘temporarycommunities’.

Conductingresearchonpublicopenspacescandemonstratethattemporalityofencountersin

outdoorspacescouldbeintegraltothenotionofsocialcapital,thusencounterscouldbe

framedasmeaningful.First,itneedstobeunderstoodthatpublicopenspacesareconnected

urbanenvironmentsandhencerepeatingthepracticeofbeingoutdoorindifferentlocations

cancontributetotheconceptofextendedencounter,inwhich“exchangesorrecognitionscan

travelfurtherintoothersocialsites”(Nealetal.,2016).Thisargumentsecondlydrawsonthe

conceptof‘temporalityofthelandscape’and‘taskscape’(Ingold,2000)inwhich“justasthe

landscapeisanarrayofrelatedfeatures,so-byanalogy-thetaskscapeisanarrayofrelated

activities”(ibid,p.195).Throughunderstandingthatdynamiclandscapeandthearrayof

connectedtaskscape,theconceptofsocialencountersinpublicopenspacescouldbe‘scaled

up’andtranslatedbeyondthemomentofmeeting.Theeffectscanbetranslatedbylinking

differentoccasions,activitiesandpeoplewithdynamicpatternsofuse.Inthiscase,scalingup

encountersinanopenspacecouldhappennotonlythroughtheconceptof‘mobilisation’and

relocationoftheeffectwithinthecity,butalsowithinthesamespaceinadifferenttime.

Nonetheless,theeffectoftheencountercouldalsobemobilisedwithpeople’smovement

withinthecity.Besides,theseconceptsofextendingencountersinconnectedspaces,linking

occasions(taskscape)andmobilisingarerelevanttoenhancingsocialcapital;hence;outdoor

builtenvironmentscanproducemeaningfulencountersandtheireffectscanbescaledup

beyondthemomentofencounter.

Anotherimplicationherefortheconceptofmeaningfulencountersisthatthroughfacilitating

thepracticeofbeingoutdoors,encounterscanberepeatedandextendedencounterscanbe

produced.Wilson(2016)andWilsonandDarling(2016)findthatencountersinmoderncities

aretheunanticipatedexposurestodifferencesandtheiroutcomesarealsounpredictable,and

accordingly,WilsonandDarling(2016)claimthatencountersshouldnotbedesigned,

facilitatedorreplicatedtoproducespecificoutcomes.However,withtemporalityand

dynamicsoflandscape,thereisalwaysanelementofsurprise,butunpredictabilitymaycreate

ambiguityinacontextwithdifferentculturalexpectationsandinterpretations.Inthis

perspective,PowellandRishbeth(2012)demonstratethattofosterinclusioninoutdoor

spaces,safety,legibilityandtransparencyarenecessarytosupportroutineactivitiesinwhich

diverseculturescannegotiateintheirusewithconfidenceandfamiliarity.Consequently,to

supportmeaningfulencountersandpromotesocialcapital,‘electivepractice’ofbeing

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outdoorsshouldbefacilitated.Thiscanalsocreateacumulativepatternofencountersand

socialtransformationintermsofchoicestorepeatsharingoutdoorspaceswithdiverseothers.

2.3.3Hospitality:Amoralvalue

Indialoguesonmoralphilosophy,sociabilityhasbeendescribedasa‘mutualobligation’

betweenindividuals(Darwall,2012).Similarly,SheringhamandDaruwalla(2007,p.34)claim

thatinseveralcultures,hospitalityisconsideredasa‘moralobligationandvirtue’.Inthe

wordsofImmanuelKant,theGermanphilosopher,hospitalityis“therightofastrangernotto

betreatedwithhostilitywhenhearrivesonsomeoneelse’sterritory”(Covell,1998,p.142).

ThisresearchisconductedwithinanArabic-Islamiccontext;therefore,itisappropriateto

understandtherelevantmoralcodesfromIslamicliterature,whichinfluencesocial

sensibilitiesinlocationssuchasBahrain.Al-Kayasi(2003)declaresthatIslamadvocatesits

followerstoexchangesalutationswithpeopletheymayencounter,forexampleinstreet,a

ridershouldgreetapedestrian,apedestrianshouldgreetonewhoissitting,andasmallparty

shouldgreetalargeparty,ayoungershouldgreetanelderone(ibid,p.150).Sucha

commonplacesocialpracticestrengthensandsustainsconvivialrelationsbetweendiverse

ethnicities.Inaddition,streetorpublicspaceetiquetteinanIslamicsocietyextendsto

greetingastranger,keepingtheneighbourhoodareasandpublicspaceslitterfreeand

removinganyobstaclesuchasstone,thornorasharpobjectthatmaycauseinjurytoapasser-

by.Infact,Islamreferstosuchactsascharitableor‘Sadaqah’(ibid,p.172).Islamurgesits

devoteestostrictlyadheretorespectfulbehaviourinthepresenceofwomen(ibid,173).

Bahrainisrenownedforitstolerantapproachtowardforeignersofdifferentfaiths,whoare

allowedtopractisetheirrespectivereligionsinpublic(Karolak,2009).Thenumberof

mosques,churchesandtemples,whichofferreligioussermonsandservicesinseveral

languages(ibid),suggestsanacceptanceofbothmigrantsandforeigncultures(Gardener,

2011).Itisalsocommontofinddisplaysandinstructionsindifferentlanguagesonwindowsof

shops,whichalsohirecustomercarestafffromthemigrants’countriestofacilitate

communicationinthedifferentlanguages(Karolak,2009).WhileArabicistheofficiallanguage

inBahrain,HindiandEnglisharewidelyusedbythelocalpeopletocommunicatewith

migrants(ibid)

Gardener(2010a)statesthathospitalityinBahrainisdeeplyrootedinArabandIslamic

cultures,andthisethoshelpsthelocalcitizenstocoexistwithmigrantsandplayhost.Healso

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addsthatthelocalcitizensrealisetheirlackinrequiredskillstokeeppacewiththeglobal

economiesandthatforeignworkersareneededtosustaintheeconomy.However,Gardner

(2008)inhisresearchaboutIndiandiasporainBahraindeclaresthatthereareoccasional

‘violentundercurrents’inmigrants’everydayencounterswiththecommunity,inwhich

migrantstrytoavoidgettingintoconflictswiththelocalpeople.Hence,withintersectionalities

ofidentitiesandculturaldifferences,differentMuslimgroupscouldexpresstheirmanners

differently.Culturalpracticesarenotonlyshapedbyreligionororigin,butalsobyother

culturalvariablessuchaseducation,lengthofresidenceandsocio-economiclevel.

2.3.4Conflictswithinconviviality

“Grapplingwiththecomplexandoftencontradictoryterrainoflivedencounterinbothits‘happy’and‘hard’formsandtheatmospheresthatemergefromsituatedencounterremainsrelativelyunexploredterritory,ripeforfurtherresearch.Thisisachallengeevermorepressingwiththeinfinitemultiplicationofdifferenceandintensificationofflowspresentincontemporarycitiesofdifference”(WiseandVelayutham,2014,p.425).

Wheninvestigatingconvivialityineverydaysocialrelationsinpublicspaces,thepositive

perspectivesareusuallyhighlighted;however,itisimportanttobehonestaboutchallenges.

Howdothecomplexitiesofdiversitiesintransculturalcitiesspilloversometimesnegatively

intosocialeverydayencounters,andhowareconflictsshapedandexpressedatmicro-level?

Understandingtensionsatmicro-levelisvitalduetoconcernsofscalingup,generalisingor

mobilisingsuchconflicts(Valentine,2008;Wilson2016)andneedtoshapearesearch

approach:

“Inasuper-diversecontext,patternsofprejudice,theunderlyingreasonsforthemandthesocialpracticesresultingfromthemarecomplextoadegreethatonlyin-depthethnographiesofspecificgroupswithinthiscontextwouldbeabletoelicit”(Wessendorf,2014ap.14).

Amin(2008)arguesthatmoralityindealingwithdifferencesinanygivensituationof

‘throwntogetherness’5maynotbeconstantorpositive.Heexplainsthatuserscouldbe

inclinedtodemonstrateculturallyembeddedattitudesandbehavioursofavoidance,

discriminationorself-defence.Differencesdobecomeanissueofconflict,butethnicityisnot

alwaysthedominantcategoryfordifferentiation(Wessendorf,2014a).Thedefinitionsofin-

groupandout-groupcandependonthedurationofresidenceorcomplyingwith“rulesabout

5AtermusedbyMassey(2005)

39

cleanlinessandorder(e.g.notleavingrubbishoutsidethedoor,notbeingnoisy)and

participationinlocalactivities”(ibid,p.8).Noble(2013)alsofindsthateverydaypractices

couldconstitutejudgmentofothersbasedonmoralobligation.

Inacomplexsociety,theambiguityhasincreased;itthusmightnotbepossibletodefine,for

example,whatsociableorhospitablepracticesare.Smiling,hand-shakingorchattingwith

strangersofdifferentages,genderorethnicgroupsmighthavedifferentconnotations;

friendlinessforsome,whilstnotforotherswhoperceivethisascrossingboundaries,andfor

someafeelingofbeingintimidated.Inurbanspaces,thereisalwaysanelementof

ambiguityastoifasocialencounteriswithintheboundaryoftherulesorhasstrayedinto

anuncharteredarea,wherenormspertainingtocourteousnessmaynotprevail(Lofland,

1989).Shearguesthatthechoicesofrelationsareself-regulatedandadministratedand

relevanttothenotionofpeople’scivility.

Migrationsincreaseculturaldifferenceswithregardtoeverydaypractices.Thediverseand

culturalpracticesintransculturalcontextsarerelevanttointangiblehomeheritageor

differentlifestylesthattravelwithpeople.Promotionofdiversityfocusesonthefreedomof

culturalexpressionsandtobeabletopracticeone'sownculture,whichconstitutesacultural

rightandalsoencouragescreativity.However,Fainstein(2005)finds,“Therelationship

betweendiversityandtoleranceisnotclear.Sometimesexposureto‘theother’evokesgreater

understanding,butiflifestylesaretooincompatible,itonlyheightensprejudice”(p.13).

Herrmann(2010)findsthatdiversitymightnotalwaysbeuncomplicatedpleasureandinthese

contextsthenotionofconvivialityassupportedbycontactandshapedbytolerancemaybea

naïveassumption.Hefurtherstates,“livingdiversitydemandsacertainattitudetowards

othernesstolivepeacefullytogether”(p.131),butisalsoframedbystructuresofinequality

andpowerimbalances.

Amin(2008)arguesthatconflictsinpublicspacesaresymbolicofexclusionpracticesorhighly

controlledsupervision.Inordertofosterconvivialityasa‘civicvirtue’inanurbanpublicspace,

hesuggeststhatprovidingalinkbetweenurbanpublicspaceandvirtuecanextendabroader

moralconnotationtotheconceptofconviviality.Hecallsforimprovementsin‘socialwellbeing

andjustice’andthat“peoplehavetoenterintopublicspaceasrightfulcitizens”through

havinghighqualityaccessibleandinclusivepublicspaces(p.23).Valentine(2008,p.333)finds

thatsocialtensionsareoftenrelatedtosocio-spatialinequalitiesandinjusticeinallocating

localresourcesincitieswith‘competitionforscarceresources’and‘narrativesofeconomic

and/orculturalvictimhood’.

40

Weneedtoconsiderwiththe‘togetherbutunequal’typesoflifeinmoderncities,the

questionofhowconvivialityandmoralobligationcouldbecommunicatedinpraxisinurban

publicspaces.

2.4Urbanpublicopenspaces:Socialvaluesanduses

Apublicopenspacecanbedefinedasan“openspace,bothgreenspacesandhardcivicspaces,

towhichthereispublicaccesseventhoughthelandmaynotnecessarilybeinpublic

ownership”(Dunnettetal.,2002,p.8).Publicopenspaces(POS)inthisresearchcoverthe

formalandinformalspacesintheoutdoorbuiltenvironmentandincludeparksandgardens,

streets,parkingareas,sidewalk,corners,‘souqs’(marketplaces),squares,pedestrianareas,al

frescocafés.Inthedistributionofpublicspacesincontextsofdiversepopulationtheurban

environmentshouldensurethat“allenjoyaccesstoarangeofservicesandactivities”(Urban

TaskForcereport,1999,p.19).Thereport(1999)highlights:

“Publicspaceshouldbeconceivedofasanoutdoorroomwithinaneighbourhood,somewheretorelax,andenjoytheurbanexperience,avenueforarangeofdifferentactivities,fromoutdooreatingtostreetentertainment;fromsportandplayareastoavenueforcivicorpoliticalfunctions;andmostimportantlyofallaplaceforwalkingorsitting-out”(p.57).

Thissectionreviewsthefindingsfrompreviousstudiesregardingtheusevaluesofopen

spacesincontextswithdiversepopulation.

2.4.1ActivitiesandculturaldiversityinPOS

Acommonreflectionofdiversityinpublicopenspaceistherangeofactivitiestakingplace

(Gehl,2011).Ifthephysicalenvironmentofaspaceiswell-designedandmanagestoimprove

thequalityofpeople’sdailylife,itwillgiverisetoopportunitiesforsocialactivities(ibid).

Parks,squaresandstreetsbecomelivelythrougheventsandactivities,andtheseinturn

attractmoreusers(Dunnetetal.,2002;Woolley,2003;Ozgüner,2011).Gehl(2011)findsthat

thesocialactivitiescanbeanevolutionfromnecessaryactivities(e.g.goingtoschoolorgoing

toworkorevenshopping)andoptionalactivities(e.g.walkingforfreshair,exercisingor

sitting).

WardThompson(2002)findsthatverylittleattentionisgiventothelifepatternsofurban

openspacesandhowculturallyappropriatethesespacesare.Intherecentdecades,the

41

researchonmigrationandracehasstartedtoinvestigatetheactivitiesofdifferentusersin

urbanpublicspacesastheyhaveadirectimplicationonthesenseofbelonging,wellbeingand

socialjustice(Rishbeth,2001;ByrneandWolch,2009;Peters,2010;Kloeketal.,2015)

particularlyasleisureandrecreationappeartobecommonreasonstousePOSamongthe

differentculturalgroups;however,themanifestationofleisureactivitiesarediverse(Lowet

al.,2005;ByrneandWolch,2009;PetersanddeHaan,2011;Ozgüner,2011).Byrneand

Wolch(2009)identifythatwhileseclusionactivitiessuchascamping,hiking,hunting,boating,

swimming,cycling,anddog-walkingarecommoninformaluseamongwhites,Asiansprefer

strolling/walking,picnicking,fishing,volleyball,andgolf,Latinosusuallyengageininformal

socialactivitiessuchaspicnicking,andAfrican-Americansseemtoenjoysportandorganised

recreationlikebasketball,butalsosociableactivities.Ozgüner(2011,p.599)alsofindsthat

Turkishpeopleuseurbanparksmostlyingroupsforrecreationalactivitiessuchaspicnicking,

restingandrelaxing,whichisdifferentfromwesternuse.Theperceptionsandpreferencesare

alsodifferentbetweendifferentgroups(Rishbeth,2004;ByrneandWolch,2009).Peters

(2010)findsthatmigrantsprefertousetheopenspacesneartheirhomesratherthaninthe

countrysidewherethesespacesareusedmostlybythelocals.

Amongstthisdiversity,thereareexceptionsofcommonalitiesbetweendiversecultures,

(Loukaitou-Sideris,1995).Safety,peaceandtheenjoymentofchildrenappearcommon

perceptionsinOzgüner’sstudy(2011)amongbothwesternandTurkishusers.Loukaitou-

Sideris(1995)alsofindthatgreenery,sportsfieldsandpicnicareasmeetsome‘universally

sharedneeds’(p.100);yet,weshouldnotignoresomespecificculturalpatternsofuseasthese

differencesaffectindividualwellbeing.

TheLoukaitou-Sideris(1995)studyfindsthatdifferencesinusingthePOSarenotonlyracial

andethnicbased,butalsorelevanttosocio-demographicsdifferences.ByrneandWolch

(2009)alsoaddthatvariablessuchasclass,ageandgender,race,generation,education,

origin,socio-economicstatus,locationandmobility,timeresources,history,andleisure

preferencesandattitudestonatureareculturaldifferencesthatreflectonthepatternofuse.

Theplacealsohasadirectroleinshapingdifferencesinpatternsofuseasmanyactivities

linkedtoculturalvaluesarecontextdependent.Inmanystudies,thefocusisonurban

greenspaces,whichincludeformalspacessuchasparks,buttheleisureandentertainment

functionofpublicspaceisnotlimitedtoinventedplacesandthemedenvironments(Peters

anddeHaan,2011).Theyassertthatleisureisalsoincreasinglyrecognisedaspartofordinary

urbanism.Investigatingmundanespacesandexperiencesintheneighbourhoodalsoenriches

42

theunderstandingofthemeaningofpublicspacesfordiverseusers(ibid).ByrneandWolch

(2009)emphasisetheroleofphysicalcharacteristicsofplace,neighbourhoods,service

provisioncostsandmanagementandmaintenancepoliciesinshapingpatternofuse.

Physicalfactorsshapetheperceptionandmotivationsforuseaswellasnon-useandthen

wellbeing(RishbethandFinney,2006;ByrneandWolch,2009).TheculturaldifferencesinPOS

alsocreatebarriersandconstraintsthatidentifyreasonsfornotusingPOS(ByrneandWolch,

2009).Rishbeth(2001),forexample,findsthatthereasonsbehindnotusingdistantpublic

parksorcountrysidearemainlybecauseoflongworkinghours,transportationissuesornot

havingspecialisedclothes.

TheArabianPeninsulaandMiddleEastcountrieshaveadistinguishedgeographicallocation

fromtheotherpartsoftheworldthataffectstheircultureandclimate,butfewstudiesare

concernedwiththeuseofPOSinthisregion(Addas,2015).Thetermurbangreenspacesinthe

westernworldconsiderstheformalPOSandordinarylandscape,whileinmanyaridclimates,

theordinarylandscapeiscommonlydesert,alsomanygreenformalspaceshavenotbeen

designatedforfunctionaluse,butmostlyforvisualconsideration(suchastheroundabouts

andthestreets’andparkingareas’islands)(Bolleter,2009and2015).Theclimateandthe

demographiccharacteristicsinthisregionalsodifferbetweentheGulf,Africa,the

MediterraneanandthewestandeastcoastsoftheArabianPeninsula.Theeconomyand

history,forexample,betweentheNorthAfricancountriesandtheGulfdiffer(Nagy,2009);

yet,ArabcountriesintheGulfsharemorecharacteristics.Hence,morestudiesinthisregion

arerequiredtounderstandperceptionsandtheusesofoutdoorsspaces.Thesocialand

culturaldynamicsintheGulfalsoaffecttheperceptionsandactivitiesinoutdoorsspaces,

whichincreasethecomplexityofunderstandingsociallifeinPOS.Thefindingsofthesestudies

couldbeextendedtootherMiddleEasterncountriesandusedasabaseforfutureresearch.

Understandingpatternofusesofopenspacesandthesocialandculturalaspectsofthebuilt

formisessentialtosupportthetheoriesofsocialtransformationandsocialinclusivity.

Exploringthecommonalitiesinuseisalsoadirectiontowardsintegrationandconviviality.

Consideringthatbothformalandinformal(suchasstreet)POSareplacesforleisure

emphasisesthatpeoplehavechoicesinbeingoutdoors,whichcanprovideelectivepractices

andsupportconvivialencounters.BarriersordifficultiesinaccessingthePOSorinconducting

diverseleisureactivitiescouldalsobeanobstructionforsocialencountersandcould

negativelyaffecttheprocessofadaptationandthepromotionofasenseofbelongingin

transculturalcities.

43

2.4.2SocialvaluesofPOS

POShaveawiderangeofbenefitsforpeople’swellbeing.Benefitsorvaluesofurban

greenspacecanbecategorisedassocial,environmentalandeconomic;“howeverakeyfeature

ofsuccessfulgreenspacesistheircapacitytoprovidemultiplebenefitstocommunities”

(Dunnettetal.,2002,p.78).Inacontemporarysociety,itisimportanttounderstandthese

valuesforthediversepeople.Socialvaluesareveryhighlyrelevanttothisresearch.POSoffer

arangeofsocialbenefitstousers,includingmigrantsandnewcomers,whichpromoteshealth

andsocialwellbeing(Dunnetetal.,2002;RegionalPublicHealth,2010;WardThompson,

2011).

2.4.2.1Restorationvalues

POShaverestorativevaluesasexposuretoopenspaceswouldpromoterelaxationandreduce

stress.Kaplan(1995)suggeststhatoneislikelytofeelineptordistraughtwhentired,

pressured,apprehensiveorirritated.‘Attentionrestorationtheory’suggeststhatmental

fatiguecanberecoveredandimprovedbycontactwithnature(ibid).

Severalstudiespointoutthesignificantroleofnaturalenvironmentsandgreenspacesto

mitigatestressandreduceattentionfatigue–asyndromeexperiencedamongpeopleof

differentagegroups(Kaplan,1995;Korpelaetal.,2001;OttossonandGrahn,2005;Hansmann

etal.,2007).Inthesestudies,itissuggestedthatopen,light-fillednaturalgreenspaceswith

treesandwaterbodiesarepredominantlybeneficialassuchenvironmentsinstilafeelingof

securityandrelaxation.Thepotentialbenefitsofpublicspacesincludetheideaof‘therapeutic

landscapes’orhealingplaces,whichemphasisetheroleofthequalitiesofthesurrounding

environmentinpromotingwellbeing(Cattelletal.,2008).Kaplan(1995)demonstratesthat

naturalgreenenvironmentshavethekeyqualitiesthatsupportrestoration,whichare:

fascination,beingaway,extentandcompatibility.Fascinationisthevisualqualityofaspace

thatintrinsicallycaptivatesandallowsinvoluntaryattention,andisatypicalcharacteristicof

naturalenvironmentsbecauseofthedynamicfeaturesandsoft-harddimension(ibid).While

‘beingaway’couldbeaphysicalorconceptualformofgettingawayfromroutinelife,the

naturalspacesalsohaveextentorinotherwords,avarietyofcoherentandstimulating

activities(ibid).Kaplan(1995)alsofindsthatthenaturalspaceshave‘compatibility’withthe

intentionandproclivityoftheusers,whichmakesthegreenspacesidealspacesfor

restoration.Thesensoryexperiences(visualandnon-visual)ofnature(particularlyvegetation)

44

havebeenemphasisedinmanystudiesasaspectsofstressrestorationthatstimulate

individuals’differentsenses(OttossonandGrahn,2005;GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).

Whilenaturalenvironmentshavepotentialrestorativeattributes,inthe‘globalplace

experience’,restorativenesshasalsoemergedinbuiltenvironments(ScopellitiaandGiuliania,

2004).Theystatethatthefourrestorativecomponentsproposedby‘attentionrestoration

theory’candifferaccordingtopeople’sperceptionsoftheleisureexperiencesintermsof

relaxationandexcitement.Theirfindingsindicatethatbothnaturalandbuiltenvironments

canhavedifferentrestorativepotentialsdependingontheageoftheusersandthetime

availableforrestoration.Thesocialandaffectivedynamicsalsoemergedasimportantfeatures

ofrestorativeexperiences.

Thwaitesetal.(2011)underlinetheexperiencesofpeopleincitiesandtheimplicationfor

restorativevaluesandarguethatmoreattentionneedstobegiventothesocialdimension

whenstudyingrestorativeexperiences.Spatialconfigurationandqualitiesofoutdoorspaces

havefundamentalpsychologicalandsocialbenefits(Thwaitesetal.,2005).Thwaitesetal.

(2011)suggestthatabetterunderstandingofhuman-environmentrelationsisrequiredwhen

investigatingrestorativeexperiencesofoutdoorspaces.Fromthisperspective,the‘routine

andmundaneactivitiesinpublicspace’maypromotewellbeingandcomfort;yetforothers,

thesemundanePOSarealsobeusedto‘escape’from‘everydayhouseholdchores’(Cattellet

al.,2008,p.557).Here,peoplefeelcomfortableto‘mingle,observeandlinger’becauseofthe

aspectsofenjoyable‘cosmopolitanlife’(ibid).Cattelletal.(2008)furtherarguethatpeople

oftenretreattocontiguousnonpartisanspacestohaveaninterludefromtheirhumdrumlives,

andthesespacessymboliseasociableandconvivialsanctuaryformanyofthem.Social

interactioninpublicspacescan‘providerelieffromdailyroutines’andcanhaveadirect

impactonwellbeing(ibid,p.556).Forsomepeople,POSembodyasanctuarytobealone,but

forsomeothersthecollectiveusesalleviatestressandhelpmaintainhealthandwellbeing

(ibid,2008).Forinstance,KochandLatham(2011)findthatthein-betweenvernacularspaces

inthemarketscoulddevelopformsofconviviality,whichcouldholdrestorativevaluesand

therapeuticqualitiesfordiverseusers.AccordingtoFincher(2003),convivialityisakeyfeature

ofcontemporaryurbanlifestylesascircumstancespromoteconvivialinteractionsamong

individuals;theycanparticipatecollectivelyinseveralmundaneactivitiessuchaseating

alongsideothersinpublicspaces.AccordingtoCattellet.al.(2008),routineencounterswith

familiarpeopleinfamiliarspacescreateanimpressionofdependabilityofpeopleandthings;

however,unanticipatedencounterscanalsoofferpleasurableexperiences.Becauseofthe

significantimportanceofPOSforhealth,WardThompson(2011)arguesthatthereisneedfor

45

abetterunderstandingofthequalityofoutdoorenvironmentforpromotingpeople’s

wellbeing.

InWesternresearchcontexts,thecorrelationbetweenmentalwellbeingandopen

greenspaceshasbeenwell-established;however,intheMiddleEast,therestorativequalities

ofopenspacesneedtobeinvestigatedinadesertcontext(Alrawaf,2015).InJeddah,Addas

(2015)findsthatsoftscapefeaturesofPOSsuchastreesandplantsenhancedtheirrestorative

values,andthedesertlandscapeoutsidethecitylimitsoffersthe‘beingaway’valueforthe

residents.InBahrain,thereareformalpublicparksandgardensthataremainlywell-

maintainedgreenspaces,butthenaturalspacesdonotindicategreenandtheordinary

landscapeiscommonlydesert.Thequestionishowordinarylandscapeandinformalopen

spacescanpromotementalwellbeing,andhowthesedesertspacesorgreenparkscanhave

restorativevaluesforthediversepopulationwithdifferentperceptions,pastexperiencesand

historyofplaces.Peoplecouldalsohavedifferentsensoryexperiencesinthedesert,gardens

andurbancongestedspaces,whichneedtobeexplored.

Mobilityandtimeresourcesandsocio-economiclevelsofthediversepopulationmightaffect

accessibilitytotheprovidedgreenspacesbecauseoftheirlocationaldisadvantagesor

distribution,whichwouldthenaffectpeople’sopportunitiesforexperiencingwellbeing.

ConsideringthevaluesofPOSonpeople’shealthandwellbeingisparticularlyappropriatefor

thepoorandtheworking-classresidentsastheydonothavebackyardsorgardensandalso

havemuchlessleisuretimewhentheycanrest(Lowetal.,2005;Ozgüner,2011).Thepeople

whoperhapshavethegreatestneedfor“accesstopublicparksandtheopportunityfor

sociabilityinasafeoutdoorsetting”arethosewhohaverestrictedmobilityforreasonsof‘age,

economicstatusorlackofprivatetransport’(WardThompson,2002,p.61).Hence,itis

importanttoconsidersocialjusticeandtounderstandhowothertypologiesandexperiences

indifferentPOScouldhaverestorativevalues.

2.4.2.2Socialcohesion

Socialcohesionisimportantatthelevelofnationhoodforemphasisingtherelationship

betweencitizens,andisalsoimportantforthose“whodonotsharethesamesenseof

commonhistoricalorgeographical‘belonging’”topromotesocialcapitalinthecommunity

(LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007,p.16).Incontemporarysocieties,debatesregarding

socialcohesionareoftenrelatedtosocialnetworks,asthepopulationsaredynamicand

superdiverseandnothomogeneous;however,theimportanceofsocialinteractionhasbeen

46

emphasisedintransculturalstudies(Vertovec,2007a).Manystudiesclaimthatinteractions

betweenpeopleacrossethnicdividesincreasesocialcohesionandhenceformthegenesisof

socialcapital(MeanandTims,2005;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007;Cattelletal.,2008;

Peters,2010).

Opportunitiesinpublicspacesforsocialinteraction,integratingwithothersanddeveloping

attachmentswiththelocalcommunityrepresentsocialvaluestotheusers(MeanandTims,

2005;RishbethandFinney,2006;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007;Cattelletal.,2008).

UsingPOSdevelopsconnectiontothespaceandtootherpeoplewhousetheseplaces

throughsocialencounters,whichcanpromotefeelingsofcomfortandleadtosocialcohesion.

Peters(2010)addsthatinspacesthatcancreateopportunitiesforinteractionsamongdiverse

ethnicgroups,migrantscanbenefitfromthosemomentsofinteractionswithnon-migrants

becausesuchinteractionscanproducefeelingsofacceptance,thoughencountersmaybe

cursoryorinformal

LownsbroughandBeunderman(2007,p.16)emphasisethatthesenseoftrustandsolidarity

andsocialcapitalcouldbefosteredthroughsocialinteraction,therecognitionofshared

interestsandcompassionbetweenstrangersandbyovercoming'thebarriersofotherness’.

Theyalsoemphasisethatevenwhenitcomestodiversityandchange,particularlyin

communitiesthatareexperiencingrapidratesofmobility,trusthasbecomeanessential

elementforbuildingrelationships.Bondingties(Putnam,2000)isimportant,butsotooisthe

opportunitytomakefleetingcontactsandloosebridgingtiesthroughinteractioninpublic

spaces(TheYoungFoundation,2012;Nealetal.,2015),assomebenefitsimplyfromthe

impromptunodsandsmilesofotherusers(Cattelletal.,2008).Tosupportmeaningfulcontact

thatpromoteasenseofcommunityandsocialcapital,‘electivepractice’ofbeingoutdoors

andleisurepracticesshouldbefacilitated.

Peters(2010)assertsthatpeoplearemorelikelytocooperateandhaveinteractionswith

strangersinpublicspaces,whereleisureactivitiestakeplace.EventsinPOScouldcreatethese

“’liminal’spaces,wherepeoplefeelabletolosethemselvesincommunalcelebrations”,which

alsocontributetothemaintenanceofphysicalhealthandmentalwellbeingsuchasassistingin

recoveryfrommelancholy(Cattelletal.,2008,p.558).However,Peters(2010)findsthat

althoughpeoplewithdifferentethnicbackgroundsareusingtheparkstogetherwithlocal

people,therewasnoevidenceofinter-ethnicinteractioninherfindings,andhence,she

suggestsorganising“moreactivitiesinurbanparkstobringpeopletogetherandfacilitate

interethnicinteractions”(p.430).

47

2.4.2.3TheimportanceofPOSfornewmigrants

Besidesbeingawayfromtheirfamilyandhome,worriesregardingunderstandingthenew

citiesincreasestressformigrantsacrossborders(refertoSection2.2.3).POSpromote

legibilitythroughprovidinginformationaboutsocialenvironmentsinthesurroundingworld

withopportunitiesforengagementsandsociability,whichcanpromoteconfidenceand

supporttheirintegrationintothenewplace(MeanandTims,2005;Beundermanetal.,2007;

Gehl,2011;PowellandRishbeth,2012),especiallyformigrantsandnewcomers.Powelland

Rishbeth(2012)assertthat“Thevisibilityofactivitiesandinteractionsinoutdoorplaceswas

usefulbothforthelearningofeverydayskills,andformodellingdiversecultures”(p.69).Inthe

findingsofRishbethandFinney’s(2006)study,immigrantsoftenusePOSmoretofamiliarise

themselvestoeverydayactivitiesthantobuildsocialnetworks,eventhoughthesespaces

provideopportunitiesforsocialandculturalinteractions.Everydayurbanspacescanbethe

placeswheretheunfamiliarbecomesfamiliar(Armstrong,2004).Migrantscouldhavefeelings

ofestrangementinunfamiliarspaces,butPeters(2010)findsthat“themoretimespentin

public,themorepublicfamiliarityarises”(p.430).Shealsoargues,“Whenpeoplearefamiliar

withtherulesandmodelsofengagementusedincertainpublicspaces,theycanfeelmoreat

home”(p.430).

ByexaminingtheroleofeverydayexperiencesandmemoryinPOS,PowellandRishbeth

(2012)findthatspendingtimeinoutdoorpublicspacescansupportprocessesofadaptionand

enhanceasenseoflocalbelongingforfirstgenerationmigrants,whichpromotestheir

perceptionofwellbeing.RishbethandFinney(2006)findthosemigrants’perceptionsandpast

experiencesofPOScontributedpositivelytotheirintegrationintoanewsociety.Itisstated

thattheparticipantsintheirstudy,asylumseekersintheUKfromAsiaandAfrica,engagedor

disengagedfordifferentlengthsoftimewiththelocallandscapeasinthesespacestheyrevive

nostalgicmemoriesoftheircountryoforigin.Theaffordancesofthelocallandscapeto

facilitateculturalactivitiesarealsoimportanttomakeintangibleconnectionswiththeirpast

andpresenthomesandsupportadaptationformigrantsinatransculturalcontext(Rishbeth,

2014).Theoutdoorenvironmentscouldprovideopportunitiesformigrantstocontinuetheir

nativeoutdoorleisureactivitiesinplaceswheretheyfeelwelcome(GhoshandWang,2003;

Armstrong,2004;PowellandRishbeth,213).Beingoutdoorsinthecitywouldacquaint

migrantswithoptionstofitinandtodiscoverplaceswithpracticesandculturalgroupsfamiliar

totheirhomecountry(ibid).Themulti-sensoryexperiencesoflandscapecouldalsoprovoke

memoriesoftheirhomecountryformigrants,whichfurtherpromotewellbeing(Rishbethand

48

Finney,2006).Sensoryexperiencesofbeingamongdifferencesinsharedphysicalspacescould

alsoendorseegalitarianvalue(BynonandRishbeth,2015;Nealetal.,2015).

Withcomplexityofperceptions,experiencesandvalues,variousplaceshavebecome

importantinpromotingwellbeingformigrants.Intransculturalcities,differenttypesofspaces

includingliminalandedgestypesofspacessuchasthresholdspacesorbetween-ness,their

qualities,formsandfunctionshavedifferentpotentialsformigrantstobecomeinformed

abouttheirnewplaces(NoussiaandLyons,2009;Hou,2013)andhence,thepotentialvalues

ofinformalspacesshouldnotbeignored.Movingfromoneplacetoanothercanprovidea

baseforspatialandtemporalnegotiationbetweenengagementsinthelocalitiesorretreating

(ibid).Thesespacesprovidechancestomeetwithothers,whichfacilitatecommunication

betweendiverseculturalgroups(ibid).Retreatcouldalsobetocosmopolitanplaceswhere

migrantscanretaintheiranonymityorretreatfromsocialobligationsandcommunity’s

expectations(PowellandRishbeth,2012).Hou(2013)andNoussiaandLyons(2009)statethat

thechoicesforengagementcanfacilitateprocessofadaptationandformtranscultural

practicesthatsupportthesocialandculturaldynamicsanddiversityincontemporarysocieties,

andhencepromoteasenseofbelonging.However,suchcomplexityincontemporarysocieties

couldbeachallengeforplanningdesignandmanagementofPOS.

2.4.3Importantroleofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS

ProvidingandregulatingPOStoimprovethequalityoflifeandpromotewellbeingandwelfare

gounderthescopeofplanning,designandmanagementpractice.Giventhewiderangeof

benefitsofPOSforhumanwellbeing,thecomplexityinpatternofuseshouldbeconsideredin

practicetoservethediverseusesandsupportthedistributionofjustice.Thedifficultiesshould

alsobeweighedtoensureinclusivityandbenefitofthewiderpopulation.Practitionersmostly

viewthecontemporarycommonpracticeofplanninganddesignasatoolforproviding

convenientspacesfordifferentuserswithstandardneeds.Thisconceptoftop-downcommon

practicedoesnotnecessarilyrespondtothecurrentusesandhowpeoplearemanagingtolive

together(Lowetal.,2005;Siu,2013).Dealingwithparks,forexample,ashomogeneous

spacesincreasesdifficultiesinusingthesespaces(ByrneandWolch,2009).Thespaceshould

notbedesignedasifallusersaresimilarandallshouldbeequal;thisdoesnotrespondto

differences,insteaditcouldcreateconflictsandsegregation(Kloeketal.,2015).Thepractice

ofplanningandmanagingurbanpublicspacescanindeedbeameansofexacerbatingor

enactingsocialexclusionifculturaldifferencesarenotrecognised.

49

Convivialitymayseemalongwayfromtheformalworldofpolicymaking;butprofessional

practiceinurbanspacescouldbeawaytosupportconviviality(Shaftoe,2008;Wiseand

Velayutham,2014).Topromotesocialinteraction,thespaceshouldsupportmorethana

diversityofuses;itshouldrespondtotheintricateandfinelygraineddiversity(Jacobs,1961).

KevinLynchstates,“agoodplaceisaccessibletoallthesenses,makesvisiblethecurrentsof

air,engagestheperceptionsofitsinhabitants[…]Occasionandplacewillreinforceeachother

tocreateavividpresent”(Lynch,1981,p.132).Whyte(1980)assertsthatavarietyofsocial

interactionsmakesanyspacevibrant.Hefindsthatasmallopenspaceisconsidereda

successfulsocialinteractionsiteifprovidedwithmoreconvenientseating,foodoutlets,

landscapeelementssuchaswaterbodiesanddesignedwithapropermicroclimate.Projectfor

PublicSpacesalsodealswithsmall-scaleinformalspacesintheirprojectstocreatesuccessful

urbanareas(ProjectforPubicSpaces,2009).ProjectforPubicSpaces(PPS)usesplacemaking

asaframeworktodesignPOSwherethecommunityisinvolvedincreatingtheirspaces(Figure

2.1).Thechallengeremainsinengagingthewiderpopulationsandculturaldifferencesinplace

making.Inordertorespondtoculturalneeds,Loukaitou-Sideris(1995,101)revealthatthe

Figure2.1FourqualitiesusedbyPPS:spacesareaccessible;peopleareengagedinactivities;thespaceiscomfortableandhasagoodimage;andfinally,itisasociableplace

(ProjectforPublicSpaces,2009).

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ever-changingspatialandsocialstructuresofmoderncitiesrequireaflexibledesignthatcan

beeasilychanged,andthisrequiresabettertypeofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS.

2.5Framingsocio-spatialimplicationsoftransculturalurbanismwith

commitmenttosocialjusticeinPOS

Transculturalurbanismshouldnotbedivorcedfromsocio-spatialexperiencesinthepublic

realm.Hou(2013)suggestsadoptinga‘transculturalplace-making’frameworkasanattempt

toembracesocio-spatialdynamicsandculturaltransformationincities.Saitta(2014)promotes

themodelof‘interculturalurbanism’wherethecorrelationbetweenculturesandbuiltformis

consideredinurbanplanninganddesignandthatabuiltenvironmentshouldreflectthe

qualitiesofthediversecultures.Theseareapproachestotackleculturaldifferencesand

provideaccesstothewiderpopulationintransculturalurbanspaces.Thecomplexityof

diversityisaddingtothepressureonprofessionalpracticetodealwithdifferences,whilealso

promotinginclusivityandequality.Theconceptofequalitymightnotbesufficientandcould

evenbeasourceofmarginalisationwhenitcomestoissuesonculturaldifferencesand

benefitsinusingurbanspaces.InclusivityinPOSalsohasimplicationsforhealthandwellbeing

(Cattelletal.,2008;MatsuokaandKaplan,2008).Fainstein(2005)arguesthatitis

unacceptabletodealwithdifferencesincitiesequally,especiallywhenthefundamentalsof

healthandwellbeingaretobenegotiated,whichemphasisethesocialjusticeconcept.

Implicationforsocialjusticeintheprofessionalpracticeofbuiltenvironmentassumesan

ethicaldispositionwhendealingwithculturaldifferences(AgyemanandErickson,2012).

“Professionssuchashealthcare,socialwork,law,andpublicadministrationarecharacterized

inpartbytheirethicalobligations”;likewise,theplanningprofessionshouldbenodifferent

(ibid,p.358).ConsideringthebenefitsofPOSforhealthandmentalwellbeingfordiverse

users,providingandregulatingPOSshouldbewithethicalresponsibilitytoensureinclusivity

andjusticeinreceivingthebenefits.

Inthisstudy,Iadoptthesocialjusticeframeworktodevelopananalyticalbasetoevaluatethe

practiceofprovidingandregulatingPOSinBahrain.Socialjusticeandpublicspaceisa

frameworkproposedbyLowandIveson(2016)tosupportprofessionalsandpractitionersin

provisionandregulationofpublicspacesinmoderncities.LowandIveson(2016)proposea

five-propositionsframeworkforevaluatingandanalysingsocialjusticeinapublicspace.

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2.5.1Publicspaceanddistributivejustice

ThispropositionquestionshowPOS,asresources,shouldbedistributedtoachieveajustcity.

LowandIveson(2016)arguethattherearetwofactorsrelevanttothisproposition:

geographicaldistributionanddistributionaldimensions.Thefirstfactorisaboutdistributional

inequalityandspatialinjusticeofpublicspacesacrossthecity,withconcernsregarding

locationaldisadvantagewheresomeneighbourhoodshavelesspublicspacesthanothers.

Atthecitylevel,ghettos,forexample,havealwaysbeenanindicationofsocio-spatial

segregationandexclusion(Madanipour,2011).Inarapidlyglobalisingworld,gated

communitiesarealsoformsofsegregationderivedfromtheincreasingsenseoffearand

insecurityinadiversifiedurbanpopulation.Manyurbanplannersanddesignerspromotethe

policyofmixed-useneighbourhoodsasaresponsetoghettoisationandfortresscommunities,

butthispolicycanalsoleadtogentrification(ibid).

Gentrificationisintendedtoupgradethemixed-useandlowsocio-economicurbanspacesto

meettheperceptionsofmiddleclassandhigherincomesocialgroups.Itwasfoundby

Madanipour(2011,p.490)thatgentrificationcouldbedesirableparticularlywhenthe

outcomeaimsto“eradicatethesignsofpovertyanddecline,whichwouldincludethepresence

ofthepoorandtheirassociatedservicesandspaces.”However,gentrificationcouldleadtoa

feelingofalienationbetweendifferentgroupsandtheplacecouldbecomeunaffordablefor

thepoorcommunities(ibid).Hestates,“Socialsegregationmaybeexclusionary,butsocial

mixingisalsomorecomplexthanitseems,withpotentialdetrimentalimpactsonweakersocial

groups”(p.491).Hequestionsifcitydesignersshouldfacilitatesegregationorgentrification,

andfindsthatthekeysforanyurbandesignsolutionshouldbe‘individualchoice’;particularly

amongsttheweakergroups(p.492).

InGulfcities,familieschoosetoleaveolderneighbourhoodswithpoorconditions,whilstthese

areasstillprovideaccommodationformigrantworkers.Migrantworkersalsoliveinlabour

campsor‘bachelorcities’(Gardner,2010a).Presently,mostlabourcampsareconstructedin

theurbanandindustrialhinterlandsofthecity,whichpreventsthemigrantsfrommoving

aroundthecityandusingpublicspacesduringtheirleisuretime(Gardner,2011).However,

elitemigrants,normally,dwellingatedcommunitiesandhigh-riseapartmentbuildings(ibid).

ThissupportsaspectsofspatialsegregationinplanningandzoningtheGulfcitiesaccordingto

socio-economiclevelsbutnotethnicity.Gardner(2011)andJarachandSpeece(2013)explain

thatthenatureofexclusionintheGulfhasbecomebasedmoreonclassthanethnicity.In

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Bahrain,citiesarerelativelymuchsmallerthaninitsneighbouringcountries;hence,the

categoriesofland-usesandbuildingzoningareveryclear.Inthisperspective,Rishbeth(2013)

investigateddetailsofinequalityinaneighbourhoodmostlypopulatedbymigrantsin

Sheffield,UK,andfoundalackofprovisionofcash-points,supermarketsandpoor

maintenanceofthestreets,whiletheresidents’awarenessofbetterqualitiesofurban

environmentelsewhereinthecitycreatesfeelingofstigmatisation.Itispossiblethatin

Bahrain,thephysicalproximitycouldalsoinfluenceconvivialityandsocialinteractionbetween

diverseculturalandsocialgroupsinoutdoorspaces.

However,Gardner(2011,p.7)mentionsthatmanycitizensintheGulfStatesconceive

themselvesasa‘besiegedminority’.JarachandSpeece(2013)addthatmanylocalcitizensdo

notfeelcomfortablebecausetherearealargenumberofforeigners,particularlymanual

workers,whodonotknowmuchaboutGulfculture,goingasfartosuggestthatGulfcitizens

mayavoidmanypublicspacesundertheseconditions.Clearly,thiscanresultinoneformof

exclusioninthepublicrealm,thoughspecific;policiesworkexplicitlyinadifferentdirection,

excludingmigrantworkersfromparksandgardensinQatar(Pattisson,2016).Gardner(2011)

givesthiscasestudy:

"InQatar,manylargeshoppingmallsandpublicparksnowenforce‘FamilyDay’policiesonFridays,theonlydaythatmostforeignlaborersarefree.Asianmenandother‘lowclass’malemigrantsarepreventedfromenteringthesepublicplaces,ostensiblytosafeguardthesespacesforfamilyuse”(p.21).

ProjectforPublicSpaces(PPS,2014)statesthat:

“DevelopmentintheGulfStatehasproceededalmostentirelywithoutmindtoregionalintegrationortheprovisionofpublicspace[…]Privatespaces,likemalls,hotelsandentertainmentvenueshavebecomeersatzMainStreetsandplazasforaprivilegedsubsetofthepopulation,whiletheworkingclasseshavebeenrelegatedtocrowdedresidentialcompoundsattheperipheryofthesesprawlingcities.”(PPS,2014)

Elsheshtawy(2008,p.7)claimsthatevidenceofexclusionanddivideinurbanspacesneeds

furtherstudiestounderstand“towhatextentarepoliciesofexclusionusedtomarginalizethe

lowerstrataofsociety?”

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Thesecondfactorraisesmattersofaffordabilityandaccessibilityandifaccessibilitydepends

onwealthandabilitytopay.Imposingfeesandcontrolcouldalsobepartofdebateon

exclusion.LowandIveson(2016,p.10)mentionthatimposingafeeduringsomePOSeventsin

Sydneyhasmeantthatexclusionhasbeendebatedinthedailynewspapersandhas

‘generatedcontroversyandconflict’.Practitionersusecamerasandsecuritypersonnelto

providesafeplacesforusers;however,debateshaveemergedastowhethersecuringspaces

isconsideredinclusiveorexclusiveinthepublicrealm(Shaftoe,2008).POSareessentialfor

people’sphysical,mentalandsocialwell-being;thesesocialvaluescontributesignificantlyto

socialinclusionandhenceentrytoPOSshouldbefreeandtheyshouldbeaccessibletoall

sectionsinasociety(Dunnettetal.,2002;WardThompstonetal.,2004)

2.5.2Publicspaceandrecognition

AccordingtoLowandIveson(2016,p.18),thisconceptaddressesthestigmatisationof‘some

urbanidentitiesandwaysoflifeincities’.Injusticeinpublicspacescouldresultwhenmigrants’

culturalpracticesinpublicspaces,whichmayreflecttheiridentities,arediscriminatedagainst

throughregulations(ibid).Forjusticetobeenacted,individualvaluesandneedsshouldbe

consideredwhenprovidingandregulatingurbanspaces(ibid).

BehavioursandsocialpracticesinPOSreflectculturalidentitiesandvalues.Socialnormsand

individualvaluesmaydefinepeople’sbehavioursandboundariesinpublic(MeanandTims,

2005).Carmonaetal.(2010)andLowandIveson(2016)findthatthechallengesinurban

spaceshavegonefurthertodeterminewhatcountsasproperor‘legitimateuse’ofparticular

publicplacesorwhatisundesirableinasocialandculturaldynamiccontext,withoutexcluding

particularpractisesasalsostated:

“Thetensionbetweendeterminationtorestrict‘inappropriate’behavioursinapark[orapublicspace]andthedesiresofmanyusersformorevariedrecreationalopportunitieshasremainedaconstantfromthenineteenthcenturytotoday[…].Differentsocialandculturalgroupshavedifferingperceptionsofwhatisacceptableorsafebehaviour”.(WardThompson,2002,p.60)

Inthiscontext,BynonandRishbeth(2015,p.17)statethattherearenoanti-socialbehaviours

but‘differentlysocial’behaviours;hence,excludingdifferently-socialbehavioursmeansnot

recognisingdiversity.TheBenchProject(ibid)wasconductedinLondonandinitiatedasan

attempttoarticulatethevaluesandexperiencesofbenchuserswithinincreasingly

inhospitablecontexts(ibid).BynonandRishbeth(2015)arguethatcontrollingPOSshouldnot

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leadtowardsasanitisedexclusiveurbanrealm,andhangingoutshouldbelegitimisedandnot

consideredascriminalactivity.

Therearedifferentkindsofexclusioninurbanspacesthroughdesignandmanagementasthey

failtorecognisecertainsocialbehavioursorculturalpractices(Carmonaetal.,2010).Forty

yearsago,Whyte(1980)criticisedmodernurbanspacesforexcluding‘undesirables’(for

example,thehomeless).Severalstudiesclaimthatpublicspacesoccasionallyexcludecertain

classes,races,colourorethnicityandalsoageandgenderbyimposinglimitsonnoise,

squatting,loitering,vending,publicactsofdrinkingorsmokingorskateboarding,whichare

culturalandsocialpractices(Leitner,2012;Mitchel,1995).Theconceptof‘hostile

architecture’isalsoanexampleofhowurbanspacescouldbedesignedtobeinaccessibleor

discouragecertainculturalpracticesorgroups.Forexample,seatingisreducedinthePOSto

preventhomelesspeoplefromsleepingonthem(Carmonaal.,2010).Anotherformoflackof

recognitionofdifferencesindesign,Rishbeth(2001)declaresisrepresentationofthecultural

symbolsinPOSwithoutunderstandingasthesecouldbemeaninglessorinsultingmorethan

appreciative,ifnotwell-representedorareoutofplace.Withcomplexityofdiversity,evenin

thedifferentgenerationsofthesamemigrantgroups,usershavedifferentperceptionsand

henceitisinappropriatetogeneralise(ibid).Francis(2011)findsthat“toooftendesign

attemptsto‘designout’ratherthanembracetheseconflicts.Gooddesignandresponsive

managementcannegotiateandmediatethesedifferences”(p.437).

Rishbeth(2001)usestheterm’democraticpublicopenspaces’toilluminatetheideaof

landscapedesigntobeforeverybodyregardlessoftheculture,asitismeaninglesstotalk

aboutequalitywhilstitisnotappliedinthedesignofPOS.Rishbeth(2004)findsthatprovision

offoodsuitableforpeoplewithdifferentethnicbackgrounds,recreationalprogrammes,

transportandifpossiblecommunicatingwithdifferentlanguagespeakersareissuestobe

consideredbyparksmanagement.

Lowetal.(2005)stresstheimportanceofmaintainingtheculturaldiversityofdifferentlyused

POS.Throughfivecasestudiesandethnographicmethods,Lowetal.(2005)derivedseveral

guidelinesforculturallysensitivedecision-makingintheplanning,designandmanagementof

publicparks,namelyrepresentingahistoryofdifferentgroupsandpeople,accessibility,

safety,providingdifferentfacilitiesthatattractpeoplefromdifferentculturalandsocial

groups,andfinallythesymbolicwaystodeliverculturalmeaning.However,redesigndoesnot

meanabetterproduct;forexample,removingusers’vernacularspacesastheyarenot

attractivetotouristsandthemiddleclassesisnotacceptable(ibid).Theyhighlightthe

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significanceofunderstandingthecurrentusestoprovidedesignedspaceswithcontemporary

requirementsyetrespectingthediversityandequityamongtheusers.

IntheGulf,Elsheshtawy(2006,p.48)illustratesthatwhile“modernity(globalization)maylend

itselftoexclusiveness,localaspectspersist,andmayinfactbestrengthenedasaformof

resistance”whichpromoteculturalrecognition.Theresultsofthisresistanceareterritories:

“markedthroughtracessuchastheplacementofpaperlightscelebratingtheIndianDiwalifestival,thepresenceofadvertisementsgearedtowardcompatriots,theplayingofculturallyspecificsportssuchascricketininformalspacesandthewritingofgraffiti”(ibid,p.48).

Consequently,thecapacityofapublicspacetofitdifferentculturalpracticesisimportant

(Carmonaetal.,2010)toenactrecognitionandjustice.Thisispossiblethroughproviding

temporalandspatialchoicesandprogramming(WardThompson,2002,p.60;Rishbeth,2004)

wherepeoplecanmeetandmanipulatetheirrelationsandidentitiesinthepublicrealm.In

addition,Francis(2011)argues,“Ascitiescontinuetoincreaseindiversityandcomplexity,

designersandplannersneedtoinventnewformsofurbanplacesandtesttheireffectivenessin

creatingexcitingandmemorableurbanlife”(p.443).Cattelletal.(2008)addthat‘noone

publicspace’canmeetallcollectiveidentitiesandmeanings.Recognitionofculturaldiversity

shouldbeconsideredinpracticeasitcouldalsohaveinfluenceonsocialinteractioninPOS.

2.5.3Publicspace,encounterandinteractionaljustice

PolicyandpracticeofplanninganddesignplayavitalroleinenactinginteractionjusticeinPOS

throughprovidingconvivialatmospheres(LowandIveson,2016,p.19).LowandIveson(2016)

arguethatprofessionalpracticecanenhancethequalityandquantityofinteractionsamong

urbanusers.

Qualitiesofurbanspacesthatpromotesociallifeandfacilitateconvivialityarepermeability,

flexibility,walkability,sitability,safety,accessibility,legibilityandafavourablemicroclimate

(Carmonaetal.,2010).VisualpermeabilityinPOS,accordingtoPowellandRishbeth(2012),“is

theabilityofactivitiesandinteractionspositionedoutdoorstobeincidentallyseen,possibly

evenengagedwith”(p.75);hence,permeabilitysupports“thebreadthofpotentialinteraction,

andbroadensthepossibilitiesofwhomeets"(p.76).Permeabilitycanpromotesafetyand

legibility.Safetyiscrucialinprovidingsocialsupportfornewcomersandprotectingthe

migrantcommunities(Hou,2013).Safetywithtemporalandspatialdimensionsreducesfear

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formigrantsorlocalsandsupportseverydaysocialinteraction.Additionally,flexibilityisan

importantdesignqualityformaintainingconviviality,assupportedbyShaftoe(2008).Itcan

alsobeprovidedbymoreactivities.Increasingactivitiescanbringpeopletogether,augment

thepossibilitiesforpeopletobeoutdoorsandalsoprovidenaturalsurveillance.Flexibilityis

alsoaboutthefeasibilityofchangingaspaceaccordingtoneed.Peopleselectplacesthatare

moreculturallyappropriate(orwitharangeofaffordances)tofittheiractivitiesandemerging

socialpractices.Therefore,flexibilitymeetsthenatureoffluidity;andasdescribedbyRishbeth

(2013),flexibleuseofaspaceisanessentialtacticintransculturalcities.However,flexibility

shouldbeenactedwithlegibilityinwhichspacesaretransparentandnotambiguous(Powell

andRishbeth,2012).Accordingly,increasingactivitiesthatmeetdiverseusesareessentialto

bringpeopletogether,supportflexibility,permeabilityandsafetyandenrichexperiencesand

affiliationinaspace.‘Robustness’,‘vibrant’,‘lively’and‘energetic’aretermsusedtodescribe

spaceswithdiversetypesofusesandusers.Choetal.(2015)arguethatconvivialityis

achievedthroughenrichingpublicspacesandbycreatinginclusivespacestosupportsocial

encounters.

Providingsociable,vibrantandinclusivedesignandbringingpeopletogetherdoesnotmean

thatnotensionswillarise.ConflictscouldemergebetweendifferentpreferencesinusingPOS

(Lowetal.,2005;Francis,2011;Lawton,2013).Inthisrespect,Lawton(2013)arguesthat

moreattentionshouldbegiventothedynamicsofsocialinteractioninrelationtothe

professionalpracticeforformalandinformalspaces.Francis(2011)states,“Weneedabetter

understandingoftheroleofprogramming,participationandmanagementinmakingmixed-

lifeplaces”(p.443).Thecontemporarycommonpracticeofplanninganddesignforproviding

convenientspacesfordifferentuserswithstandardneedsdoesnotnecessarilyrespondtothe

currentusesandhowpeoplearemanagingtolivetogether(Lowetal.,2005;Siu,2013).Inthis

context,Manzo(2013)claimsthattransculturalcitiesjustifyaneedforgreaterfluidityand

hybridity,notmerelytorepresenttransnationalnetworksandspacesthatallowinterchanges

butalsotofacilitatesignificantencounterswithintheurbanspaces.

Elsheshtawy(2006)arguesthatthetopicofmigrationslipsfromthecityplanners’agendain

GCCcountries,whilethemigrantsformasubstantialpartofthepopulation.Hefindsthatthe

migrantsandlowsocio-economicresidentsarelookingforplacesto“interactwithouthaving

toenterthemoreexclusivezonesreservedforhigher-incomesegmentsofsociety”(p.48).The

everydaymigrantpracticesarewhatmadePOSrealandvibrantand“serveasplacesto

connecttohomecountries”(ibid,p.48).Forexample,inBahrain,mostoftransnationalmigrant

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labourerscrowdonthecentralstreetsofManamaduringtheirholiday(Gardner,2010b),

whichprovidesopportunitiesformixityandsocialencounters.Gardner(2010b)addsthat:

“Guestworkerspredominateinmanyofthepublicspacesofthecities;theyworkbehindthecountersofthebusinessesandshopsbeneaththeglassskyscrapersreachingintothehazyblueskies;theycrowdthenarrowstreetsofthecentralsoukonFridayafternoon.ThesheerscopeoftheseguestworkerpopulationshasfundamentallyalteredthesocialfabricoftheurbanagglomerationsthatdottheshoresoftheGulfwaters”(p.200).

Ontheotherhand,JarachandSpeece(2013)alsoarguethatthemodernurbanformisnot

encouraginginteractionamongstsocialgroups,therebycreatingmoredivision.Elsheshtawy

(2004)declares“Norealeffortismade[inthemodernGulfcities]toresolvesocialproblems,

addressconcernsofthelowerclass,ortrytomaketheurbanenvironmentmoreliveable”

(p.172).Bolleter(2005)concludesthatPOSinDubaiarenotinclusiveandmoreprogrammed

spacesarerequiredtoallowinteractionwithvariousculturalgroups;“thisinteractionneedsto

behandledwithcaresothatcomplexculturalsensitivitiesarerespected”(p.634)inthecross-

culturalcontext.

2.5.4Publicspaceandcareandrepair

“Caringforothersandparticipatingintherepairoftheenvironmentalsoconstitutesan

importantdimensionofsocialjusticeinpublicspace”(LowandIveson,2016,p.19)and

representsmoralcodesoftoleranceforothers,apassiveformofrecognition.Careandrepair

canonlybeenactedwhenpeoplecanaccesspublicspacesanddifferentculturesare

recognised.Recognitioncanbeenactedbypracticeandconvivialitycanbefacilitated;

however,thequestioniswhethercareandrepairistheresponsibilityofpeopleorpractice.It

isarguedinthisframeworkthatthesecodesshouldnotbeconsideredaspersonalor

communityresponsibilitiesonly;rathertheyshouldbeseenasacollectiveeffortbetweenthe

authorityandcommunity.

Therefore,itisimportanttoprovideamediuminwhichethicsofcareandrepairofPOSisa

sharedresponsibilitybetweenpeopleandprofessionals.Maintenanceofpublicspacescould

bethedutyofthemanagement,andprovisionofbenches,slopesorshadesareother

examplesofdesigningandmanagingwithcare.People’slevelofpro-environmental

behaviourscouldhavearole,however,people’sbehavioursandmoralitysuchasproviding

helpforothers,watchingafterchildren,pickinglitterfromthewayorgivingfoodare

expresseddifferentlyindifferentculturesandcannotbeenactedthroughpractice.Yet,some

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studiesshowthatexposuretotherightkindofenvironmentcouldchangethesocialbehaviour

andupliftthesocialresponsibility(ByrneandWolch,2009),butintransculturalcitiesitmight

bedifficulttodefinethecommonlyacceptedsocialbehaviourstopromoteinclusivity.

Manyurbandesignpractitionersremainoptimisticabouttheadvantagesofgooddesignto

achieveadesirableoutcomeofbehavioursintheirwell-designedspaces(Carmonaetal.,

2010).Itispossiblethattheparkscouldalsoattractthe‘undesirables’,theporchesinfrontof

thehousescouldalsobeusedbystrangersorbenchesinpublicspacescouldalsobeindwelt

bythehomeless(ibid).Theseporchesandbenchesareexamplesofcarefordifferentsocial

groups(includingelderly,pregnantwomenorfamilywithchildren),butcouldalsocreate

stigmatisation,whichthentranslatesintopoliciesandregulationsofexclusionsuchas

removingbenches.

DecidingresponsibilityanddutyofcareandwhatareacceptedandwhatarenotinPOSshould

bethroughaprocessofwiderconsultation.Forexample,BBC(2016)discussedanewPublic

SpaceProtectionOrdertobanswearinginpublic,whichhasrecentlybeenenactedbySalford

CityCouncil.Thisregulationincludesamannerofcaringofothersinpublicspacesincluding

elderlyorchildren,whodonotwanttobeexposedtosuchbehaviours.However,the

broadcastdiscussedthatifbanningregulationscontinued,thenmanybehaviourswillbe

criminalisedandsocialconformitywillbeenforced.Certainly,thereisneedforabaseline

whereallusersfeelcomfortableandincludedratherthanintimidated;butwhenregulationis

assignedtodealwithmoraltensions,itshouldbeintroducedinademocraticway.

2.5.5Publicspaceandproceduraljustice

EvaluatingPOSshouldbethroughtheprocessnotthroughtheoutcometoensurejustpublic

space.LowandIveson(2016)maintainthatconflictsappearinthepublicrealmwheninjustice

becomespartoftheprocessandpracticeinprovidingspaces.

Theframeworkdefinesthecharacteristicsofthisprocessasrequiringnegotiation,

inclusivenessanddemocracy,whichcanalsopromoteemotionalcognitionandbuildasense

oftrust,belongingandattachment(LowandIveson,2016).Transculturalismcannotbe

achievedunlessthereisasharedcommitmenttorecognition,wellbeingandcare,which

promotesasenseofbelonging.Fincher(2003)assertsthatworkingwith‘citiesofdifference’

requiresmorethanensuringthatmanyvoicesspeak,itrequiresproperandinclusive

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consultation.CulturalcompetencyisrecommendedinurbanplanningbyAgyemanand

Erickson(2012)tosupportnegotiation,widerconsultationandrecognitionofdifferences.

TopromoteculturalcompetencyintheprofessionalpracticeofPOS,itisimperativeto

understanddifferentculturesandthatcultureshavebeenandareevolvingconstantly.

Providedsuchastanceisadopted,thereisscopetolimitracialisolationordiscrimination

(UNESCO,2009).Adloff(2016)pointsthat:

“Convivialityacceptsthatwecannotchangeothers;wecanonlychangeourselvesorofferothersgiftstoopenupthepossibilitiesforcooperation[…]Thiscanonlyoccurinthedialoguebetweenandintheacceptanceofblendingofboundaries,entanglements,andambiguitiesofcultures”(Adloff,2016).

Culturalcompetencytoolsandmethodssuchasdialogueandstorytellingcouldbesignificant

whenlearningaboutandunderstandingdiversity,asinlinewiththetransculturalurbanism

approach(Hou,2013).Interculturaldialoguehasbeenusedinplanningpracticetomanage

differencesin“negotiatingfearsandanxieties,mediatingmemoriesandhopes,andfacilitating

changeandtransformation”(Sandercock,2000,p.29).Sandercock(2003b)claimsthat

dialoguecanalsopromotemutualcommitmentbetweenthesocietyandauthoritytoachieve

thecommongoodandcollectivevalues.Thestorytellingmethodhasbeenintroducedin

planningtounderstandthechangesincitiesandtoincorporatedifferentpeople’sexperiences

formallyintotheprofessionalpractice(ibid).StorytellingmethodwasusedbyRishbethand

Finney(2006)intheirstudyonmarginalisedculturalgroupstoelicitdifferentmeaningsand

thedevelopmentofplaceattachment.Thestorytellingapproachhasalsobeenusedindesign,

inwhichamultidisciplinaryprojectofindustrialdesign,scenography,screenwritingand

sociologyhavebeenincludedinastudyfocusedonurbanspacesandmetroenvironmentsin

Espoo,Finland(ViñaandMattelmäki,2010).Themainobjectiveoftheprojectwasto

understandpublicshapesthroughnarrativeconceptdesignandhowstorytellingcanbe

appliedinthedesignprocesstoofferexperientialcontextsandestablishaparticularidentityin

publicspaces(ibid).Sharingofstoriescouldalsobefacilitatedthroughdialogueinwhichthe

participantshavethepowerofcreatingcollectivemeaningsandbringingdifferencestogether

(Sandercock,2003b).However,Sandercock(2003b)sharesherworriesonusingstoriesin

planningpracticewithoutopennessandinclusivenessandtheneedtoavoidsituationswhere

“powershapeswhichstoriesgettold,getheardandcarryweight”.

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IntheGulf,Elsheshtawy(2006)mentionsthatthetransformationofurbanismispartlya

repercussionofglobalcapitalismthatproducesmerelypassiveconsumercitizens.Ifusershave

apassiverole,theresponsibilityindealingwithculturaldifferencesandconflicts,whichare

complex,wouldonlyaddloadtothepractice.Besidesbynotinvolvingpeopleintheprovision

andregulationofPOS,culturaldifferencesmaynotberecognisedwhichthenmayleadto

practicesofexclusions.However,thereareinsufficientevidencesandstudiesthatlinksocial

justiceagendatobothprofessionalpracticeandpolicies(Elsheshtawy,2008);thisneedstobe

consideredindrawingtheaimsofthisresearch.

2.6Conclusion

Drawingonanextensivebodyofliteraturefromawiderangeofdifferentdisciplineshasgiven

astrongsenseofwhythisthesisisrequiredandhasshownthatmyresearchisrelevanttothe

broadcontextsofdebate,whilstnotsolelypertainingtoBahrain.Thischapterhasreviewed

relevantliteratureandintroducedthetheoreticalframeworkofthisstudy.Ihavefocusedon

threeareasoftheory:transculturalcities,convivialityandsocialusesandvaluesofPOS.A

scholarlookingatanyofthethreeareasalsoneedstoexaminetheoverlaps,whichshapethis

researchcontributionandimplication,outlinedbytheresearchaimsandobjectives.The

frameworkidentifiesthecontributionoflandscapearchitecturefocuswithaclearrationaleof

thetheoriesrequirementsandalsodrivestherationaleforthemethodology.

Thefindingsofthefirstresearchaim,whichfocusonunderstandingtheeverydayactivities,

preferencesandmotivationsforusingPOSintransculturalBahrain,maycontributetothe

overlapsbetweentransculturalcitiesandthesocialusesandvaluesofpublicopenspace.The

frameworkhighlightstheroleoflandscapearchitectureandqualitiesofPOSinsupporting

migrants’livedexperienceacrossbordersandinshapingtheprocessofadaptationand

hybridity(GhoshandWang,2003,Armstrong,2004;Hou,2013;RishbethandPowell,2013),

whichareintegraltotransculturalstudies.InvestigatingPOSintransculturalcontextsmayalso

addtothetheoriesemphasisingthepotentialvaluesofoutdoorcityspacesinpromoting

wellbeingandasenseofbelongingamongstmigrants(RishbethandFinney,2006;Peters,

2010)throughsupportingmigrants’nativeleisureculturalpracticesinanewplace.Hence,

barriersofculturaldifferences(Hou,2013)inusingPOSshouldbeconsideredintheoryand

practiceoflandscapearchitecture.

61

Thesecondaimexploreshowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublicspaces

withinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.Thisaimcontributestotheoverlaps

betweenconvivialityandPOSandtransculturalcities.Atthispoint,itcouldbeconsideredthat

tosupportconvivialityacrossculturaldifferences,itisimportanttounderstandmoreabout

meaningfulencountersandhowPOScansupportpositiveencounters.Landscapearchitecture

canextendthetheoriesonmaterialityandtemporalityinrelationtomeaningfulencounters

(Nealetal.,2016;Wilson,2016)byinvestigatingspatialandphysicalqualitiesandleisure

activitiesandvaluesinformalandinformalspaces(KochandLatham,2011;AskinsandPain,

2011;Nealetal.,2015).Socialandculturaldynamicsofoutdoorspacesandactivities(Ingold,

2000)canalsoaddtotheunderstandingoftemporalityofencounters.ThesignificancesofPOS

areinenablingsocialinteraction,supportingsociabilityandpromotingwellbeing.However,

aggravationsandconflictscouldappearwithculturaldifferencesintransculturalurbanspaces,

andshouldnotbeignoredinprofessionalpracticetomaintainthesocialvaluesofPOS.

ThelastaimidentifiesthepotentialofplanninganddesignofPOSforsupportingconvivialityin

transculturalpublicspaces.Oneofthemainobjectivesofthisresearchistoaddressthegapin

relationtotheprofessionalpracticeofthebuiltenvironmentandculturaldifferencesinthe

researchcontext.Withculturaldifferencesandcomplexitiesintransculturalcities,itbecomes

crucialtounderstandtheroleoftheoryandpracticeoflandscapearchitectureinresponding

totheculturaldynamicsandconvivialityinPOS.Thisalsoreflectsonhowbenefitsofpublic

spacescanbedistributedwithinsightintosocialjusticeinplanningdesignandmanagementof

POS(LowandIveson2016),whichmaycontributetofillingthisgap.

Inusinglandscapearchitectureasalensthroughoutthisresearchtoexaminetherelationship

betweenconvivialityandtransculturalcities,theselectedmethodsrequireareflectionon

spatialdesignqualitiesaswellasaddressculturaldifferencesinexperiencesandmeanings.

Usingcasestudymethodandhavingseveralcasestudyareas(withbothformalandinformal

POS)wouldsupporttheobjectivesofaimoneandinvestigatetheroleofthePOStypologiesin

fittingdifferentculturalleisureactivities(objectivea)(ByrneandWolch,2009;Petersandde

Haan,2011).Ethnographicmethods,e.g.fieldobservationandon-siteinterviews,indifferent

timeofthedayandyear,appeartobesignificantininvestigatingpatternsofdiversityand

spatialandtemporalaspectsofadaptation(Firstaim:Objectiveb)(Hou,2013).Withcultural

differencesandintersectionalityofidentity,itisnotpossibletounderstandthevaluesand

affordancesofplacefromonlytheresearcher’spointofviewandhowtheycanfitdiverse

users.Byusingin-depthinterviewandstorytelling(methodsdevelopedunderintercultural

discourses),migrantscantalkabouttheirpastmemoriesinnewplaces(Sandercock,2003b),

62

whichreflectpastexperiencesandhistoryofplacesandsupportunderstandingtheprocessof

hybridity(Firstaim:Objectivec)(RishbethandPowell,2013).Findingsofthefirstaimwill

provideempiricallygroundedmaterialthatfillsthegapinliteratureaboutdiverseleisure

culturalpracticesandsocio-spatialassociationinPOSinBahrainwithsocialandcultural

dynamicsandsupporttheanalysisoftheresearchaims.Thefindingsofthefirstaimwould

supporttheanalysisofthesecondaiminachievingitsobjectivesinexploringtheroleofplace

andeverydayactivitiesinsupportingmeaningfulencounterinrelationtomaterialityand

temporality(Secondaim:Objectiveaandc).Interculturalmethods(e.g.storytelling)can

explorethenuancesofthemeaningsfromparticipants’perspective(Secondaim:Objectivesb

andc)(ValentineandSadgrove,2012).Theresearchalsorequiresunderstandingthepolicies

andprofessionalpractitioners’perspectivetosupporttheanalysisofaim3andlinkthetheory

tothepractice.

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ChapterThree:MethodologyandMethods

3.1Introduction

Thischapterintroducesthemethodologicalapproachesandthemethodsofresearch.The

methodologicalapproachesareshapedbytheresearchaimsandliteraturereview.Asinferred

fromtheliteraturereview,everydayexperiencesandthemundanesocialinteractioninGulf

citiesisarichsubjectforthestudyofbothtransculturalcitiesandconvivialityandBahrainisa

significantcasestudy.Thedynamiccharacteroftemporarymigrationisanimportant

dimensionintransculturalcities,andmorethanhalfofBahrain’spopulationconstitutesof

temporarymigrants.Hence,inthisresearch,thenatureofconvivialityandsocialandcultural

dynamicsinpublicopenspaces(POS)willbeinvestigatedwithmorefocusonunderstanding

theroleofurbanspacesinsupportingsuchdynamicsandinteraction.

Culturaldifferencesandintersectionalityofidentitiescanpotentiallyposechallengesfor

peopletoinitiateormaintainconviviality,andforprofessionalstomaintainsocialinclusivityin

designingPOS.Suchintersectionalityisalsoachallengeforconductingresearchinsucha

transculturalcontextandinunderstandingdifferentpractices,perceptionsandmotivationsfor

usingPOS.Toovercomesuchchallenges,theresearchneedstobedesignedwithan

understandingofthecomplexitieswithinatransculturalcontext,whilealsoconsideringthe

specificitiesofgeography,cultureandclimateofthecasestudycontext.

Accordingly,thisresearchisinformedbythreemethodologicalapproaches.Theselectionof

thesewereinfluencedbythetheoreticalframeworkandthestrengthofresearchcarriedout

inrelatedtopics.Theseapproachesare:qualitative(Section3.2)-dealingwithsocialusesand

valuesofPOSandcomplexitiesinsociallife;ethnography(Section3.3)-conductingaresearch

withinthetransculturalconcept;andcasestudy(Section3.4)-conductingaresearchwithin

thefieldoflandscapearchitecture.Theapplicationandintegrationoftheseapproaches

helpedselectandrefinethemethodsusedinthisresearch.

64

3.2Qualitativeapproach

ThisresearchisconcernedwiththepotentialforpublicspacesincontemporaryBahrainto

supporteverydaypositivesocialencounterswithinadiversepopulation.Withthechallenges

andcomplexitiesoftransculturalurbanspaces,thefindingswillnotbestraightforwardandthe

researchneedstobedesignedtoovercomethesechallenges.Thus,thequalitativeapproach

appearsmoresuitable.Itcangraspthequalitiesofeverydayencountersinrealityandthe

refineddetailsofmeanings.Thequalitativeapproachismoresuitableforresearchquestions

thatdealwithsocialrealityandnaturalsettingsofeverydaylifewithconcernsofdifferent

groupsofpeopleandcommunities(DenzinandLincoln,2000;Mason2002).Similarly,Robson

(2002)arguesthatstudiesonsocialinteractionphenomenaandtheirassociatedmeanings

requireaqualitativeapproach.Throughqualitativeresearch,theresearchercanexplorebroad

dimensionsofthesocialworldandeverydaylifewithdifferentunderstandings,experiences,

socialprocessesandmeanings(Mason2002).Qualitativeapproachisalsomoresuitableto

investigatenuancesofleisurepracticesandvaluesforusingPOSthatareshapedbycultural

differences.Armstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth(2012)findthatthequalitative

approachisproductiveintheirresearchonPOSandculturalhybridityincosmopolitancities,

whichrequireshumanitarianunderstanding.Burgessetal.(1988)alsoreportthatqualitative

methodsaremostsuitableforexploringattitudesandvaluesaboutopenspacesastheyare

groundedinthecontextsofpeople'sdailylives.

QualitativeapproachesasstatedbyMason(2002)usuallyentailformulatingquestionstobe

exploredanddevelopedintheresearchprocess,ratherthanahypothesistobetestedbyor

againstempiricalresearch.Accordingly,theresearchhasbeeninitiatedwithabroad

hypothesisdevelopedfrommyprofessionalbackgroundandthatPOSwouldberelevantto

shapingconviviality.Thisbroadhypothesisfurtherinformedformulatingmoreopenresearch

questions.

Thisqualitativeresearchtookan‘interpretivist’philosophicalposition.Thispositionis

concernedwithhowthesocialworldis‘understood’,‘experienced’or‘produced’(Mason,

2002,p.3).Similarly,thisresearchaimstounderstandeverydayactivitiesinurbanopenspaces

andhowsociabilityisexperiencedandhowsocialencountersareproducedintheseplaces,as

wellashowrelevantpoliciescouldbeproducedtodesignsociallyresponsiveopenspacesin

contemporarycitieswithculturaldifferences.Itiscommonforresearcherstoconduct

interpretiveethnographies;however,interpretivismdoesnotrelyon‘totalimmersionina

65

setting’,butaimstoexplorepeople’sindividualandcollectiveunderstandingsfroma

participant’sperspectiveaswell(ibid,p.56).Whatisdistinctiveaboutinterpretiveapproaches

isthattheyseepeopleandtheirinterpretationsandperceptionsastheprimarydatasources

(ibid).Therefore,theinterpretivismpositionseemstobesuitableinresearchcontextswith

culturaldifferences.Althoughthedatacouldnotbegeneralised,itcontributedtoanin-depth

understandingoftheresonancesofdifferences.

Thisresearchwasnotattemptingtoquantifyorapplymeasurement.Itseekstoanswer

questionsaroundsocialexperiencesandinteractions,theassociatedmeanings,preferences,

valuesandemotionsthatcouldnotbemeasuredorexperimentallyexaminedintermsof

quantity(DenzinandLincoln,2000;Bryman,2004).Therearestudieswhichhaveused

quantitativemethodstoaddressissuesinrelationtogreenspace,leisureactivities,valuesand

environmentalpsychology(Korpelaetal.,2001;ScopellitiandGiuliani,2004;Hansmanetal.,

2007;Petersetal.,2010;Ozgüner,2011).Thisresearchaimstoengagewithadifferentformof

datatoaddressmorenuancedandinteractiveresearchquestionstoexploresocio-spatial

associationsinPOS;thequantitativemethodswerenotusedwithinthemultiplemethods

frameworkinthisresearch.Theuseofaqualitativeapproachisintrinsictoshapingthe

ethnographicmethod,andinshapingthemethodsusedwithincasestudysettings.

3.3Ethnographicapproach

Theresearchwascarriedoutusingmultipleempiricaldatacollectionmethodsthataremainly

conductedinthefieldandanethnographicapproachwasadopted.Ethnographywasusedby

ancientexplorersandtraveller-researcherstodescribepeople,cultureandlandsthose

researcherssawduringtheirjourneys(AtkinsonandHammersley,2007;O’Reilly,2012).

AccordingtoHamersleyandAtkinson(2007),ethnography,currently,overlapswithqualitative

researchandparticularlywithfieldworkandcasestudymethods:

“Ethnographyusuallyinvolvestheethnographerparticipating,overtlyorcovertly,inpeople'sdailylivesforanextendedperiodoftime,watchingwhathappens,listeningtowhatissaid,and/oraskingquestionsthroughinformalandformalinterviews,collectingdocumentsandartefacts-infact,gatheringwhateverdataareavailabletothrowlightontheissuesthataretheemergingfocusofinquiry”(p.3).

Fieldworkisatthecoreoftheethnographicresearchdesign,inthefield;datacollection

methodsarefundamentalelementsofethnography(Fatterman,2010).Fatterman(2010)

determinesthatclassicalethnographyusuallyimpliesaperiodfromsixmonthstotwoyearsor

66

moreinthefield.However,hestatesthatlong-term(continuousornon-continuous)fieldwork

isnotalwayspossible,asresearchersusuallyareboundtoacontractbudgetandtime

schedule.Hence,heclaimsthatitispossibletoapplyethnographictools,butnotforittobea

prolongedethnography.Similarly,theethnographicapproachcanstillbefollowedusingnon-

participatoryobservationmethods;forexample,spendingtimeonthesitewatchingthe

conductedactivities,suchasabasketballgameaspartofdatacollection(ibid).

“Ethnographyisthemajorsocialsciencewiththebesthopeforthrowingoffconceptual

blinders”(Kim2015,p.10).Inrecentdecades,ethnographyhasbecomeapopularapproachin

socialsciencebringingtogetheranumberofqualitativemethods,particularlyobservationand

interviews,toproduceanuancedtextandnarrativeaccountsthatdescribeandrecounta

storyasintraditionalethnography(AtkinsonandHammersley,2007;O’Reilly,2012).Thefocus

onnarrativeandthepositionalviewpointoftheethnographercangiverisetocriticismofthe

subjectivityasthecentralroleoftheresearcherasrecorderandinterpreterleadstoanecdotal

ratherthanrigorousresearchfindings(Mason,2002,p.192).Positionalityandthepossibilities

ofbiasareimportanttoacknowledgehere(as,Imightargue,isthecaseforallresearch

approaches)andIreturntothesethemesspecifictothisresearchinSection3.7.Engagingwith

participantsin-situ(onlocationsinthesitestheyarediscussing)iskeytothemethodsofthis

researchtopromotetransparencyandreducesubjectivity(AtkinsonandHammersley,2007;

Fatterman,2010;O’Reilly,2012).Fatterman(2010)assertsthatethnographyinvolvestelling

storiesfromtheperspectiveofpeopleinwhichthesestoriesareinterpretedinthecontextof

people’sdailylivesandcultures(2010,p.1).Inthisresearch,adoptinganethnographic

approachmeansthattheresearcherspenttimeinthespacesbeingstudied,making

observations,conductinginterviewsandexploringhiddenexperiencestomakeanarrative

descriptionwhichseekstoexplorepeople’sperspectivesandinterpretationsinthecontextof

theirdailylives.

Inrecentresearchonculturaldiversity,anethnographicapproachiscommonlyusedinarange

ofurbanlocations(Vertovec,2007a;Wilson,2011;Noble;2013;Wessendorf,2014b;Wiseand

Velayutham,2014;Neal;2015,Nealetal.,2015).Comparedtotraditionalmethodsof

qualitativeresearch,Noble(2013)statesthatethnography“providesrich,complexdatathat

bettercapturethetemporalityandspatialityofhabituatedcosmopolitanism”(p.181).

Researchonmigration(Al-Rasheed,2005;Gardner,2006)andevolvingcities(Elsheshtawy,

2008)inthegulfregionalsoemphasisedtheneedforadaptingethnographicmethodsto

understandtherealityofhiddeneverydayexperiencesinurbanareas.

67

Thedecisionofthisresearchtousequalitativemethods,influencedbyethnographic

approachesandexploredthroughafocusoncasestudyareaswasthereforearesponsetothe

researchquestionswhichaimtoexploreandunderstandthepatternsandnuancesofdiversity

andsocialencounterswithinatransculturalurbancontext.Theseapproachesaresuitableto

investigateleisurepracticesandsocialencountersandvaluesforusingPOSthatareshapedby

culturaldifferencesandtransformedspatiallyandtemporally.Withcarefulanalysisofand

responsetothebroadercontextsoflandscapedesignandmanagementinBahrain(both

throughliteraturereviewandexpertinterviews),theseapproachescanusefullyinform

prioritiesforprofessionalpractice(Rishbethetal.2018).

3.4Casestudyapproach

Theresearchwasdesignedfollowingacasestudyapproachasitappearedsignificantto

overcomethecomplexitiesandchallengesoftheresearchandalsotofulfiltheresearchaims.

ThecasestudyapproachfollowedinthisresearchisnotonlythatBahrainitselfisacasestudy,

butalsoselectedurbanspaceswithinthecitiesofBahrain.Thelatteristhescaleofthecase

studyprimarilyreferredtointhisresearch,whichisappropriateforansweringtheresearch

questions.

Themainpurposeistoexploresocio-spatialassociation,whichneedstohaveaclear

understandingofthecontextwherethedataiscollected;butwithculturaldifferencesand

intersectionality,exploringsocio-spatialexperiencesandrelationsisachallenge.Peoplewould

havedifferentperceptionsandconstructedvaluesaboutdifferentspaces(ByrneandWolch,

2009)andalsoplaceshavedifferentaffordancesfordifferentleisureactivities(Rishbeth,

2014),assomeculturalpracticesarecontext-dependent,whichshapesthediversepatternsof

use.Therearemanystudiesthatconductedinterviewswiththenon-casestudyapproach,but

theoutcomehasalimitedsenserelatedtoaspecificphysicalspace,typologyandlocation.

Inlandscapearchitecture,thevalueoftheplaceisimportantandtheplaceisnotconsidered

merelyasettingforinteraction,butthecasestudymethodallowsmetoinvestigatespatial,

physicalandmaterialqualitiesandsupportcontextualisingthesettings.Casestudyisoneof

thewell-establishedresearchmethodsinlandscapearchitectureandacommonformfor

analysisandcriticism(Francis,2001).Byusingcasestudyapproach,thephysical,socialand

culturalfacetscanbeintegratedincludingasenseofhistorycontexts,rangeofplacesand

differentperceptionsofaspecificplace.Itisinnovativeinthisresearchtohavevariouscase

studiestoanalysetheinterviewsinrelationtotheplace,tounderstandhowpeople’svalues

68

andidentitiesmobilisedandtransformedwithinthecityandtounderstandhowdifferent

spacescouldbeappropriateinfittingdifferentculturalpractices.Conductingtheinterviews

on-siteintheselectedcasestudieswouldensurethattheparticipants’samplingrepresents

therealusersandthediversityonwhichtheentireresearchisbased,andhencesocio-spatial

experiencescanbeanalysed.

Acasestudyapproachcanusemanydifferentmethods–fromin-depthethnography(e.g.

KochandLatham’s(2012)studyofastreetjunctioninWestLondon)tostudiesthatprimarily

usequantitativemethods(e.g.Raman’s(2010)studyinsixUKneighbourhoodsmeasuringand

quantifyingsocialinteractionthroughmapping).Theuseofmappingmethodsisoneofthe

quantitativewaysinrelationtocasestudiessuchasinthestudiesusingSpaceSyntax

(Carmonaetal.,2010).Carmonaetal(2010)acknowledgethatthismethodhasreceiveda

rangeofcriticisms.Firstly,SpaceSyntaxmeasuresonlyaspecificformwithouttakinginto

accountotherurbanforms.Theothercriticismisthatthismethodfocusesonlyonphysical

configurationandseemsnottoconsidertherelationshipbetweenthespace,thepeopleand

socialinteractions.Thismorequantitativeformofmappingwasnotappropriateforaddressing

theobjectivesofthisresearchwhichconsidersthesocialandculturaldynamicsthatshape

patternsofuseandconvivialityinPOSandrequiringcloseattentiontointersectionsand

interactionofactivities.TheaffordancesofdifferentformsofPOScansupportdifferent

recreationalactivitieswhichmightnotbefullyhighlightedbyaplanprojectionmapping

method.Thoughspatialrecording,includingsketchdiagrams,wasincorporatedintothe

researcher’sfieldnotes(seeFigures3.4and3.6),othermeansofrecordinginteractionswere

ofequalimportance,andhelpfulprimarilyingivingappropriateattentiontocontextforthe

interviewdata.

Acasestudymethodcancontributetodevelopingtheory.Rishbethetal.,(2018)arguethatan

importantroleforlandscapearchitectacademicsistodevelopcasestudyapproacheswith

theoreticalcritiqueinordertoinformpractice.Whilethereareanumberofstudiesonsocial

relationsinthefieldofsociology,thereisalimitedsenseonhowthesestudiesarelinkedto

thepracticebecausethereislessemphasisonplacequalitiesandtypologies.Theoutcomes

relevanttocasestudymethodcouldshedlightonbroadertheoriesthroughadeeper

understandingofthespecificitiesandnuancesofdifferentselectedareas(Robson,2002).

Throughcarefultheoreticalframingandunderstandingofabroaderliteraturebase,even

thoughcasestudiesarehighlylocalised,theycanalsocontributetoglobalissues.

69

3.4.1Selectionofcasestudies

Thecasestudieswereselectedbasedoncertaincriteriarelevanttotheresearchaimsand

objectives,whicharealsoexpandedinChapterFour.Thesecriteriaare:

1. Theselectedareashouldbeinanurbansettingandinacontextofeverydaymixed-

use.

2. ThepopulationoftheselectedareashouldreflectthediversityofBahrain’s

population.

3. TheselectedcasestudiesshouldincludediversespatialtypologiesofPOS.

Figure3.1(page70)summarisestheselectedcasestudysitesandTable3.1(page71)identifies

thecharacteristicsofthesesitesinrelationtotheabovethreecriteria.Basedontheabove

criteria,theselectedcasestudiesincludedifferenttypesofformalpublicopenspaces(as

describedinTable3.1),andalsoinformalspacessuchasthoseinfrontofshops,housesand

mosques.Theselectedsiteshavespatialvariationofoutdoorsspacesinaregionwithurban

developments,desertcontextandhistoricalsites,whichcancontributetostudiesonmigrant

experiences,adaptationandconstructionofasenseofbelonging.Thesitesalsoaddtothe

studiesonvaluesofPOSwithdifferentperceptionsandculturaldifferences.Thecasestudies

additionallyprovidecontributiontothesocialencountersandconvivialityinPOSthrough

investigatingmateriality,temporalityandsocio-spatialassociations.

ThesecaseswereselectedafteraninitialfieldworkstudyinDecember2013andJanuary2014.

Duringthisintensivefieldwork,IvisitedvariousurbanareasinBahrain(around20urban

spaces)withdifferenttypesofPOSandtookphotographs.Thiswasaccompaniedbyastudyof

mapsandcensusdocumentsandfollowedbyseveralinformaldiscussionswithusersand

practitioners.Thisinitialfieldworkhelpedtodeterminethecasestudies.Theresearchcase

studieswerenarroweddowntoeightareasbasedontherelevantcriteria:tobelocatedin

everydaymixed-useurbancontextsandindistrictswherethepopulationreflectsthediversity

ofBahrain’spopulationandtoincludediversespatialtypologies.Thisstrategytosamplethe

researchcontextmakesthefieldworkprocessmoremanageable.Forthepurposesofthis

study,itwasnotfeasibletostudytheentiretyofBahrain’surbanopenspaces.Thecontextsof

thesecasestudiesarealsoworthhighlighting(Robson,2002).Theselectionanddescriptionof

thecasestudyareaswillbeillustratedfurtherinChapterFour.

70

AmwajLagoo

n:

Locatedon

apriv

ate

artificialisla

ndwith

gatedcommun

ityand

lowden

sity.POSis

privatelyow

nedan

d

maintaine

d,but

publiclyaccessible.

ThePe

arlin

gTrail:Th

iscasestud

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ovationprocess.

Arad

BayPark:Located

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gene

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sitynexttotheairport.Th

eparkisaprotected

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:Thisisahistoric

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Bahrain.The

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Figure3.1Locationandsignificantcharacteristicsoftheselectedcasestudyareas.

71

3.5Fieldworkmethods

Fourtypesofmethodwereusedinthisresearch(Figure3.2onpage72):observation,on-site

shortinterviews,go-alongandexpertinterviews.Thesemethodsweredesignedtocollecta

rangeofdataincludingcapturingbroadoverviewsandin-depthdetailsofthesocialrealityin

POSinBahrain.Inmyresearch,thequalitativemethodsofobservationandshortinterviews

wereusedasethnographictoolsduringbroadscopesitevisitstohelpinformunderstanding

similaritiesanddifferencesacrossdifferenttypesofPOS,coveringdifferenttimesofday/week

andincludingadiversesectionofusers.Broadscopeheremeanstohaveawideandinclusive

perspectiveineachsite,whichhelpedachievethefirstaimandsupporttheanalysisofthe

secondandthirdaims.

CaseStudyAreasBabAl-Bahrain

Block-338

AndalusGarden

ThePearlingTail

AradPark

Amwaj-lagoon

KhalifaGarden

Hunai-niyahPark

Bahraini/non-Bahrainiresidential

demographics

78%Non-

Bahraini

78%Non-

Bahraini

78%Non-

Bahraini

44%Non-

Bahraini

44%Non-

Bahraini

MajorityNon-

Bahraini

44%Non-

Bahraini

44%Non-

BahrainiTypo

logy

Square ✔

Publicgarden ✔ ✔

Publicpark ✔ ✔

Pedestrianisedstreet

✔ ✔ ✔ ✔

Smallplazas ✔ ✔

Immed

iatecon

text

Residential ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔

Commercial ✔ ✔ ✔

Retail ✔

Publicservicesbuildings ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔

Relativelyhighlevelofmaintenance

✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔

Relativelyhighlevelofprovidedfacilities

✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔

Presenceofon-sitewardens ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔

Table3.1Thecharacteristicsoftheselectedsitesrelevanttotheselectioncriteria.

72

Itwasalsoimportanttostudythevaluesandpreferencesin‘depth’throughone-to-one

extendedinterviews.In-depthwalkinginterviewsorgo-alongethnographywereusedhereto

explorepastmemoriesandnuancesofmeaningsandunderstandhowconvivialityisshaped,

thisachievedthesecondaim.Thego-alonginterviewsalsosupportedaimonewithfinedetails

ofvalues,preferencesandmemoriesandfurthersupporttheanalysisofaimthreewithsocio-

spatialexperiences.

Theexpertinterviewswereprimarilydesignedasameansofengagingwithrepresentativesof

professionalstakeholderstoofferadditionalperspectives,giveadditionalcontexttothe

findingsandstrengthenthepotentiallinksbetweenethnographyandpractice.The

combinationofalltheabovemethodsallowsfortriangulationinaddressingtheresearch

objectives.

Usingmultiplemethodssupportthevalidityofthedatathroughtriangulation(Rossmanand

Rallis,1998).DenzinandLincoln(2003)elucidatethatusingmultiplemethodsinvolvesan

interpretiveapproachtomakesenseoforunderstandoccurrencesintermsofthemeanings

peoplebringtothemineverydaylife.Multiplemethodsapproachhasbeenusedindifferent

studiesfocusedonpublicspacesinrelationtoculturaldiversity(Loukaitou-Sideris,1995;

Rishbeth,2004;Lowetal.,2005;Cattelletal.,2008;Peters,2010;ChangandFoo,2013;Siu,

2013).Inethnographicresearch,Kusenbach(2003)andAnderson,J.(2004)arguethatthe

strengthsandadvantagesofparticipantobservations,interviewsandgo-alonginterviews

accumulatewhentheyareusedconcurrently.Thisisbecausetheresearcherbenefitsfromthe

BroadScopeCasestudy:Observation+

On-siteShortinterview

In-depthCasestudy:Go-alonginterview

Methods Aims

Aim3Expertinterview

Aim1

Aims1+2

Figure3.2Datacollectionmethods.

73

differentperspectivesandangleseachinstrumentprovides(Kusenbach,2003).Roseetal.

(2010),intheirstudyaboutpeople’srelationtobuildingsingeographicalresearch,usedgo-

alonginterviewsafterconductingbaselineobservationsandsurveys.Theyconceived

observationasameansofobtaininganoverallunderstanding,whilethego-alonginterview

methodwasusedtoattainamorerefinedperspectiveofpeople’sdiverseengagementsin

urbanspaces.Carpiano(2009),instudyinghealthissuesinrelationtothesocialandphysical

contexts,usedobservationandinterviewsinadditiontowalking-along.

Researchactionsandmethods Number TimeScale

Casestud

yareas

Broadscope

ObservationSessionsatdifferenttimesanddays

Samplingpointsareselectedineachcasestudy

July201

4–Janu

ary20

15

On-siteshortsemi-

structuredinterviews

Totalconducted:85withbothBahrainiandnon-Bahraini

On-goingsampling

In-depth

‘Go-along’interviews

Totalconducted:13with18people.Fiveofthe13interviewswereconductedwithBahrainisandtherestoftheparticipantsbelonged

todifferentArabandAsianmigrantbackgrounds.

Samplingdeterminedduringthebroadscopeandalsorespondentsfromcirculatingtheinformationsheets

Profession

alpracticeov

erview

Expe

rtin

terviews

(Sem

i-structuredin-dep

th

interview)

Totalconducted:Eightexpertinterviewswith:

• DirectorofPropertiesandParks• ChiefofUrbanObservatoryinMWMAUP• HeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheMinistryofCulture• FounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpaceNon-profitcommunityorganisation• MaintenanceandOperationEngineerinManamaMunicipality• GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsandvicepresidentoftheFriendsGroupsoftheCapitalGardens

• MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomen-PresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceAgainstChildren.

• AttorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpublicinternationallawSeptem

ber2

014

Janu

ary20

15

Decembe

r201

5Janu

ary20

16

Table3.2Summaryoftheconducteddatacollectionmethods.

Figure3.3Researchprocess.

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Mostofthecollecteddatainthisresearchwasprimary;however,therewasalsosupporting

ongoingsecondarydatacollectionintermsofliteraturereviewrelatingtopracticeas

descriptiveinformationandalsotosupportanalysisthroughouttheresearchprocess.These

documentsincludemaps,censusdata,reportsandnewspaperarticles.Thesecondarydataare

consideredbasedonofficialdataandformalcollectionthroughtherelevantinstitutions.Prior

toandduringthefieldwork,unpublisheddocumentsandmapswereobtaineddirectlyfrom

therelevantorganisationsthroughofficiallettersfrommystudysponsorspecifyingthe

requiredinformation.Theexpertsinterviewedalsoprovidedsomeunpublishedreports.

Consequently,thefollowingsectionsdescribetheprimarytechniquesthatwereusedinthe

researchprocess.Table3.2summarisestheconductedmethodsandFigure3.3illustratesthe

researchprocess.

3.5.1Broadscope:Fieldobservationandon-siteshortinterviews

Withthecomplexityofculturaldifferencesintransculturalcities,nuancesofpracticesand

motivation,preferencesandpatternsofuseinPOSwouldnotbepossibletocapturesolelyby

anobservationalmethod.Inaddition,anobservationonlymethodismorevulnerabletothe

researcher’sinterpretation.Hence,duringthebroadscopingvisitstothecasestudysites,the

decisionwasmadetoinitiallymakedirectobservations,butalsotosupplementandinterpret

thiswithon-sitesemi-structuredinterviews,allowingforparticipantdescriptionand

interpretation.Carefulrecordingandanalysisofboththeseformsofdatacollectioncanhelp

minimiseconfirmationbias.

Directobservationwasusefultosupporttheon-siteshortinterviewsandachievethefirstaim.

ThisapproachrevealedthebreadthofwayspeopleuseandvaluetheireverydayPOS.Forthe

firstresearchaim,theanalysis,descriptionanddiscussionofthedataarecoveredinChapters

Five,SixandSeven.Understandingthespatialqualitiesofdifferentsettingsofthecollected

datagavespecificityandhelpedtoinformpractice.

Usinganethnographicapproachmeantspendingtimeon-sitetoconductbothobservation

andshortinterviews,whichhelpedovercomethepotentiallimitationofeachofthese

methods.NotallpatternsanddetailsinPOScanbevocalised,andequallynotallideasand

detailscanbeobserved.Bothobservationsandinterviewscanbeopentosubjectivityand

personalbias,andthesebiasescanbeexacerbatedbynarrowrangesofsitesorlimited

periodsofengagement.Ithereforearguethattheparalleluseofbothinterviewsand

observationsandanappropriatemeansofanalysiscanbesuccessfulinachievingrigourin

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ethnographicapproaches.Interviewswereaccompaniedwithobservationstoachieveabroad

descriptiveunderstandingofthesites,tounderstandthephysicalandspatialcharacteristicsof

differentsettingsonsite,tovalidateandinformtheon-siteinterviewsandtosupportthedata

analysiswithnarrativeaccounts.Interviewsalsosupportobservationinunderstandingthe

users,theirinteractionsandthedetailsofactivitiesandalsoindefiningage,ethnicityand

gender.Inthisresearch,observationwasusedinitiallyforgeneralunderstandingofthesites

andforon-siteinterviewees’sampling.Hence,inthissection,Iwillcommencewithan

explanationoftheobservationmethod.

3.5.1.1Fieldobservation

Observationwasthefirstactionon-siteforthepurposeofsitefamiliarisation.Field

observationordirectobservationreferstoaresearcherenteringintoanaturalsettingto

understandthesociallifeofthisenvironment(Carpiano,2009).Thismethodisidealfora

researcherwishingtobecomefamiliarwiththelocationorcasestudyandthesubjectbeing

studied(ibid).

Inlandscapearchitecturepracticeandforthepurposeofinformingdesign,sitevisitsinclude

visualsurveysoftherelationshipbetweenpeopleandthephysicalformsinthelocation.This

typeofobservationalsurveyandanalysisduringsitevisitsisoneofmyprofessionalskillsthat

informthisresearch.Observationtounderstandsociallifeinpublicspaceshasbeenusedby

manyscholarsinthefieldoflandscapearchitecture,suchasthepioneersWilliamWhyteand

JanGehl(Whyte,1980;GehlandSvarre,2013).Manyyearsago,JaneJacobs(1961)illustrated

inherbook:“Pleaselookcloselyatrealcities.Whileyouarelooking,youmightaswellalso

listen,lingerandthinkaboutwhatyousee”(p.xii).Thisexcerptdemonstratesthesignificance

ofobservationtourbanpractitionerstounderstandingreallifeinurbanspaces.Accordingto

Jacobs(1961),theobservationisbettersupportedwithhearing,walking,spendingtimeon-

siteandreflection,whichmayhelpincapturingthefinegrainofurbanlife.

Therearedifferentapproachesandparadigmsforobservationasasocialscienceempirical

method(Bryman,2004).Majortypesofobservationfallintoeitherstructuredobservationor

unstructuredobservationorethnography(ibid).Bryman(2004)explainsthatthestructured

observationmethodissimilartoaquestionnaireorstructuredinterviewwithclosedquestions,

whichiswidelyemployedinquantitativestudiesandtheresearchersusepredeterminedrules

orchecklistsforobservingandrecording.Thisapproachisappropriatewhentheinformation

requiredisspecified.Unstructuredobservation,asexplainedbyBryman(2004),doesnot

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entailtheuseofalist,butitisaflexibleprocesstorecordasmuchdetailaspossiblewiththe

aimofdevelopinganarrativedescription.Thisdatacollectionmethodalongsidequalitative

interviewismostlyusedinethnography.Fetterman(2010)arguesthatenteringthefieldwith

‘anopenmind’allowstheethnographertoexplorerichsourcesofdata,whichwouldnotbe

mappedoutintheresearchdesign;however,heclaims:

“Thisqualitydoesnotimplyalackofrigour.Theethnographerentersthefieldwithan

openmind,notanemptyhead.Beforeaskingthefirstquestioninthefield,the

ethnographerbeginswithaproblem,atheoryormodel,aresearchdesign,specificdata

collectiontechniques,toolsforanalysisandaspecificwritingstyle”(p.1).

Intheinitialstagesofthisresearchproject,priortofinalisingtheproposal,Iinvestigateda

rangeofon-sitemethodsbothforobservingandrecordingobservations.Thiswasaperiodof

informalprototyping,informingthedevelopmentofanapproachappropriatetothecultural

contextandtotherangeofsitesaddressed,andaimingtomaximisetherigourofthe

fieldworkdatawithintheresourceconstraintsoftheresearchproject.Idiscoveredthatthe

structuredformofobservation,withachecklist,wasnotresponsivetothenuancesofwhat

washappeningandwouldnotanswertheresearchquestionstoexplorethecomplexspatial

andtemporalpatternsofusewithculturaldifferences.Groundedonqualitativeresearching

(Mason,2002),theontologyinthisresearchisnotaboutlistingactivities,ofwalking,sittingor

playinginPOS,butmoreaboutunderstandingthenuancesofactivities,socio-spatialand

temporalpatternsandinteractionsofthesepatternsandactivities.Unstructuredobservation

intheresearchbecamemorespecificbyenteringthesitewithpre-determinedopen-ended

questionstounderstandwhatwasbeingobserved(ReferbelowtoSectionb:Thepurposeof

observinganddatacollection).Ialsoemployedasystematicapproachinselectinglocationsfor

observationwithintheselectedcasestudyareasfrompredeterminedlistasavailable(Referto

Table3.3onpage80)e.g.inthesportarea,onthegrassedarea,intheseatingarea,inthe

picnicpod,intheplayground,attheentrance,aroundfocalelements,monuments,the

parkingarea,anywaterbodies,adjacenttospecificbuildingssuchascafés,shops,mosques,

onnearbywalkwaysandstreets.Selectingfromthelistwouldovercomebiasbyensuringthat

theselectionofobservationlocationsineachcasestudywouldbesystematicaccordingtosite

typology(ReferbelowtoSectiona:Wheretoconductfieldobservationwithineachcase

study).

Drawingonresearchstudiesonculturallydiverseoutdoorplacesinrelatedacademicfields,

theapproachofresearchersfromsociologytraditionswasalsoanimportantinfluence.In

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sociology,spendingtimeinthefieldiscommonlydescribedas‘hangingout’andconsideredan

ethnographicpractice(Kusenbach,2003;Neal,2015).Hangingoutisagenericethnographic

practicebecauseitisconductedinalesssystematicapproachwithmanyorallinformantsand

coversavarietyofsettings,socialsituationsandsubjectsinseverallocations(Kusenbach,

2003).Intheirresearchonsuperdiversity,Nealetal.(2015)conductedtheirethnographic

methodsinpublicgreenspacesandfoundthattheirfieldworkexperiencesandspendingtime

intheparkswereappropriateinundertakingresearchwithincomplexlydifferentplacesand

populations.Thisprovidedmorecontactbetweenresearchersandparticipantsandmettheir

researchobjectives.Similarly,inaninterviewwithsociologistAmandaWise,sheexplainshow

thetraditionalethnographicapproachandhangingoutinthestudiedfieldswerehighly

valuableforherresearchandwereparticularlyrelevanttounderstandingdiversityand

everydaylife(Neal,2015).Richdatawasproducedenablingreflectionofthedifferent

exploreddetails,characteristicsandinteractions(ibid).Wisestates:

“Obviouslywhenyoustarttolookattheminutiaeofeverydaylifeyoustarttothink

aboutthewaysinwhichthematerialworldsortsandframespeopleandhowweare

connectedtoitinquiteembodied,sensuousways”(ibid,p.994).

Drawingondifferentresearchapproachesandbasedonmyresearchaimsandobjectives,the

decisionwasmadetofollowtheethnographicapproachshapedbylandscapearchitecture

skills.InformationaboutsocialisingregardingphysicalformofPOSateachsitewascaptured

primarilythroughphotographs,sketchdiagrams/sectionsanddescriptiveaccounts.Figure3.4

(page78)illustratestheoutcomematerialfromethnographicobservation.Thiswasatthe

broad-brushphasesoftheresearch.Theanalysisinthisresearchwasprimarilyconcernedat

thelevelofthesite(asawhole)andtypologyofplace.Anethnographicapproachwasusedto

collectandinterrogatetherelationshipbetweenthephysicalfeaturesofthesite(suchas

benches,trees,wateredge)andspecificuses.Eventhoughobservationinthisresearchhas

somesimilaritiestositesurveywithinadesignprocess(O’Reilly,2012),itdiffersfromthe

mappinginthatittendsnottoprivilegestatisticaldata.Quantitativerecordingormapping

methodtorecord,forexample,thenumberofpeopledoingcertainactivitiesorcomparingthe

numberofwomentomeninvolvedindifferentactivitieswasnotundertaken.This

methodologicaldesignexploredtheintersectionoflandscapearchitectureanalysis(withclose

attentiontotypologyandmanagementprocess)andethnographicapproaches(withon-site

workfocusingonparticipants’voicesandthengivingtimeto‘deepnarratives’throughthe

participant-directedwalks).

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Thisresearchestablishedalinkbetweenlandscapearchitectureandsociologyinusing

observationasethnographicpractice.Consideringmateriallocation,formsandphysical

characteristics,alandscapearchitectureperspectiveduringsitevisitsandsiteanalysiscan

supporttheethnographicapproachinunderstandingembodiedexperiencesandinteractions

ofdailylifewithdifferentplacesandpopulations.Thisapproachwasnotbehaviouralmapping

orlocatingactivitiesonmapsbutwastoresonatethespatialvarietiesofactivitieswithinthe

differentcasestudylocations.Integratingabroadethnographicapproachwithcasestudy

methodunderlandscapearchitectureexploredthesocio-spatialassociationatboththelocal

levelandwithinthecitiesindifferentformalandinformaltypologiesofPOS.Theresearch

emphasisesthatthepracticeoflandscapearchitecturecanshapethefindingsofethnographic

research.Similarly,thefindingsfromethnographicresearchcanbeusedtoinformthe

professionalpracticeofthebuiltenvironmentwithbetterunderstandingofthenuancesof

socio-spatialdimensionsincities(Rishbethetal.,2018).

Figure3.4Fieldnotes,photosandsketchesfromethnographicobservation.

79

a)Wheretoconductfieldobservationwithineachcasestudy?

Despitetherelativeflexibilityofanethnographicobservationalapproach,theselectionof

specificlocations(pointsofobservation)withineachcasestudyareawasdevisedasameans

ofensuringsomestandardisationacrossthesites.Thisallowedapurposefulobservationwith

regardtoaddressingresearchaimswhilereducingthepotentialforconfirmationbias.Theuse

offixedpoints(ratherthanapurelycuriosity-drivenobservation)meantthatIwasnotsimply

lookingatsituationsthatweremoreeye-catchingordramatic,andmyviewingscheduleused

apredeterminedlist,soincludedtimesandplaceswhereculturaldifferencedidnotseemto

informuseaswellastimesandplaceswherethiswaspronounced.Thesepointswereselected

afterinitialscopingvisitsandwereusedduringallfieldworkvisitsasasystematicapproachto

thisbroadphaseoffieldwork.

Thedecisionforselectingwheretoconducttheobservationwithineachcasestudyareawas

basedonthefollowing:

1. Overallgivingawidevisualenvelope,asfaraspossiblecoveringalltheselectedcase

studyareas.

2. Understandingthatthesamplingpointsandtimeneededforcompletingobservation

varied(indensity/frequency)indifferentcasestudiesdependingontherelativesize

ofthepark.

3. Respondingtothecomplexityofspatialqualitiesandleisureaffordancesthatmightbe

relevanttodifferentrecreationalvalues.(i.e.themicro-locationsforobservationsuch

asparkingareasandgrass-areaswereestimatedbeopentoflexiblepatternsofleisure

andsocialfunctions).

4. Achievingabroadunderstandingofthesitewithinthetimescaleofthefieldwork.

Istartedmyfieldworkbyconductingobservationinspecificlocationstocoverthewholesite.

Samplingpointswereselectedineachsitefromalist(Table3.3)toinvestigatethesocio-

spatialrelations.Thesepointswerepredeterminedaccordingtothespatialtypologyofthe

POS,asdisplayedinthetable.Thesesamplingpointsdifferinthecasestudieswithmediumto

largesizeparksorurbandistricts.Basedonthetable,Iinitiallyselectedfourtofivesampling

pointsineachsite.Figure3.5isanexampleoftheobservationpointsinitiallyselectedand

locatedinAndalusgarden.

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ParksandGardens

ByagatewayInaparkingareaAroundasportAreaInawalkwayInaSettingareaInapicnicpod

InaplaygroundAroundatopographicalandgeographicalfeature(e.g.sea,moundorplateau)NearbyarestaurantorashopAroundafocalorawaterelement

PedesterianisedUrbanspaces

Aroundagrassedorplantedarea,NearbybenchesInaparkingareaAdjacenttospecificbuildingssuchascafés,shopsormosques,Aroundfocalelements,monumentsorwaterbodiesInapedesterianisedplazaandstreets

Informalopenspaces

InfrontofshopsInfrontofmosquesInfrontofhousesNearbyinformalsettingareaInavacantland

InparkingareaAroundatopographical,geographicalfeatureornodesAroundstreetcornersandsidewalks

Table3.3ObservationpointscategorisedaccordingtothesitespatialtypologiesofPOSintheselectedcasestudyareas.

Figure3.5InitiallypredeterminedsamplingpointsinAndalusGarden.

81

Figure3.6EthnographiclocationpointsinthecontextofAndalusGarden.

82

ByconductingthefieldworkandlocatingthesamplingpointsintheplansIfoundtheneedfor

morepointsfromthelistratherthanthefourtofivepointsproposedinitially.Byconducting

anethnographicapproach,theinteractionofactivitiesbetweenthesedifferentselected

samplingpointsandthetransitionandmovementfromonepointtoanotherhavetobe

consideredinthecollecteddataaspartofethnographicpractice.Figure3.6(page81)shows

thelocationsoftheobservationpointsasconductedinthecontextofAndalusGarden,asan

example.AppendixOnedisplaystheethnographiclocationsintheeightselectedcasestudies

andtheirsurroundingcontextstoinvestigatetheformalandtheinformalPOS.

Accordingly,thestructuringofthelocations’selectionswasmodifiedovertime.Iconducted

theethnographicpracticeandspenttimeinmorelocationswithintheselectedcasestudies

thanwasspecifiedinitiallywithonlyfourorfivepoints.Theadditionalobservationpointswere

fromthelist(Table3.3),whichhelpedovercomebias.Thejustificationbehindthis

modificationisthatasmyunderstandingdevelopedandasIwaswalkingthroughinthe

selectedcasestudies,Ifoundthateachsitecouldincludemorepointsfromthelist,rather

thanonlyfive.Walkinginthesiteappearedbeneficialtoachievingabroaderunderstanding

withinthefieldworktimescaleratherthanonlyhavingspecificpredeterminedstationary

observationlocations.Thismodificationinthefieldworkprocessovertimehelpedtoincrease

therigourandtomakesurethatIcoveredthesiteasawholeandincludedmoreobservation

pointsfromthepredeterminedlist.ThroughthisIgainedarelativelywideandinclusive

perspectiveineachsitetounderstandparticularlyhowthephysicalandspatialcharacteristics

andqualitiesandalsohowintegrationandintersectionbetweenactivitiessupportdifferent

leisureandsocialpatternsofusewithacomplexityofculturaldifferences.

b)Thepurposeoffieldobservationanddatacollection:

Theapproachthatwastakenastowhatwouldbeobservedandrecordedwasclearlydefined

beforeenteringanysiteintermsofopen-endedquestionsthatwereshapedbytheresearch

aims.Themainobjectiveofobservationisspendingtimeoutdoorsandlookingathowpeople

usethespace,when,where,whathappensandgenerallywhotheusersare.Itwasusefulto

attendeveryobservationsessionatdifferenttimeswithsomepre-formedquestionsand

recordsheetsasrecommendedbyGehlandSvarre(2013).Thequestionshelpedin

understandingsomerelevantdetailsindifferentcasestudiesinrelationtotheactivities,users,

timeandphysicalandspatialcharacteristics.Inparticular,questionsaddressedwere:howthe

spacesareused;whotheusersare;wheretheactivitiesareconducted;wherethesocial

patternsareseen;thesizesofgroups;howlandscapeelementsareusedsocially;howlong

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activitieslastandhowlongpeopleusuallystayinaplace.Alltheseinformabroad

understandingofpatternsofuseandsocialencounter.Thepreparedquestionsalsoprovided

thefieldobservationwithsomestructureinthedecisionaboutwhattorecord(i.e.

photograph,notedownandrecordasvoicememo).

1- Oneoftheimportanttasksforobservationistounderstandtheactivitieson-siteand

differentpatternsofuse.Spendingtimeon-siteasanethnographicpracticehelpedto

overcomemanyofthechallengesofobservationandtobecomefamiliarwiththesite,

thepatternsofuseandtypesofactivities.GehlandSvarre(2013)claimthatto

understandpubliclife,itisimportanttodefineandrecordsocialactivitiesinorderto

supportthefunctionofpublicplacesasameetingplace.Fieldobservationisusedto

generallyunderstandthespatialandtemporalactivitiesandparticularlyparticipants’

activities.Fromobservation,itwaspossible,forexample,tounderstandtheduration

ofstaysinrelationtodifferentactivitiesandspaces,whichcansupportandvalidate

thedatafromtheinterviewsintermsofthetemporalpatternsofuse.Recording

activitiesintheformofstructuredobservation(suchascheck-listormapping

methods)posesmanychallengesasactivitiesareoftenintegratedratherthan

segregated,sotheprimarydatacollectionmethodofnote-takingallowedrecordingof

someofthesekeyoverlapsorsimultaneousactivities.However,throughobservation

alone,itwasnotalwayspossibletodifferentiatebetweennecessary,optionaland

socialactivities(Gehl,2011),andtheon-siteinterviewswerevaluableforgaining

greaterinsight.GehlandSvarre(2013)claimthatthroughobservation,itispossibleto

differentiatebetweensocialactivitieswithpeoplewhoknoweachotherandsocial

encountersbetweenstrangersinapublicspace;however,Iwouldsuggestthisisa

flawedanalysisandmaywellbecontext-specific.Forexample,inBahrain,thismight

notbepreciseasitwascommonduringthesitevisitstoseedifferentparentswith

theirchildrentogetherinaparkorgarden,andtheyappeartobefamiliarwitheach

other;yettheyhadonlyjustmet.Consequently,theroleofethnographywas

importantforincreasingtherigourofthedatacollectionandtounderstandthe

nuancesofpractices,valuesandrelationshipsinrelationtospecificcontextsandat

differentscales.

2- Theintegrationofsystematicobservationwithon-siteinterviewswasalsoimportant

fortheaccuracyofthedemographicsofusers.AsaresidentofBahrain,Icanmake

certainestimationsregardingethnicity,genderandagegroupdifferences,butthe

interviewwasalsousefultoconfirmtheestimation.Forthepurposeofresearchethics

84

andintegrity,describingculturalidentitiesisideallybasedonhowtheparticipants

describetheirownorotherusers’origins.InmyfieldworkIwasalsogathering

understandingsofidentityofotherusersthroughinterviewees’owndescription,so

themeansinwhichtheseweredescribedneededtoallowsomeflexibility(reducing

standardisationbutgainingrichness).Someparticipantsdefineusers’originsfrom

theirappearance,colour,behaviours,dress,languageoraccent,whicharebasedon

participants’observationsandhowtheyseeothers.Theobservationswereusedto

supporttheinterviewsandvalidatethedataastheresearchershouldnotonlyrelyon

theinterviewees’responsebutalsoonwhatisseenandinterpretedon-site.

3- Thephysicalandspatialcharacteristicsandqualitieswereobservedwithinthe

perspectiveoflandscapearchitecture,whichsupporttheprocessofcasestudy

analysis(ChapterFour)andsupportthedataanalysisandsynthesistoset

recommendationsfortheprovisionofsociallyresponsivePOS(Thirdaim).Thephysical

characteristicofthesite,itsnaturalandgeographicalfeatures,theprovidedactivities

andfunctionsinthePOSandthesurroundingareaandtheland-usewerealso

comparedwiththeavailablemapsorsiteplans.Ialsolocatedthelandscapeelements

andconditionson-site:vegetationlocations,pathwaylocations,waterbodies,outdoor

furniture,structuresandmaterials.People,however,wouldhavedifferentperceptions

intermsoftheaffordancesforsocialandleisureactivities;hence,theethnographic

approachofobservationandinterviewandspendingtimeon-siteisalsofundamental

heretobecomemorefamiliarwithsuchdetails.Patton(1990)findsthatthetechnique

ofobservationenablestheobservertoidentifythesettingwithinwhichpeople

interactandalsogaininsightintotheideasthatpeoplemightnotvocaliseduringthe

interviews.Observationinthisresearchallowsinductiveprocessandtounderstand

thestudiedphenomenonincontext.

c)Whentoconductfieldobservation?

Thepurposeofthesitevisitswastocollectasmuchdataaspossiblewithinagiventimefor

thefieldwork,sowhilethescheduleoffield-basedmethodologywasbroadlysystematic,over

timeitwasmodifiedfromanentirelystandardisedonetoamoreflexibleonetoincreasethe

numberofthesitevisitstocoverdifferenttimesandoccasions.AppendixTwoshowsthesite

visitsindifferentcasestudies,whichcomprisedifferenttimesanddays.

85

Inordertomanagetheobservationacrossthedifferentcasestudiesandatdifferenttimes,I

startedwithasystematicobservationusingatimetablerelatingtotimesofthedayandweek

(GehlandSvarre,2013).Ineachcasestudy,theobservationswereproposedtobeconducted

infourorfivedifferentsessionsatvarioustimesanddaysoftheweekandindifferentseasons

toallowathoroughinvestigationofdifferentsites.Duetothecomplexityofthetranscultural

contextsandfollowinganethnographicapproach,adecisionwasmadetoincreasethe

numberofsitevisitsfromthisbase-line,andtheadditionalvisitsgaveprioritytositesand

locationswhichappearedmorecomplexandinwhichunderstandingwouldbeincreased

throughanextendednumberofobservations.Principally,thepurposeofthiswastoallowfor

visitingthesitesatawiderangeoftimestounderstandthenuancesofspatialandtemporal

culturalpracticesandformsofadaptation.GehlandSvarre(2013)highlighttheneedto

accommodatedifferencebetweenweekdays,weekends,andholidays,andwithdifferent

weatherconditions,whichrequiredacertainamountofflexibilitytotheschedule.Aseason

suchasRamadanalsoshapesthepatternofuseinanArabicandIslamiccontext.Gehland

Svarre(2013)alsomentionthatthesite,thepurpose,budgets,timeandlocalconditions

determinetheobservationschedules;forexample,ifaplacehasanexuberantnightlife,itdoes

notmakesensetodotheobservationonlyduringtheday.

Themainfieldworkwasconductedinsixmonths,betweenJuly2014andJanuary2015,witha

totalof70observationsessionscoveringdifferenttimes,daysandseasons,whichallowedme

tocapturehowculturaldifferencescanshapepatternsofuse.Afterthismainfieldwork,Ialso

arrangedfollowuptripstocovervariousseasonsandeventswheneverpossible.The

ethnographicapproachproduceddescriptionsofwhatwashappeningratherthana

quantitativemappingapproach;however,thesystematicapproachaidedintheselectionof

thedayandtimetovisitthesite.Visitingthecasestudiesfrequentlyatdifferenttimesofthe

dayandweeksintensivelyoveraperiodoftimealsoincreasestherigourofthefindings.

d)Howtorecord?

Theabovementionedsitecharacteristicsandusersandparticipants’activities,inadditionto

date,timeandweatherconditionswererecordedbyusingfieldnotesanddigitalphotography.

Takingphotosandkeepingadiaryaregoodpracticestobeadoptedbytheresearcher.Yin

(2003)findsthatobservationalevidenceisoftenusefulinprovidingadditionalinformation

aboutthetopicbeingstudied;forexample,takingphotographsatthecasestudysitehelpsto

conveyimportantcasecharacteristicstooutsideobservers.Sketcheswerealsoused

occasionallytounderstandtherecordeddata.Inaddition,Ialsousedvoicememostorecord

86

myobservationsandnotesandthentranscribedthem.A4copiesofmapsofeachareawere

usedtounderstandthesiteandthesurroundings.Fieldobservationinthisresearchwasnot

behaviouralmappingorrecordingoftheobservationofeachpersonthatusesthatsite.Oneof

theobjectiveswastolookatpatternsofuseandgetabroadoverview.Therefore,thoughthe

fieldnotesconcentratedonwho,whereandwhat,muchoftheemphasiswasoncapturinga

descriptiverecordofsiteuse.Theflexibilityofthisapproachwasimportantinreflectingthe

complexityofsocialandculturaldifferences,spatialvariationandnuancesofpracticesofuse

atdifferenttimesofday.

e)Overviewofanalysis:

Thissectionprovidesanoverviewofhowdifferentmeansofrecordingdata(visual,fieldnotes

andon-siteinterviews)allcontributedtoabroadanalysis.Intheanalysis,Iconsideralltheon-

sitematerialanddatafrommultiplemethodsratherthanjustobservations.Thecollecteddata

fromfieldobservationmainlyprovidednarrativedescriptionsandsupportedthefindings

(fromdifferentmethods)withcharacteristicsofphysicalandspatialqualitiesatdifferenttimes

andsettings.Thisalsoprovidedabasisforcritiquingtherelationshipbetweensocialand

physicalaffordancesandpatternsofuseandexploredtheroleofprofessionalpracticein

transculturalcitiestosupportconvivialityinPOS.Theobservationsduringtheshortinterviews

weretranscribedandinsertedintheNvivo1todirectlysupporttheanalysisprocess.Allthe

fieldnotesandvoicememosweretranscribed,andthephotographswerearrangedbydate,

timeandcasestudiesandbecameafundamentalpartsupportingthedataanalysis,butwere

notinsertedintheNvivosoftware.Writingandthentranscribingfieldnotesandestablishinga

filingsystemwasavaluableprocessintheanalysiswiththewholeinmind.Hence,in

discussingaparticularsite,interview,day,occasionorthemeIreferencethesupportingfield

notesandphotographs.

f)Addressingbias:

Duringtheethnography,theresearcherneedstobeawareofissuespertainingtoanybias,

particularlyduringthefieldobservations(Fetterman,2010),sothedecisionwastakenatan

earlystageofthisresearchbyconsideringpositionalityandreflexivity.Conductingfield

observationswouldreflecttheresearcher’spositionality,whichwhilefacilitatingmyresearch

1Computer-assistedqualitativedataanalysissoftwareusedinthisresearchtodoanalysisforshortinterviewsandgo-alonginterviews.

87

processalsoposedsomechallenges.Inmyresearch,Iconductednon-participantovert

observation2andaccompanieditbytakingpicturesandnotes,inwhichmypositionasa

researcherwasvisible.Duringthefieldobservations,Iconductedshorton-siteinterviews

introducingmyselfasaresearchstudent.Myvisiblepositionasaresearcherinthepublic

spacefacilitatedconductinginterviewsandaskingpeople,aspeoplewouldnotbeambiguous

towardsmyidentity.SomeusersalsoapproachedmetobeinterviewedortoaskwhatIwas

doing.Moreover,theresearcher’spositionalitycanchangefromonecontexttoanother(Teye,

2012),whichcanaffecthisobservationprocessanddatainterpretation.Sometimes,my

perceptionsofdifferentactivitiesobservedon-site(e.g.childrenplaying,landscapequalities)

couldbeshapedbymypersonalidentityofbeinginacademeinlandscapearchitecture,my

gender,ethnicityorlifestage.Hence,reflexivityhastobeconsideredthroughunderstanding

myposition,thecontextandtimeofaconductedmethod,whichsupporttheanalysisand

interpretationofthecollecteddata.Therepeatedobservationsandtherecordedfieldnotes

andreflectionsprovidedanopportunitytobereflexiveduringtheobservationanddata

analysis.

Eventhoughtheobservationprocesswasflexibletosomeextent,repeatingsitevisits,

consideringthetimeandseasons,predeterminingtheobservationpoints,focusingonthe

researchaimsandconductingtheobservationsbasedonpredeterminedquestionstheseare

alsowaystoovercomethechallengeofbias.Intheanalysis,toavoidconfirmationbias,I

primarilyreliedonwhatpeopleweresayingandnotmyobservation;however,the

observationswerefundamentalforsupportingtheanalysisforvalidity.Robustnessofthe

collecteddataincreasedthroughsupportingtheon-sitein-depthinterviewswiththebroad

ethnography:researcherobservationsatdifferenttimesanddaysandshorton-siteinterviews

withawidesectionsoftheusers.Usingmultiplemethodsincludingon-siteinterviews,

participant-ledinterviewsandexpertinterviewstogetherwithobservationvalidatethe

researchfindingsthroughhavingparticipants’interpretationsandpractitioners’perspectives

(Fetterman,2010;Teye,2012).Contextualityalsoplacesacheckonthenegativeinfluenceof

bias(Fetterman,2010),accordingly,skillsoflandscapearchitectureinintensively

understandingthecontextappeartobefundamentalhere.

2Usuallyobservationisdescribedascovert/overtorparticipantornon-participant(Bryman,2004).

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3.5.1.2On-siteshortinterviews

Participantswereapproachedon-siteduringsitevisitsandtheinterviewswereconductedat

thispoint.Theon-siteinterviewswereaprimarysourceforthesitespecificdata,andthe

observationswerefundamentaltosupportthisdata.Thequestionsweredesignedto

specificallyaddressaimone:Tounderstandtheeverydayactivities,preferencesand

motivationsforusingPOSinBahrain,withaparticularemphasisontheexperiencesofusers

frommigrantbackgrounds.

Theresearchersoftensupporttheirfieldobservationswithinterviewstoembracequestions

thatarenotpossibletoansweronlythroughtheobservation(Bryman,2004;O’Reilly,2012;

GehlSvarre,2013).Inthisresearch,theethnographyisbasedonbothon-siteinterviewsand

directobservationstounderstandthesocio-spatialsettingsandhiddenexperiences,

understandthecontextofthecasestudy,validatethedataandsupporttheanalysis.However,

itwouldbeachallengetodependonobservationtorecorddemographicdataandnuancesof

activitiesandaffordancesforencountersasthemaindatafortheanalysis.GehlandSvarre

(2013)suggestthatthequestionofwho,where,whatandhowcouldbeansweredthrough

observation.Yet,toaccuratelydefineusers'differentgroups,ageandnationalitiesthrough

observationalonecanbeproblematic,particularlygiventhecomplexityoftransculturalcities.

InBahrain,likemanyotherpartsoftheworld,itisdifficulttounderstandpeople’sorigin

throughobservation,andtherearesimilarconcernsaboutage.

Together,bothobservationandthesemi-structuredinterviewrevealthebreadthofways

peopleuseandvaluePOS.Inthisresearch,itwaspossibletounderstandthedifferent

activitiesatthesitethroughobservation;theinterviewtool,however,providedadditional

detailsaboutthepeople’spreferences,valuesandtheirmotivationsforusingthePOSintheir

everydaylife.ThesedetailssupportedtheanalysistodeterminehowthedifferentusesofPOS

areintegratingandchangingalongwithpeople’smotivations,values,gender,generationaland

transnationalidentities.Inthefieldwork,comparisonofthesiteswasnotoneoftheresearch

objectives;however,peoplecomparedbetweenthesitesintheinterviews,whichshowed

theirperceptions,socio-spatialassociationsandaffordancesofplacesinadditiontothe

mobilityofpatternofuseandencounters,whichalsosupportstheanalysisofsecondaim.

a)Preparingandconductingtheon-siteinterviews:

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Schroeder(1991)assertsthataqualitativesurveyprovidesmuchmorerichandusefuldata

thanquantitativesurveysinstudiesconcerningpeople’srelationtolandscapeandtheir

perception.Thedesignoftheinterview-promptwasqualitative,largelycomprisingofopen-

endedquestions,seekingtounderstandratherthanprovehypothesisortestsignificance.The

questionsweredesignedfromtheobjectivesofthefirstaimtoinvestigatehowactivities

changeindifferentcasestudies,atdifferenttimesandondifferentdaysthroughouttheyear

andhowthesearereflectedandshapedbydifferentusersintransculturalcities.Theinterview

wasdividedintothreeparts:First,howeachparticipantwasusingthesiteatthetimeofthe

interview,thesecondparthelpedtounderstandthetypicalusesatothertimesordaysand

thethirdpartprovideddemographicinformation.Theinterviewsalsoincludedquestions

aboutotherdifferentPOSfrequentedbytheintervieweestoappreciatedifferentperceptions

andmeaningsandmobilisingofmeanings(Section2.3.2).AppendixThreeillustratestheshort

on-siteinterviewsheet.

Duringtheobservationsessions,copiesofprintedsheetswithpreparedquestionswereused

toconducttheinterviews.Theapproachwassystematicandensuredthatthesamequestions

werecoveredwitheachrespondent.Ifilledinthesheetsduringtheinterviewssupportingthe

responseswithnotesfromtheobservations.Thequestionsusedcouldalsobemodifiedto

includemoreorlessdetaildependingontheextentIidentifiedimportantissuesduringthe

courseoftheinterview.Thoughtheywereshortinterviewsthatgenerallytookafewminutes

(3-5minutes),someintervieweesextendedtheirresponses.Ingeneral,userswelcomedtaking

partintheinterviews,althoughafewparticipantspolitelyapologisedandrefrainedfrom

participating.Whenconductingresearchonsite,participantsalsonarratedstoriesand

memoriesrelevanttothespaceorotherspaces,anadditionalbenefitofconductingthe

interviewson-site.

Iusedanon-goingsamplingprocesstoselecttherespondents.Theinitialselectionwasbased

onarandomprocesse.g.every10thor5thpersondependingontheintensityoftheusers

duringthesitevisit.ThiswayofsamplingbroadlyreflectedtheusersofthePOS.Afollow-up

schedulewasalsopreparedduringthefieldworktotracktheinterviewees,withpurposeful

selectioninthelatterstagesinformedbyaddressingknowngapsrelativetothedemographics

ofsiteusers.Thissamplingprocessensuresinclusivityandthattheparticipantsrepresentthe

users.Thesamplingwasbasedmainlyonpeople’swillingnesstobeinterviewed,their

languageabilityanddemographicandculturalfactors.Thisresearchinvestigatedeightcase

studyareas,andgainedatotalof85interviews.Dependingonthepopularityandsizeofeach

site,thenumberofrespondentsvariedaccordingly,between6and19,withanaverageof13.

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AppendixTwoshowsthedistributionoftheconductedinterviews.Appendixfourpresents

dataaboutparticipantsinshortinterviews.

3.5.2In-depthethnography:Go-alonginterviews

Itwasalsoimportanttoconductmorein-depthethnography(andnotonlybroadscopesite

visits)toexploreindividualperspectives,values,memoriesandnuancesofmeaningsthrough

one-to-oneparticipant-ledextendedwalkinginterviewsatthesite.Duetothecomplexities,

thein-depthethnographicapproachwouldbeimportantinordertoexploremeaningful

encountersinPOS.Thisalsohelpstounderstandbothhowpeople’sexperiencesinthesite

areshapedbytheiridentitiesandhistoryandhowplacescansupportadaptationspatiallyand

temporally,particularlywithintersectionalityandculturaldifferences.

Interviewshavebeenusedinstudieswhenmoreunderstandingofsocialprocessesand

meaningsarerequired(Mason,1996).Thoughlaughing,smilingandacknowledgingothersare

commonbodylanguagesobservedinthefieldwork,Patton(1990,p.278)arguesthatthe

informationgainedduringfieldobservationislimitedtopeople’sexternalbehaviourinthat

particularsettinganditisnotpossibletoobserveindividuals’feelings,thoughtsand

intentions,ortounderstandpastexperiencesandmemoriesorhowpeoplehaveorganised

theirlivesandtheirbelongings.Theselimitationsbecomemorecomplicatedwithcultural

differencesinsuperdiversecontexts(Vertovec,2007a).

‘Go-along’ethnographyisacombinationofobservation,in-depthinterviewandstorytelling,

andwasselectedasanappropriatemethodforachievingthesecondaim:Toexplorehow

convivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublicspaceswithinthecontextofan

ethnicallydiversepopulation(analysedanddiscussedinChapterssixandseven).Toachieve

thesecondaim,thego-alonginterviewcouldexplorenuancesofmeaningsandexperiencesof

socialencountersanddetailsregardingindividualspatialandtemporalnegotiationsand

decisions.Thismethodalsosupportstheanalysisofthefirstaim(particularlythethird

objective)withrefineddetailsrelevanttothehistoryofplacesandpastexperiencesthatshape

thevaluesandpreferencesofusingPOSaddedtothetheoryofculturaltransformationand

processofadaptationandhybridity.

Kusenbach(2003)clarifiesthatthego-alonginterviewisaninnovativeethnographic

instrumentusedtoexploretheroleofplaceineverydayexperienceandtheinteraction

patterninthepublicrealm.Comparingto‘hangingout’sortofethnography,thego-along

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interviewissystematicandpre-arrangedandtendstobemorefocused;thismaypromptthe

participantstotalkaboutplaces,notonlypeople(Kusenbach,2003;EvansandJones,2011;

HoltonandRiley,2014).Thismethodconcernstheaffiliationbetweenpeopleandplace,a

methodwhichbridgesunderstandingbetweenacademicresearchingeographyandlandscape

architecturewithprecedentswithinpsycho-geography,culturalgeographyandanthropology

(RishbethandPowell,2013).Armstrong(2004),Oliveira(2011),Rishbeth(2013and2014)all

suggestthatthewalkinginterviewisadynamicmethodtoexploreplaceattachmentand

memories,andthusexploreexperiencespostmigrationintransnationalspaces.Thesesame

qualitiesshaperelevanceinthefieldofplanninganddesign(EvansandJones,2011).

Thego-alonginterviewisahybridbetweenobservationandinterviewmethodthatovercomes

certainshortcomingsofobservationandinterviewing(Kusenbach,2003;Anderson,J.,2004;

Carpiano,2009).Whatmakesthisinstrumentuniqueisthattheresearchercanobservethe

participantsinsituwhile,atthesametime,accesstheirexperiences,reflectionand

interpretations(Kusenbach,2003;Carpiano,2009).Theresearchercanalsousebody

movementtounderstandtherelationbetweenparticipantsandtheplace(Anderson,J.,2004;

Roseetal.,2010).

Thismethodcombinesmobilityandmethodology(Kusenbach,2003;Jonesetal.,2008;Holton

andRiley,2014).Inthismanner,Jonesetal.(2008)explains,“Whetherconsideringmovement

bytheparticipantortheresearcher,mobilitytakestheresearchprocessoutoffixed(safe,

controlled)environmentsandintroducesarangeofnewissuestoconsider”(p.9).However,

Jonesetal.(2008)assertthatcombiningmobilitywithresearchmethodologyisnotatotally

newapproach.Theyaddthat,inethnographicfieldwork,theresearcheroftenstudiesthe

subjectinmotion,ratherthantakingaparticipantoutoftheireverydaycontexttoaskthem

questionsabouttheirlife.Furthermore,walkingisalsousedasamethodinethnographyand

anthropologyresearch(Pink,2008).

Becauseofthenatureofthego-alonginterview,itcouldaddrichdatainrelationtothe

researchquestionandexploreculturalpractices,promptsformemoryandsocialinteractions

withspatialassociation.Kusenbach(2003)statesthatgo-alonginterviewscanexplorethe

essenceofspatialpracticesandengagementinandwiththeenvironment.Spatialpractice

meansthatpeoplecanbemoreorlessawareofandengagedwiththesurroundingspaces

throughthecourseoftheireverydaylivesandmundaneroutinesatdifferenttimeswith

variousdegreesandquality,shapingmultiplecontextsofmeaningsforpersonalidentities

(Kusenbach,2003).Inthismanner,Anderson,J.(2004)addsthatbyusingthego-along

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interview,researcherscanbecomeawareoftheroutinesandpracticesinwhichpeoplebuild

theirknowledgeofplaces.Go-alonginterviewscanalsouncoverthepastexperiencesthat

shapepeople’spresentengagementswiththeirenvironmentsandhowtheparticipants

integratememorieswithmeanings(Kusenbach,2003;Anderson,J.,2004).Anderson,J.(2004),

Jonesetal.(2008)andHoltonandRiley(2014)findthatgo-alonginterviewscanstimulatethe

memoryandtellastorythroughparticipants’ownexpressionsabouttheirconnectionto

certainplaces.Rishbeth(2014)suggeststhatthewalkinginterviewismorethannarrative

data;itexploresthesensorycollectionthroughstorytelling.Pink(2008)describeswalkingin

ethnographyasmulti-sensoryexperiencesthatcanexplorematerialityandsocialityinaplace.

Go-alonginterviewscanalsoexplorevaryingpatternsofinteractionandhelpunderstand

socialencountersfromtheperspectivesofparticipants(Kusenbach,2003).Thismethodcan

capturetheroleofplaceinshapingsocialinteractioninthedailyactivity(Carpiano,2009;

Kusenbach,2003).

a)Preparingandconductinggo-alonginterviews:

Thepurposeofthego-alonginterviewsinthisresearchwastoexploremorein-depthfindings

inrelationtotheresearchaimsandobjectivesandsocio-spatialassociations,whichshaped

thespecificmethodused–aparticipantselectedrouteandtimeundertakenonfoot.The

designofthemethodneededalsotoaddressanumberofchallengese.g.climateinsummer,

walkinginconvenience,beingvisible,culturalsensitivity,keepinginterviewontopicand

numberoftheinterviews.Writingtheinterviewwhilewalkingisanotherchallenge,

particularlyregardingthein-depthqualityoftheinterviews.

Accordingly,thedesignofthismethodwasveryflexibletobenefitfromthequalityofon-foot

interviewandplaceassociation,whilealsoaimingtoovercomethechallenges.Theconcernof

thisselectedmethodintheresearchwasnotaboutthedistanceandwalkingpractice,but

mainlythesocio-spatialdimension,whichovercamethechallengeofwalking.Somecontexts

andinterviewsprovidedanopportunitytoonlymoveashortdistance.Animportantqualityof

thewalkinginterviewisthatbesidestheresearcher;italsoenabledtheparticipanttobean

observersothattheresearcherperceivedthesitethroughtheeyesoftheparticipant.

Kusenbach(2003)andCarpiano(2009)explainthatgo-alonginterviewcanbeconductedby

walkingortravelingonabus,onatrainorinacar,andthedecisiondependsonthecontext,

butwalkingismoreproductive.InBahrain,themainmeansoftransportiscars.Thisisbecause

Bahraindoesnothaveatrainsystemandpublicbusesarenotapopularchoiceamongthe

people.Socio-economicstatusdeterminestheaffordabilityofowningacar,andalargesection

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ofthemigrantpopulationcannotaffordacar.Hence,bearinginmindtheneedforsocial

inclusivity,(inadditiontosafety,socio-spatialinteractionandphysicalqualitiesofPOS),I

conductedtheinterviewsthroughwalkingon-site.

Inmyresearch,theparticipantsselectedthecasestudyinwhichtheywerefamiliarand

interestedin.Theychosetheroutetheyusedtowalkwithintheselectedcasestudies,which

supportedparticipant-ledinterviewsandovercamethechallengeofwalkinginconveniences

andbeingvisible.Forexample,RahmanmetinKhalifaGardencontextbutselectedtoconduct

theGo-alonginHunainiyahcontextandontheridge.Similarly,FaizawasinterviewedinRiffa

citybutalsoselectedtoconductthewalkinginterviewinBabAl-BahraininManamacity,and

shechosetostartfromtheroundabouttothesouqalleysanddirectedmethroughthealleys

asaninsider.Theparticipant-ledgo-alonginterviews,whichallowtheparticipanttochoose

theroutefromtheirroutinepractice,providedamorenaturalsetting(Jonesetal.,2008;Evans

andJones,2011).Theparticipantsalsoselectedthetimeanddayfortheinterview,which

helpedovercomethechallengeofclimate.Theparticipantsusethesespacesforleisureand

changetheirusingtimebetweenwinterandsummer,whichshapedthedifferentinterviews’

timingsaccordingly.

Iconsideredculturalsensitivitywheninterviewingmeningo-alonginterviews;therefore,my

husbandaccompaniedme,e.g.withRahmaninHunainiyahcontext,KareemandIrfaninBab

Al-BahrainArea,ortheintervieweeswereaccompaniedbyafemalemember,RashidinKhalifa

Garden,NazirinHunainiyahParkandAdaminAradPark.

Torespectthetimeoftheintervieweeandusingthetimeefficiently,Ipreparedanumberof

questionsasguidelinesforthego-alonginterview(refertotheAppendixFive)tokeepthe

interviewbroadlyontopic.Askingformoreinformationabouttheplacecouldbeusefulifitis

donewithoutdisturbingthenaturalflowofactivity(Kusenbach,2003).Kusenbach(2003)finds

thatthroughaskingquestions,listeningandobserving,fieldworkerscanexploreparticipants’

experiencesandpracticesastheymoveandinteractthroughthewalkinginterview.Carpiano

(2009)usedsemi-structuredandpreparedquestionsandtopicsalongwithadhocquestions.

Kusenbach(2003)explainedthatitispossibleduringtheinterviewtopointtonearbyfeatures

toallowparticipantstoreflectandfortheinterviewertointerpretfromtheirresponseswhat

theythinkandfeelabouttheirenvironment.Roseetal.(2010)occasionallypromptedthe

participanttocommentontheenvironment.Theyfurtherinvestigatedthespatialuseand

feelingofthespacethroughobservingtheparticipants’actionsandhowtheymovedandused

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theirbodies.Kusenbach(2003)emphasisedthatitisimportanttheresearchergiveslittle

informationandparticipateslessintheinterview.

Regardingthenumberofinterviews,beinganin-depthqualitativemethod,thenumberof

interviewsshouldbeconsideredalongsideboththerichnessofdataandtherangeandinsight

ofthedatagathered.Byusingthe‘journeying’methodIdidnotintendtonecessarily

designateawalkinginterviewtoeachcasestudyorexpecttohaveonewalkinginterviewper

casestudy,butrathertoachieveaspreadofparticipantsandcoverdiverseurbanareaswithin

Bahrain.Fortheselectionofparticipants,duringthesitevisits,theinformationsheetswere

distributedparticularlytothecontributorsintheon-siteshortinterviews.Idistributed40

informationsheets.Ialsorequestedthemtoparticipateinthego-alonginterviewiftheywere

interestedinsharingtheirexperienceofusingopenspacesandinconductingawalking

interviewinandaroundtheirfamiliarspacesornearthecurrentlocation.Thisresultedina

rangeof‘startingpoints’.TheinformationsheetclearlyspecifiedthatIwaslookingforeither

womenormen,Bahrainiornon-Bahrainiover18yearsofage,whocanhaveaconversationin

EnglishorArabic(writingskillsarenotimportant),andauserofanyPOSintheselectedcase

studies.Someoftheparticipantsacceptedtodothego-alonginterviewdirectly;however,

otherscontactedmelatertoarrangetheinterview.

Thetimeallocatedtofieldworkallowedmetoconduct13go-alonginterviewswith18people

andrelatedtosixcasestudieswitha45-minuteaverageduration.Fiveofthe13interviews

wereconductedwithBahrainisandtherestoftheparticipantsbelongedtodifferentAsian

migrantbackgrounds:Syrian,Indian,Balochis,MalaysianandIndonesian.AppendixSix

illustratesthego-alongparticipants.Toovercomethechallengeofscriptrecordingsduringthe

interview,audiorecordingswereusedwithparticipants’consent(Kusenbach,2003;Roseet

al.,2010).Aftercompletingeachgo-alonginterview,theinterviewwastranscribedandafield

notewaspreparedfromtherecordingincludinginterviewernotesastocontext(Kusenbach,

2003).

3.5.3Expertinterviews

Thisresearchalsogathereddatafromeightexpertinterviews.Theexpertinterviewmethodis

valuabletovalidatetheperceivedverityofthequalitativedatafromadifferentperspective

andtodrawoutreactionstothis(RossmanandRallis,1998).StudiessuchasRishbeth(2004),

PowellandRishbeth(2012)andSiu(2013)accompaniedtheirresearchesonculturaldiversity

inPOSandperceptionofuserswithpractitionerinterviewsfortesting,exploringand

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triangulatingtheoutcomesofthedatathroughabroaderview,whichclarifiesthat

practitionerinterviewsarehelpfulandimportantintermsofanoverallresearchprogramme.

PowellandRishbeth(2012)interviewedpractitioners“toseekconfirmationofkeyissueswhich

emergedfromtherawdata,toanalysesignificance,andidentifyareasofconvergenceand

divergencewithregardtoexperiencesandvalues”(p.73).

Expertinterviewshelpedaddressthethirdaimofthisresearch,whichisframingtheresearch

findingswithprofessionalpracticeinterviewstoinformdesignapproachesandpoliciesfor

planningandmanagingopenspaces.Increasingly,academicresearchhasacommitmentto

‘impact’andthiscanbesignificantinrelationtofindingsfromethnographicpractices

(Lawrence-Zuniga,2011;Rishbethetal.,2018).Disciplinessuchaslandscapearchitecture,with

alongstandingprofessionalfocus,isbuiltonalongtraditionofconnectingresearchwith

practice.However,withinacademicexplorationsoftransnationalplaces,mostlywithin

sociologicalandanthropologicalfields,therehavetraditionallybeenlimitedattemptsto

explorethepracticalimplicationsforurbandesignandplacemanagementpractices.By

attendingtopractitioners’expertisewithintheframeworkofthisresearch,ithasbeen

possibletogroundthefindingsonapragmaticpractice:awarenessofkeycontexts,abilityto

identifykeybarriersandcurrentshortfallsinprovisionandgainsomeinsightintogood

practiceandpromisingdirections.

a)Planningandconductingexpertinterviews

Withinthemethodologicalframeworkinthisresearch,thebroadscopeoftheexpert

interviewswastoaddprofessionalperspectivetotheresearch,andthemainpurposeswere

to:

1.Gatheradditionaldataandfurtherunderstandingofthehistoricalandcontemporary

contextsandpolicies.

2.Triangulatethefindingsandinstigatea(limitedandunestablished)collaborative

analyticallens.

3.Testtherelevanceoffindingsforpractice,whichprovidesalandscapearchitectural

specificitytotheresearchoutcomes.

Thebasisforselectionoftheintervieweesisshapedbyseveralbroadcategoriesorcriteria.

Thecriteriaweredevelopedaroundthemainaimsoftheresearchrelevanttotheprofessional

specialisationandselectedcasestudies:planning,design,managementofPOS,regeneration,

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renovationandconservationofPOSandheritagesites,policingofpublicspaces,migrationand

cohesionagenda.Thecategoriesoftheselectionwerefurtherfine-tunedwiththeemerging

findingsandthemessuchascommunityinvolvement,publicright,andparentingandlittering

issues.

Thefinalbroadcategoriesthatshapetheselectionoftheexpertintervieweeswere:planning,

designandmanagementofPOS,andcommunityinvolvementandthenewthemeofsocialand

professionalresponsibilityindealingwithdifferentpracticesinpublic.Therelevant

organisationswereselectedandsubsequentlytheexpertintervieweesintheselected

organisationswereapproachedbecauseoftheirlongandin-depthexperienceinthe

significantareasoftheresearchfocusandemergingfindings.Theseprofessionalsalsoheldkey

positionsthatenabledthemtoprovideabroadunderstandingofpolicies,decisionsand

measuresimplementedwithregardtopublicspacesandtheselectedcasestudies.Inthis

research,thepreliminaryproposalwastoconductfivetoseveninterviewswiththeintention

tomodifythelistcontingenttothefindingsfromtheothermethods.

Conductingexpertinterviewswasbasedontheneedtoprioritiseinterpretationandthe

significanceofthedatasoastojustifythefindingswithinpractice.Thedecisionwasmadeto

conducttheseinterviewstowardtheendofthemainfieldworkwhendatahadbeengathered

andsomefindingshadbeenrevealed.However,Iwasawarethatthiswouldalsobe

dependentontheavailabilityofthehigh-profileinterviewees,particularlygiventhefactthatI

wasinBahrainforspecifiedperiodsonlytoconducttheinterviews.Therefore,certain

opportunismandflexibilitywasneededandIhadtoutiliseanyopportunitythataroseto

scheduletheinterviews.Forexample,thefirstinterviewwithanexpertfromtheAuthorityof

Culturewasconductedduringthemainfieldworkatanearlierstagethantheotherexpert

interviews;however,onlyaftersomegeneralunderstandinghadalreadybeenobtained.

Besidesbeingopportunistic,conductingtheexpertinterviewsatdifferentstagesofthe

researchbroadenedthevalueoftheexpertinterviews.Forinstance,theinitialexpert

interviewswerealsousefultosecureanearlyperspectivefrompractitionersaboutthe

feasibilityofthisresearchinBahrain.Bytheconclusionalltheconductedinterviews,their

questionsandthetimingofthemeetingswereproductiveandvaluableandtheresponses

providedprofessionalperspectivesthatframedthefindings.

ToconducttheinterviewsIhadlettersofsupportfromtheresearchfundingbodytocontact

theorganisationsandtheexpertinterviewees.Theintervieweesarrangedfortheplaceand

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thetimeoftheinterview.Mostoftheinterviewswereconductedintheworkplaceofthe

interviewees,exceptforthreephoneinterviewsuponrequestsfromtheinterviewees.Ethical

considerationsfortheexpertinterviewswerereflectedwithinthemainethicsapplicationfor

theresearch;theconsentformsincludedaclauseseekingpermissionforrecording,optional

however,andverbalconsentwastakenforrecordingthephoneinterviews.

b)Listofexpertinterviews:

Ultimately,eightformalin-depthsemi-structuredinterviewswereconductedwithexperts

fromdifferentorganisations.Thefollowingexplainsthebasisforsampling,bothregardingkey

organisations,andtheindividuals(andtheirprofessionalroles)withinthese.

1. Urbanplanning,design,managementandrenovationofoutdoorspaces:When

conductingresearchinlandscapearchitecture,itisfundamentaltoexplorethe

experts’perspectivesontheinfluencediverseculturalpracticesandmanagementof

POShaveoneachother.Thefindingsonthepotentialforandconstraintsonsocial

interactioninpublicopenspacesacrossdifferenceswouldalsobetestedinrelationto

thepractice.ExpertexpectationsonhowpeopleusethePOSwereusedtotriangulate

thefindingsandprovideacollaborativeanalyticallens.Byhavinganumberofcase

studies,formalandinformal,understandingdifferentcollaborationsthatinform

decisionsaboutPOSinBahraincouldalsobeobtained.

Underthisbroadcategory,thedecisionsaboutspecificselectionoftherelevant

organisationsandintervieweeshadbeenmadeasfollows:

• MunicipalityofManamainMinistryofWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrban

Planning(MWMAUP):

MaintenanceandOperationEngineerofParksandGardens,Fatima

Hamza.

DirectorofPropertiesandParksinMunicipalityofManama,Landscape

ArchitectZuhairAl-Dallal.

UrbanObservatoryChiefintheDepartmentofUrbanPlanning,Architect

WafaSharif.

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IhadalsovisiteddifferentmunicipalitiesinBahrainandtalkedinformally

withdifferentpractitioners.Ialsoconductedshortinterviewswiththe

workersandon-sitewardensintheselectedparksandgardens.

• AuthorityforCultureandAntiquities:HeadofArchitecturalAffairs,Architect

NouraAl-Sayeh.

Iwaslookingtoaccessthemanagementanddesignorganisationresponsiblefor

Amwaj-lagoon,butIwasnotabletointerviewtheirmanagementpersonnelbecause

theconcernedorganisationwasundergoingaprocessofevolvingandchanging.Yet,

theexpertintervieweesfromMWMAUPprovidedtheirperspectiveandknowledge

aboutthiscasestudy.

2. Communityinvolvementinprofessionalpractice:Itisimportanttounderstandthe

roleofcommunityinprovidingandregulatingPOSandhowtheyarebeinginvolved.

Aspectsofpublicparticipationwouldbediscussedwithexpertinterviewees;yet,

selectingintervieweeswhoareinvolvedinpracticefromthecommunitywouldfurther

helptogainrealinsightintocommunityinvolvementinpracticeandtesthow

successfulthisapproachwasinrelationtofindings.InBlock-338,theroleof

communityindesignandmanagementofthespaceandtemporaryintervention

appearedsignificantinthecollecteddata.Inparksandgardens,theroleofFriends

Groupswasrevealedinthecollecteddataaswellasinotherexpertinterviews.Hence,

theselectionherewereasfollowing:

• Al-RiwaqArtSpace,acommunitycentreinBlock-338:ThefounderofAl-Riwaq

ArtSpace,ArtistBayanAl-Baker,

• FriendsGroupsofParksandGardensinBahrain:GeneralCoordinatorofthe

AssociationofFriendsGroupsandVicePresidentoftheFriendsGroupsofthe

CapitalGardens,MohamedAl-A’ali.

3. Socialandprofessionalresponsibilityindealingwithdifferentpracticesinpublic

spaces:Thiscategoryisspecificallyrelevanttoparentingandcleanlinessthemesand

mainlytothequestionofwhoisresponsiblefordealingwithemergingissuesinPOSin

Bahrain.Issuesrelevanttoparentingandcleanlinesswouldbediscussedindifferent

expertinterviews,andsincetheconflictscontinuedtoprevail,Isoughtdifferent

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expertperspectivesfromprofessionalfieldsotherthanplanning,designand

managementofPOS.WithaspectsrelevanttoparentingissuesinPOS,Iwantedto

investigateifthereareanyregulationsinBahrainaboutchildrenbeinginpublicspaces

andhowsuchregulations,ifany,couldaffectchildren’srightsinusingparksand

gardens.Itwouldbealsoimportanttoexploreanyconcernsraisedrelevantto

parentingpracticesinpublicspacesfromanexpertperspectivetotriangulatethe

findings.IwasalsolookingformoreunderstandingaboutpoliciesthatregulatePOSin

Bahrainwithregardtodifferentpracticesinpublic.

Underthethirdbroadcategory,inBahrain,therearenospecificorganisationsthat

dealwithissuesrelatedtoparentingandcleanlinessinpublicspaces.Hence,the

decisionwastointerviewthefollowingexpertindividualswithrelationtothe

obligationofpublicorganisationsinBahrain:

• MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomen-PresidentoftheArabSociety

forthePreventionofViolenceAgainstChildren,Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahrooswas

interviewedtoobtainanoverviewofpoliciesrelevanttoparentingpractices

andprotectingchildren’srightsinusingpublicservices.

• Attorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpublicinternationallaw,Dr.Ahmed

Farhanwasinterviewedforfurtherunderstandingofregulationinpublic

spaces.

Dr.AhmedFarhanalsohighlightedtheabsenceoforganisationsthatworkundera

cohesionandintegrationagendainBahraincomparedwiththewesterncountries,and

explainedthatthepoliciesofmigrationintheregionaredifferent.Thisexplainswhy

itwasnotpossibletofindakeyinformantrelevanttothecategoryofcohesionagenda

andintegrationinrelationtomigrationinBahrain.Asaresultofhispositionand

specialisation,Dr.AhmedFarhanalsocontributedtotheresearchhisknowledgeof

migrationpoliciesandhisperspectiveonmigrantsuseofurbanspaces.

c)ContextofInterview:

Thesemi-structuredquestionsfortheexpertinterviewscoveredthreekeyareas:

1.Understandingtheprofessionalroleandperspectivesoftheinterviewees.

100

2.Gainingadditionalcontextualdataonthelocalhistoriesandpolicyofsomeorallofthe

casestudylocations.

3.Sharingsomeoftheemergingdataandreflectingonthefindings.

Forthefirstkeyarea,thequestionsweredesignedtounderstandin-depthabouttheir

professionalroleandexperience.Thequestionstookageneralandopenapproachsuchas

askingaboutthegreatestchallengestheexpertsfacedintheirprojects,different

collaborationsandinputsessentialforinformingbriefsordecisions,aspectsofthescheme

theyaremostproudof,andexperiencesandskillstheygainedfromundertakingcertain

projects.Forthesecondkeyarea,somequestionsdirectlyrelevanttothecasestudies

highlightingstrategies,processanddecisionforplanning,management,designandfunding

andthestoriesbehindthecasestudiesconcernedwererequired.Ialsoaskedforsupporting

documentationssuchasreports.Forthethirdkeyarea,theinterviewees’perspectivesabout

themaintopicoftheresearchwereobtainedbyaskingabouttheirexpectations,andany

changestheyhadobservedovertimeabouthowpeopleusethePOS.Withintheexpert

interviews,clarificationsandreflectionswerealsosoughtwhentheparticipantsintroduced

topicswhichhademergedinthefieldworkasrelevanttotheresearchthemes(e.g.leisure

activities,openspacemanagement,walkability,notionsofpublicness,socialinteractions,

parentingandcleanliness).

Theemphasisbetweenthesesectionswouldvarydependingonthenatureoftheexpert’srole

andthetimingoftheinterviewwithintheresearchproject.Forexample,wheninterviewing

expertsfromaprofessionalfieldotherthanbuilt-environment,questionsaboutdesignand

managementwerenotasked.Timinghadalsoanimpactonwhatcontentcouldbeaddressed

inindividualinterviewsandinthisresearch,someinterviewswereconductedatanearlier

stage.

d)GeneratingData:

Toturntheexpertinterviewsintodataandusethemintheresearch,allinterviewswere

recordedandtranscribed.Ireadandlistenedtothemseveraltimestomakedetailednotes

andhighlightthemaintopics.Table3.4presentsthelistoftheeightexpertinterviewsanda

summaryofthecoveredtopicsorganisedwithinatimescale.Thesemaintopicswere

comparedtothefindingsfromtheothermethodstoidentifycorrelationsandcontradictions:

wheretheysupportedorelaboratedandwheretherewereconflictsordiscrepancies(as

analysedanddiscussedinChapterEight).

101

1 NouraAlSayeh:ArchitectandHeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityofCulture 16.09.14

• Managementofculturalandheritagesites(specificallySahatandBabAl-Bahrainrenovations).• Integratingelementsandconceptsofcontemporaryurbandesigninthehistoricalsites(suchasmicro-

POS,walkability,waterbodiesandmicroclimate).• Consideringcontemporaryneedsinhistoricalsites.• ReflectionsontheimpactPOShasonsocialinteractionincontextsofculturaldiversity.• Limitationsofcurrentunderstandinginprofessionalpracticewithregardtosocialinteractionacross

difference.• Relevanceofpoliticalcontexts.• Potentialoftemporaryinterventions.

2 FatemaHamza:MaintenanceandOperationEngineerinParksandGardensDepartmentinManamaMunicipality 20.01.15

• Mainproceduresinthemaintenanceandoperationofparksandgardens.• Patternsofuseaffectthemaintenance(suchaslitteringandmisuse).• Theactionstakentominimisecertainpractices(placinginstructionsboardsinparksandgardens,

increasingnumberofsecurityguardsandraisingawarenessforexample,FriendGroups).• Examplesofcontactsthatwouldbeinitiatedbetweenthework-team(e.g.supervisors)andtheusers.

3 WafaSharif:ArchitectandChiefofUrbanObservatoryinMinistryofWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrbanPlanning. 29.12.15

• InformationaboutdecisionsandstrategiestakeninassigninglandforPOS.• PlanningstandardscategorisePOSasparksandgardensaccordingtotheirdifferentsizesto:National

ParksandNeighbourhoodGardens.• Thesignificanceofprivateinvestmentsinprovidingpublicspaces(e.g.Amwaj-lagoon).• Challengesofpoliticalandeconomicforcesinshapingplanningdecision.• Reflectiononsocialexclusiondevelopedfromcertaindecisions.• Roleofdesignandmanagement(particularlydistributionofactivitiesorwalkability)insupportingsocial

interactionandlimitationinpracticeinreflectingandunderstandingpeople’slives.• CleanlinessisamanagementprobleminPOS.

4 ZuhairAl-Dallal:LandscapeArchitectandDirectorofPropertiesandParks 06.01.1607.01.16

• TheimportanceofPOSinBahrain.• Differentdecisionsandprocedurestakenindifferentcasestudies,includingparksandgardens,Block-

338andBabAlBahrain.• Communitygardens(orneighbourhoodgardens)aresmall-sizedgardensandserveasmallerpopulation

andarelocatedwithinresidentialareas,whilstthenationalparksservealargerpopulationandtowhichtheusershavetodrivetoaccess.

• Thesizeoftheparkdeterminesthenumberoftheprovidedactivities.• ReflectiononsomelimitationsindesignandmanagementofPOS,suchascurrentdesignstandardsof

parksandgardens(nationalandneighbourhood)arenotreflectingcontemporaryneeds;theimportanceofwalkabilityqualityinBahrainisnotformallyconsideredinpractice;thereisnopropercooperationbetweenplanning,managementanddesign;restrictionsinplanningregulationsonprovidingnewactivitiesinfluencedesignandmanagement;therearenoevaluationsofprojects;andtherearenopropersiteinventoryforbetterunderstandingofdifferentsocialfactors.

• Howpatternofuseaffectmanagementprocedures(unexpectedvandalism,litteringandmisuse)andthattheactionstakeninmanagement(security,instructionboard,lockingtoilets,eliminatingseating)toovercomethesechallengesarenotalwayseffectivetoresolvethem.

• CallingfornewvisionintheconceptofPOSanddesignofparksandgardensthatreflectdiversityinpopulationandthatpeoplearechanging.

• Block-338isasignificantinitiativeofPOSprojectinBahrainwithwalkabilityquality.

102

5 MohammedAl-A’ali:GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsandVicePresidentoftheFriendsGroupoftheCapitalGardens 11.01.16

• ThestorybehindlaunchingFriendsGroupinBahrain.• ThestructureofFriendsGroupandadescriptionoftheirrolesandduties,theirachievements,the

limitationandtheproblemsthegroupfaced.• FriendsGroupscouldbemoreeffectiveindealingwithmisusethansecurity.• TheconceptofvolunteeringinBahrain.• ThefuturevisionforFriendsGroupinBahrain.

6 BayanAl-Baker:ArtistandfounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpace,anon-profitprivatespacetosupportthecommunity. 14.01.16

• TheroleofthepublicinmanagingBlock-338andinarrangingactivities.• Theroleofthedevelopmentprojectsforpublicbenefits.• Thechallengesoffundingincommunityprojectsastheyarewithoutanyfinancialrewards.• Protectingtheroleofpublicspacesandprovidinghighstandardspublicservicesthatrespectpeople’s

needsandsuitthepublictaste.• Theimportanceofelevatingpeople’sfeelingofresponsibilitytowardowningandsharingpublicspaces

withothers.• Differencesandthatpeoplechange,whichisreflectedinthehistoryofManama,tobeacceptedand

recognisedandtobeconsideredinprovidingpublicspacesandevents.• TheroleofAl-RiwaqCenterandtheroleofartinprovidinghighstandardpubliceventsandoutdoor

urbanactivities.• Theconceptofshort-termprojectsandurbandesigninthestreetsofBlock-338.

7

Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahroos:PaediatricianandprofessorattheFacultyofMedicineandBiomedicalSciencesattheArabianGulfUniversity,MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomenandaformerpresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceagainstChildren

21.01.16

• Overviewofthecountry’sobligationstowardsprotectingchildren’srightsinusingparksandgardens.• Children’slawasapolicyframeworktoshapetheprovidedservicesbydifferentorganisations.• Theprovisionofpublicparksispartofthepublicservicesforchildren’sbenefitsaretheresponsibilityof

thecountryandtheorganisations.• RegulationsregardingparentingresponsibilityinpublicspacesarenotestablishedinBahrain.

8 Dr.AhmedFarhan:Attorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpubliclaw 24.01.16

• Insightintopoliciesrelevanttomigrants’situationinBahrain.• TheregulationinPOSparticularlyregardingmisuseorlittering.• ReflectiononthenatureofsocialmixingbetweenlocalandmigrantsinpubliclifeinBahrain,whilethere

islimitationofpoliciesonintegration.• Philosophyoflawandjurisprudenceofassigningfeesorpunishment.• RegulationinPOSshouldbeunderthemanagementauthorityofthespacenotunderthelaw.• Assigningentryfeesforpublicparksandgardenscouldbeadangerousstrategy.• Clarityandspecificitiesofregulationandengagementofpeopleshouldbeconsideredwhenassigning

regulation.• StorybehindtherecentfeeregulationinKhalifaGarden.Itwastargetingusersyoungerthan20years

old,astheresidentsperceivethatitisusersinthisagegroupwhomisusetheGarden.• Perspectivesonthemisuseofpublicspaceasshapedbytheclassofusersandtheireducationand

culture.• Thoughtsontheimportanceofconsideringtransparencybetweendifferentclassesandculturesinthe

managementofPOS.

Table3.4Listoftheexpertinterviewsandasummaryofthecoveredtopics.

103

3.5.4Overviewoffieldworkmethods

Mainaims

Objectives

Broadethnography

(Observationandinterview)

In-depthethnograp

hy(Go-alongInterview)

ExpertinterviewAim1:Toun

derstand

theeveryd

ayactivities,p

referencesand

motivationsfo

rusing

POSinBah

rain,w

ithapartic

ular

emph

asisontheexpe

riencesofu

sersfrom

migrant

backgrou

nds

Understandhowtheuseofoutdoorspacesisreflectedacrossdifferenttypologies

ofspaces.

Pilotsite

visits,D

ecem

ber2

013,M

ay201

4:Selectin

gcasestud

iesa

ndGen

eralund

erstan

dingofthe

sites

Pilotg

oalon

g:Totestth

efeasibilityofcon

ductingthisin-dep

thinterviewinBah

rainand

inadd

ressingtheresearch

aims

Spendingtimeonsiteand

observationbuilton-site

interpretationsandnarrativedescriptionof

whatishappeningatdifferenttimes.

Theinterviewsupportedthe

observationwithmore

understandingofdifferentactivitiesandpersonaldatafromparticipants’responsesand

description,whichsupportedthe

narrativeaccount.

Participan

tled

interviewwith

morede

tailsofp

articipan

ts’

observationan

dinterpretatio

nofwha

tish

appe

ning,indiffe

rent

placesand

atd

ifferen

ttim

es,w

hoareth

eusers,and

more

detailsofp

aste

xperiencesand

places. Analysisof

theconductedinterviews,supportedbythenarrativedescriptionof

theobservationandvisual

evidencestoachieveaimoneandtwo.Theanalysesprovidedmore

understandingof

interactionofdata.The

observationalsoprovideddataaboutthespatialandphysicalqualities.(These

findingsarecoveredinChapters

Five,SixandSeven)

Triangulatethefindingsandprovidea

collaborativeanalyticallenswhichaddaprofessional

perspectiveandvoicetotheresearch.Testtherelevanceoffindingsforpracticeandshapealandscape

architecturalspecificitytotheresearchoutcomes,whichframethefindings

fromtheothermethods.

Provideabroadunderstandingofthepoliciesandgather

additionaldataandfurther

understandingofthehistorical

andcontemporarycontext.(The

findingscoveredin

ChapterEight)

Investigatehowtheseusesare

reflectedatdifferenttimesofthedayand

year,Howtheyarereflectedwith

intersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatus,generationand

migrants’identities.

Addresshowthehistoryofmigrationshapesthevaluesandpreferencesof

usingPOS.

Aim2:Toexploreho

wcon

viviality

is

supp

ortedoraggravatedinurban

pub

lic

spaceswith

inth

econtexto

fanethn

ically

diversepo

pulatio

n.

Explorehoweverydayactivitiessupportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractioninformalandinformal

spaces.

Theobservationprovidedgeneralunderstandingofinteractionof

differentactivitiesacrossdifferent

sites.

Theshortinterviewalsobroadenedthescopeofthein-depthinterviewtoincludewidersectorofthe

users. Thisprovided

in-dep

thdatafrom

participan

tpo

into

fviewwith

regardto

und

erstan

ding

socialinteractioninsiteacrossc

ulturaldiversity

anddiffe

rentpracticesand

affo

rdan

ceso

fspaces.

Investigatehowconvivialityisshapedwithregardtocultural

andethnicdifferences.Examinebothsupportiveand

problematicspatio-temporalnegotiationintransculturaluseof

POS.

Aim3:Toiden

tifythepo

tentialo

fplann

ingan

dde

sign

ofP

OSforsup

portingconv

ivialityin

tran

sculturalp

ublicsp

aces.

Addressthecurrentpoliciesfor

implementingPOSinBahrain.

Identifyculturallyappropriate

opportunitiesforsupportingconvivialityinpublicopenspaces.

Informdesignapproachesand

policiesforplanningandmanagingopenspacesspecifically

withinMiddleEasternandIslamiccontexts.

Table3.5Summaryofthefieldworklinkingresearchaimsandmethods.

104

Asanoverview,thisresearchwasprimarilybasedoncasestudystrategysupportedby

multipledatacollectiontechniques.Observation,shortinterviewsandgo-alonginterviews

wereconductedintheselectedcasestudieswithethnographicapproachtocollectarangeof

datafromabroadtoin-depthunderstandingofthesocialrealityinPOSinBahrain.Thedata

collectionandanalysisfromthecasestudieswerealsosupportedandvalidatedwithexpert

interviewsatdifferentstagesoftheresearch.Thecombinationofmethodsisappropriatefor

fulfillingtheobjectivesoftheresearch,whichthereforemeetstheoverallaimsassummarised

inTable3.5.

3.6Qualitativedataanalysis

Theresearchanalysiswasconductedusingqualitativedataanalysisapproach(QDA).This

approachincludesarangeofprocessesandproceduresthatdevelopthecollecteddatainto

someformofcoherentexplanation,understandingorinterpretationoftheinvestigatedsocial

situations(TaylorandGibbs,2010).ThemainpurposebehindQDAistoidentifypatterns,

concepts,themesandmeanings.Creswell(2003)explains,“Thequalitativedataanalysismay

beadescriptionofboththestoryandthemesthatemergefromit”(p.56).BogdanandBiklen

(2003)defineQDAas“workingwiththedata,organisingthem,breakingtheminto

manageableunits,codingthem,synthesizingthem,andsearchingforpatterns”(p.159).

Differentapproacheswereusedtoanalysethecollecteddataatdifferentstages,which

yieldeddiverseoutcomes.

3.6.1Organisingandtranscribingofdata

OrganisingdataispartofQDAprocess.Inmyresearch,thedatawasorganisedcontinuously

throughoutthedatacollectionprocessandafilingsystemwasestablishedtosaveallthe

collecteddata.Thehandwrittennotesfromshortinterviewsweredirectlytypedupaftereach

sitevisit.Allthevoicememosweretranscribed,andthephotographswerearrangedbydate,

timeandcasestudies.TheArabicinterviewsweretranslatedintoEnglishimmediatelyeither

duringtheinterviewonsite,orwhentyping3.Allrecordedgo-alonginterviewswere

translatedandtranscribedimmediatelyafterthefieldvisit.Itookthedecisiontodoallthe

organising,transcribingandtypingofthedatabymyselfasitwouldenablemetounderstand

thedataasawholethroughouttheprocessandsupporttheanalysis.Organisingthedata,

3TheinterviewswereconductedinEnglishorArabic,butmanyparticipantswereusingamixofArabic-Englishlanguage

105

includingfieldnotes,maps,voicememosandphotographshelpedmetodevelopaninitial

frameworkorcodingplan.

3.6.2Coding

TheQDAbroadlytooksomeprinciplesfromtheGroundedTheoryAnalysisApproachthat

developedthesecodesdirectlyfromthedata,whichsupportedtheresearchprocess.Codingis

ananalyticterminGroundedTheoryApproach(Charmaz,2006).Charmaz(2006,p.46)

explains,“Groundedtheorycodingfostersstudyingactionandprocesses”.Hestates,“Codingis

thepivotallinkbetweencollectingdataanddevelopinganemergenttheorytoexplainthese

data”(p.46).Healsofindsthat“codingismorethanabeginning;itshapesananalyticframe

fromwhichyoubuildtheanalysis”(p.45).InQDA,therearedeductiveandinductive

approaches(i.e.top-downandbottom-upcodingsystems).Thedeductiveapproachusesthe

researchquestionstogroupthedataandthenlookforsimilaritiesanddifferences,whilethe

inductiveapproachusestheemergentdatatogroupthedataandthenlookforrelationships

(BraunandClarke,2006;TaylorandGibbs2010).Manyrealqualitativedataanalysesusesome

ofeach(MilesandHuberman,1994;BraunandClarke,2006).

Intheresearch,thedecisionwasmadetocodethetranscriptsofboththeon-siteshort

interviewsandthego-alonginterviews.Theexpertinterviews,fieldnotes,photos,voice

memosandothersecondarydatawerenotcoded,buttheywereusedtosupporttheanalysis

asexplainedfurtheraboveinSection3.5.1.1forthefieldobservationdataandSection3.5.3

fortheexpertInterviews.Thecodingprocessinthisstudywasconductedsometimeswordby

word,linebylineandmostlyincidenttoincident(Charmaz,2006).AccordingtoCharmaz

(2006,p.53)‘people'sactionsinapublicplace’isbettertobecodedincidenttoincident.He

asserts:

“Togainanalyticinsightsfromobservationsofroutineactionsinordinarysettings,firstcompareandcodesimilarevents.Thenyoumaydefinesubtlepatternsandsignificantprocesses.Later,comparingdissimilareventsmaygiveyoufurtherinsights”(p.53).

Forthecodingsystem,Ifoundbothpre-codingandbottom-upapproachesusefulforanalysing

thefieldworkdata.Thebottom-upcodingframeworkprovidesnewcodesfoundinthedata

andwiththeon-goingprocessofopencoding;top-downcodingprocessisdecidedona

specificpre-determinedcategorysimultaneously.Bottom-upcodingtechniquewassuitable

forthisresearchbecauseitintenselyexaminestherealities.Throughouttheinductivecoding

process,codingwasbasedonthecontent(usedwordsandinterpretedmeaningsofthecoded

106

partinthedata)anddifferentnames(labels,titlesorphrases)wereusedtospecifythe

emergentcodes.

Thecodingwasdonetofindrhythmandpatternsandcategorisethedatabasedonthecoding

systemandthemessuchas:activities,valuesandbenefit,casestudies,otherplaces,climate,

economicfactors,time,daily,difficultiesandmobility.Thereweremanycodes,buttheywere

categorisedorclusteredandlinkedtodevelopintonewthemesorintotheinitialthemeplan.

Focusedcodingestablishesrelationshipsbetweentheselectivecodes,usuallythrough

clusteringrelatedcodestogetherandrelatedcategoriesandsubcategories(Charmaz,2006).

Theclusteringcodesanddevelopingthemesinthisresearcharesupportedbytheoretical

coding.

3.6.3Structuring

Aprocessofstructuring(orTheoreticalCoding)wasusedtoidentifypatternandconnection

andmakesensefromcodes.Thisanalysisstagefoundthecoherenceandtheflowacrossthe

data,andhowthecodesaresetwithinthewholenarrativeinwhichstoriesarerevealed.

Charmaz(2006)defines:

“Theoreticalcodingisasophisticatedlevelofcodingthatfollowsthecodesyouhaveselectedduringfocusedcoding.[…]Theoreticalcodesspecifypossiblerelationshipsbetweencategoriesyouhavedevelopedinyourfocusedcoding”(p.63).

Charmaz(2006)furtherexplainsthattheoreticalcoding:

“canaidinmakingyouranalysiscoherentandcomprehensible.Dependingonthedatayouhaveandonwhatyoulearnaboutthem,youmayfindthatyouranalysistakesintoaccountseveralcodingfamilies.Forexample,youmayclarifythegeneralcontextandspecificconditionsinwhichaparticularphenomenonisevident.Youmaybeabletospecifytheconditionsunderwhichitchangesandtooutlineitsconsequences.Youmightlearnitstemporalandstructuralorderingsanddiscoverparticipants'strategiesfordealingwiththem”(p.63).

Atthisstage,themesaredevelopedintotheoreticalideas,whichwereusedforwritingup.

Theoreticalcodingisashiftfromdetailedcodingtoamoreliterarystylewherecertainthemes

andcodingindicatedimportantsectionsandheadersforthisthesis.

107

Themainaimatthisstageischeckingandcomparingthecodingtothetheoryandother

codes.Theselectedcodeswereinterestingbecausesomeofthemappearedintheliteraturein

othergeographicalcontextsorbecausetheydidnotappearintheliteraturebutprevailedin

myfindings(suchasparentingandcleanliness)andyieldednewunderstanding.Using

‘constantcomparison’,agroundedtheoryanalysisapproach,meansconstantlyreadingandre-

readingthroughthecodesbeingcurrentlyattributedtothedataandcomparingbetween

codesandtheorytocheckbothconsistencyandcontradiction(Creswell,2003).Forexample,I

consideredthecodesthatspecifysocialinteractioninrelationtotheorytodefinehow

meaningfulencountercouldbegeneratedandhowlooseencountercouldbemeaningful.

TheoreticalcodingalsoallowedmetofindaconnectionbetweenwellbeinginPOS,social

interaction,meaningfulnessandmigration.

3.6.4UsingofQDAsoftware

TheanalysisofqualitativedataisfacilitatedbyNvivo;computer-assistedqualitativedata

analysissoftware(Bazeley,2013).Nvivowashelpfultostorethedata,sortthemandarrange

themsystematicallybywhichthecodingwaseasilyaccessible.Thesoftwareenabledmeto

readthroughthedataseveraltimes,andtheprovidedtoolshelpedmeinmanagingthecoding

ofthelargeamountofdata.Thetoolsofthesoftwareallowedmetodotheanalysis

correspondingtothetypeofinterviews,people,placeandanyothervariables.TheNvivoalso

madeiteasytotracethequotestosupporttheanalysisandwritingthroughwhichthekey

findingsemerged.

Thedocumentsofshortinterviewsandgo-alonginterviewsweredownloadedonNvivo.These

documentsinNvivowereclassifiedundercasestudiesandtypeofinterviewusingCase

ClassificationandPersonClassificationtools.Attributesofage,origin,gender,thenumberof

yearsinBahrain,language,locationofinterviews,typeofinterview,occupationandplaceof

livingwereassignedtothePerson’sClassification.IcreatedNodes(termusedinNvivo

equivalenttocodesandthemes)inrelationtotheresearchthemesinahierarchicalformwith

MotherandChildNodes(categoriesandsubcategories).Theexpertinterviews,fieldnotes,

photos,voicememos,andothersecondarydatawerenotdownloadedinNvivo,buttheywere

usedtosupporttheanalysis.

MyresearchanalysissupportsthecasethattheQueriestoolinNvivoishighlyusefulfor

checkingcodes,compressionandcross-codinganalysis(Bazeley,2013).Usingtheoptionof

TextSearchCriteriainQueriesallowedmetosearchforcodesandtheirsynonyms

108

correspondingtotheliterature.Forinstance,thetermspicnic,meetandgatheringareusedin

literatureassynonymsforgatheringandhaveameaningofsocialinteraction.TheQueriestool

allowedmetostudytherelationbetweencodesthroughCodingQueryCriteriaoptionthat

helpedinTheoreticalCodingandstructuring.

3.7Positionalityandreflexivity

Whenundertakingaqualitativeresearch,thereisaninherentneedtocriticallyevaluate

positionality,reflexivityandpowerrelationsinthecontextoftheresearchtoensureanethical

andparticipatoryresearchprocess(Sandsetal.,2001;Das,2010;Teye,2012;Powelland

Rishbeth,2012).Qualitativeresearchiscontext-dependentandsensitivetothechanging

contextsandsituationsinwhichtheresearchtakesplace(DenzinandLincoln,2000;Mason,

2002).Inqualitativeresearch,moreover,theculturalposition,personalidentityand

experienceoftheresearcherplayanimportantrole;hence,thepositionalityoftheresearcher

needstobeconsidered(Sandsetal.,2001;Das,2010;Teye,2012;Oliveira,2012).Explaining

this,Mason(2002)states,“Thisisbasedonthebeliefthataresearchercannotbeneutral,or

objective,ordetached,fromtheknowledgeandevidencetheyaregenerating”(p.7).

ThisresearchdrawsonmypersonalexperiencesandIrecognisethatmy‘positionality’asa

Bahrainimotherworkinginacademiacouldaffectmyresearchprocess.Examiningmy

positionalityinthelightofmyresearchcontextneedstobecritiquedwithinthefieldwork

contextandintheinterpretationofthefindings.MyidentityasaBahrainimothersupported

myabilitytorecruitandconductinterviewsinpublicdespitethechallengesofcultural

sensitivityinthegivencontext(Addas,2015).Thisisbecauseitcouldbemucheasierfora

femaleresearchertointerviewbothmenandwomeninpublic,whichisdifferentfromAl

Ansari’s(2009)caseinBahrainandAddas’(2015)caseinSaudiArabiabothofwhomwere

maleresearchersandfacedobstaclesininterviewinglocalwomen.Myidentityprovided

commonalitieswithsomeuserssuchasparents,femalesorresidentsinBahraindespitehaving

differentethnicitiesandsocialpositions,whichfacilitatedmyresearchprocess,particularly

thatIintroducedmyselfasaresearchstudent.Havingsomethingsincommonfacilitatedthe

interviewsandbridgedthepowerdifferencesbetweentheintervieweeandtheinterviewer

(Sandsetal.2001;Oliveira,2012).Furthermore,myexperienceasamigrantduringmystudy

mayalsoprovidemeacommongroundwithsomeparticipantswithmigrantbackgrounds.

However,mypositionalitycouldinfluencemyinterpretationofthedatabasedonmy

perceptionsinvaluingPOSassafe,accessibleandconvenientspacesformothersandchildren.

109

Asaresultofmypositioninlandscapearchitectureacademia,Imighttendtosupport

investmentinlandscapedesignandinimprovementsontheuseofopenspaces;therefore,it

isimportanttounderstandmypositionandbereflexiveindatacollectionandanalysis.

Toaddresspotentialbias,itisimportanttounderstandmypositione.g.assomeonewho

believesinthepositivepotentialofgreenspaceandbroadlysupportiveofmigrationandtobe

reflexiveindatacollectionandanalysis.Analysisofthedataalsoinvolvesconsideringthe

broadercontextoftheevidenceand‘thewholeinmind’andconsideringconsistencyand

contradictionrequiredreflectionontheentireresearchcontext(HollwayandJefferson,2000;

PowellandRishbeth,2012).Theon-goingorganisingofdatawasusefultosupportreflexivity

andunderstandthefragmenteddatainrelationtothe‘wholeofthedata’.Hollwayand

Jefferson(2000,p.53)highlight“theimportanceofthewholeinunderstandingapart”.They

saidthatintheirresearch“todothisinvolvesthoroughlyfamiliarisingourselveswiththerest

oftheinterviewtranscriptmaterial”(p.53).Accordingly,thefindingsdidnotemergeonlyat

theendoftheresearch,butdevelopedduringthedifferentphasesthroughreflexivity.

Simultaneously,organisingthedataandreflectingalsohelpedmetoevaluatethequalityand

theprocessofthecollecteddata,myskillsinconductinginterviewsandobservationandalso

howtonegotiatewhenapproachingparticipantsinthefieldandensuresubjectivityinthe

analysis.

Besidesbeingreflexive,themethodsofthisresearcharedesignedtoovercomethechallenges

ofpositionality.Participant-ledinterviewsinthisresearchcontributedtoreducingthepower

relationbetweentheinterviewerandinterviewee.Duringthego-alonginterviews,theIndian

motherandthemigrantworkersinBabAl-BahrainandtheSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden

appearedastheinsiderswhileIwastheoutsidereventhoughmypersonalidentityasBahraini

wasclear.Thego-alonginterviewmethodalsoreducestheinfluenceoftheresearcher’s

presuppositionsasitissupportedbytheparticipants’interpretations.Roseetal.(2010)add

thatgo-alonginterviewsgivedirectevidenceofwhattheinterviewermeansinthe

conversation,andtheabilityforboththeresearcherandparticipantstosharethisexperience

tosomeextent.Conductingaparticipant-ledwalkinginterviewreducesthedetachment

betweentheresearcherandparticipantsandhelpsinacquiringtheinterpretationfromthe

participants’viewandnotonlyfromtheresearcher’s(Jonesetal.,2008;Carpiano,2009;

Rishbeth,2014).Rishbeth(2014)adds,“Theparticipantmayhavethebestquestionsaswell

thebestanswersandmayperceiveadifferentmorerelevantscopetotheareaofinquiry"

(p.102-103).Conductingmixedmethodswasalsoaqualitativeapproachtosupportthe

analysisandmyinterpretationfromdifferentperspectivesandtovalidatethefindings.

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3.8Ethicalconsideration

Thisresearchinvolveshumanparticipants;therefore,itrequiredethicsapprovalviatheEthics

CommitteeintheDepartmentofLandscapebeforethefieldworkwasconducted.Sincethe

datacollectionforthisresearchtookplaceinBahrainandthereisnoresearchethicsreview

procedureinBahrain,approvalthereforewasgrantedbasedontheUniversityofSheffield’s

EthicsReviewProcedure.

SincethefieldworkwasconductedinpublicspaceswithpeoplewhomIdidnotknow,safety

wasanissueraisedduringtheresearch.Tomanagethis,eachtimeIwasworkingon-site,

someonehadbeeninformedandIensuredtohaveamobilephonewithme.Ialsoavoided

conductingthefieldworkinanyisolatedplacesorgettingintothecarwithaparticipant.Imet

participantsatthesitesinplaceswheretherewereotherpeoplearound.

Iconsideredculturalsensitivitywhentakingpicturesandinterviewingmenparticularlyingo-

alonginterviews.Takingphotosofpeopleinaplaceofleisurecanbeaninvasionofprivacy

(Alderson,2004).So,Ihavetriedtoavoidinterferinginsituationsthatweretrulyprivate,e.g.

whereafamilyorcoupleswereinanisolatedspotawayfromthecrowd.

Regardinginterviewsandculturalsensitivity,contactbetweenmaleandfemalehassome

reservationsinArab-Islamicculture(Addas,2015);however,asdescribedinthepositionality

section,itiseasierforawomantointerviewmeninpublicthanviceversa.Inresponsetothe

culturalsensitivity,Ihadtoconsidermyappearanceandbehaviourinmyroleasanacademic

researcher.Yet,duetocomplexityofintersectionalityanddifferentperceptions,duringthe

walkinginterviewswithmen,myhusbandaccompaniedmeorattimestheintervieweeswere

accompaniedbyafemalememberasitwasnotjustamatterofculturalsensitivitybutalsoof

safety.

Itwasnotexpectedthatthisresearchwouldcauseanyphysicalorpsychologicalharmtothe

participantsanditdidnotinvolvevulnerableparticipantsoranysensitiveissues.Itwas

possiblethatsomeparticipantsmayhavesomebadexperiencesormemoriesaboutPOSso

thattheymightfeeluncomfortabletalkingaboutit.Therefore,Iusedparticipant-led

interviews(Rishbeth,2014),andtheformatoftheinterviewswasdesignedtobeneutraland

opentotheparticipants’honestreflection.Ialsorespectedthetimeoftheinterviewees.In

thisresearch,alltherespondentswererecruitedonavoluntarybasisandtheywereinformed

thattheywerefreetowithdrawfromorrefusetotakepartintheprocessatanytime.The

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samplingwasmainlybasedonpeople’swillingnesstobeinterviewedtogetherwiththeir

languageabilityandalsoontheirdemographicandculturalfactors.

Additionally,throughoutthefieldwork,Irespectedtheanonymityandconfidentialityofthe

participantsandtheinformationtheyprovided(HollwayandJefferson,2000).Duringtheshort

interviewsurvey,thenamesoftherespondentswerenotrequested.Inthego-along

interviews,Iknewsomeoftheparticipants’namesandsomepersonaldetailsfromthe

interviews.Toensureconfidentiality,alltheparticipantswereprovidedwiththeoptionto

suggestapseudonymforthemselves.Sincelocationscanalsohelptomappersonal

information,carewastakennottoidentifytheparticipants’homeaddressornamesofother

peopleintheirneighbourhoods.Intheexpertinterviews,thequestionswereconcernedwith

planning,designandmanagementpoliciesrelatingtopublicopenspaceandnopersonaldata

wasrequested.Ialsodiscussedwiththemhowthedatamightberepresentedintheresearch.

Regardingtherecordingprocess,thego-alongandexpertinterviewswererecordedwiththe

participants’consent(Kusenbach,2003;Wilesetal.,2006;Roseetal.,2010).Consentwas

obtainedthroughconsentformsingo-alonginterviewsandexpertinterviews.Forgo-along

interviews,theprocessofrecordingwasexplainedintheinformationsheetfortheprotection

oftheparticipants.Theinformationsheetandconsentformweregiventotheparticipantsin

advancetohelptheparticipantstounderstandthepurposeandrequirementsoftheresearch

project,withthechancetoreaditcarefullyanddiscussitwithothers.

Therecordingwasconductedviasmartphoneanddeletedassoonasitwastranscribed.A

copyoftherecordingandthetranscriptsoftheinterviewsweresavedinapassword-

protectedcomputerandsubsequentlydeletedfromthephone.Moreover,noone,apartfrom

thesupervisors,wasallowedaccesstotherecordings.Theinterviewswereanalysedforthe

purposeofthePh.D.researchstudy.Followingthis,thevoicedatawillbedestroyed.

3.9Conclusion

Thischaptershowshowthechosenapproachandmethodsareappropriateforaddressing

researchquestionsinthecontextsoftransculturalcities,encountersinpublicspace,and

professionalpracticeinurbanPOS.Thecomplexityoftheresearchcontextwasachallenge,

butthiscomplexityshapedtheselectionofmethodsandanalysisprocess.Followingthe

qualitativeapproachwascrucialtoaddresstheresearchquestionstoexplorenuancesof

meaningsandexperienceswithculturaldifferencesanddynamicsintransculturalcontexts.

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Casestudymethodappearedsignificantinthisresearchincontributingtothecurrent

complexity.Selectingvarietiesofcasestudies,informalandformalwithdifferentsurrounding

contexts,demographicprofileandgeographicallocations,wouldcontributetoovercomingthe

challengesofculturaldifferencesthatshapeindividuals’perceptionsandleisureactivities.The

affordancesoftheopenspacesfordifferentactivitiesarealsoperceiveddifferentlyand

shapedbypeople’sculturalvaluesandtheirhistoryofplaces.Havinganumberofcasestudies

couldanswerquestionsrelevanttospatialandtemporalexperiencesandsocialinteractions.

Thecasestudymethodaddsoriginalitytothisresearchintermsofunderstandingthe

adaptationprocessinrelationtodifferenttypologiesofplacesaswellasconvivialityandsocial

encounter.

Observationandon-siteinterviewsweresignificanttounderstandingthesocialandcultural

dynamicsandpatternsofuseinPOSinrealityintheirnaturalsettings.Substantiatingthe

observationswithinterviewssupportedtheanalysesinrelationtousers’values,

intersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatus,generationandmigrants’identities,as

culturaldifferencesisachallengeintransculturalcities.

Go-alonginterviewswereappropriatetoaddin-depthfindingsrelevanttosocio-spatial

experiencesinPOSastheseexperiencesareshapedbyparticipants’identitiesandhistory.This

approachisanimportantconsiderationinlandscapearchitecturetheoriesandpractices

becauseitwilladdtothevaluesofPOSandunderstandingsofhowculturallyappropriate

theseplacesaretosupportsocialinclusivityandwellbeing.Walkinginterviewscouldalso

investigatehowplacescansupportadaptationspatiallyandtemporallyandconstructhybrid

identities,whichaddtothetheoriesoftransculturalstudies.Asthisinterviewisledby

participants’outlookonthereality,italsocouldinvestigatenuancesofmeaningsofeveryday

encounters.Itcouldaddtounderstandingonhowsuchmeaningsarerelevanttothevalues,

howsuchencountersshapethefuturetranslatedfrompastexperiencesandhowsuch

encountersshapeusers’perceptions.Thishybridmethodisusedtoobserveandtoanalysethe

datawithsocio-spatialqualitiesandphysicalcharacteristic,whichcanrelatethefindingsto

landscapearchitecture.

Theexpertinterviewmethodwasimportanttobetterrelatethefieldworkfindingsto

professionalpractice.Themethodprovidedanoverviewofthepoliciesandhelpedgather

additionaldataonthehistoricalandcontemporarycontexts.Theoutcomesfromtheexpert

interviewsgaveadditionalrichnessandcontexttotheon-sitefieldworkthusensuringthatthe

researchanditsimplicationsweregroundedintherealityofprofessionalperspective.

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ChapterFour:TheSelectedCaseStudyAreas

4.1Introduction

Thepurposeofthischapteristogiveanintroductiontoeachofthecasestudyareas.As

outlinedinthemethodology,theresearchusedacasestudystrategytoinvestigatethe

researchquestionsframedwithinalandscapearchitecturediscipline.Caseswereselected

becausetheyweresuitableforthecontextoftheresearchandappropriateforansweringthe

researchquestions(Bryman,2004);inthiscase,theresearchisfocusedonsociabilityin

relationtotransnationalurbanspaces.Theselectionoftheseareaswasmainlyrelatedtothe

aimsandobjectivesoftheresearch,whichinvestigatethespatialandtemporaluses,diversity

ofsocialusesandvaluesofeverydaypublicopenspacesinBahrainicities.Firstly,theselected

areashadtobeinurbansettingsandincontextsofeverydaymixed-usespaces.Thesecond

criterionwastoconsiderthediversityofresidentsandusers.Forthis,Ihadtorelyonboththe

censusdataandinitialsitevisitstotheselectedareas,thoughastheresearchprogressedit

becameapparentthatusersarenotalwayslocalresidents.Variedperceptions,mobilityand

people’sjourneysduringtheirdailyroutinesalsocreatemorediversityamongusers(and

frequentusers),whomaynotnecessarilyliveorworknearby.Thirdly,theselectedcase

studiesincludediversespatialtypologies,whichsupportedthestudyofsocio-spatial

associationanddiverselandscapeperceptionsandvalues.Thischapterinitiallyfamiliarisesthe

readerwiththenatureofurbanpublicopenspaces(POS)inBahrain,andsubsequentlythe

locationsoftheselectedcasestudyareasareillustratedonthemapofBahrain.Finally,I

includedeightA3visualportfoliostointroduceeachcasestudysiteandprovideareference

forunderstandingthefieldworkcontext.

4.2PublicopenspacesandurbanforminBahrain

Thissectioncoversthreemaintopics.Firstly,itdescribesthebroadcharacterofoutdoorurban

spacesinBahrain.Then,ithighlightsthespatialandtemporalleisurepatternsinrelationto

typesofspacesindifferentseasons,andlastly,thissectionbrieflyaddressestheroleof

professionalpracticeinrecenturbandevelopment.

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IncontemporaryBahrain,althoughmanynewurbandevelopmentshavebeeninitiated,some

oftheoldcityformsstillsurviveincludingsometraditionaloutdoorurbanformssuchasalleys,

‘souq’,'Sikka',‘Baraha’and‘Saha’.Theterm'Sikka'meansthestreetintheneighbourhood

thatwasusedforthemovementofcartsandanimalsandwasalsocommonlyusedbypeople

tohangout.Theterm'Baraha'wastheunusedland;aspacethathasthepotentialtobebuilt

on,wherethechildrenplay,particularly,football.Theterm‘Saha’meantanopenspaceand

hasasimilarconcepttoaformalpublicopenspace.Thistermismainlyusedfortheopen

spaceinfrontofthemosque.Thesespaceswereformerlyutilisedfornecessaryandleisure

activitiesandtheyalsoenabledsocialinteraction,particularlybetweenmenduringeveryday

practice1.Thosetraditionalsocialactivitiesseldomexisttoday.Globalisationandeconomic

andpopulationgrowthhaveresultedinurbanexpansionanddensificationinBahrain,i.e.new

housingtypologies,newlandusesandmoretrafficcongestedroads.Thishasalsoledtourban

complexityandspatialvariation,whichshapedformsandtypesofurbanopenspaces.Many

large-scaledevelopmentshavealsobeeninitiated,andseveralareashavebeenconvertedinto

carparksorprivatisedforinvestmentdevelopments2(Ben-Hamouche,2004).However,there

havebeenbenefitsasrecreationlandusessuchasparksandgardenshavebeenincreasedand

moreattentionhasbeenpaidtothequalityoflandscapedesigninbothprivateland

developmentprojectsandinPOS,e.g.streets,squares,parksandgardens.

TheweatherisaprimeconcernwhenoutdoorsinBahrain,particularlyinsummer;hence,the

weathershapestheleisureoutdoorpatterns.Thebeaches,usuallylocatedontheperipheryof

thecities,havealwaysattractedresidentsinsummerforleisurepurposes.Recently,duetothe

privatisationofmostbeaches,publicbeacheshavebecomerareandpeopletendtousethe

informalbeachesintheundevelopedorreclaimedareasaroundthecountry(Al-Ansari,2009).

Thoughpopular,theseinformalspaceshavenofacilities,arenoteasilyaccessibleandarenot

inpublicownership.Thefishermenalsousethecoastlineforgathering,eitherininformal

spacesorintheprovidedharbours.Al-Ansari(2009)investigatedtheformalandinformal

waterfrontopenspacesinparticularanddiscoveredthatwithprivatisationandreclamation,

only3to8%oftheIsland’sshorelinehasformalpublicaccessibility.

1Forwomen,thecourtyard,whichisaprivateopenspaceinthehouse,wasmostlyusedforsocialising.2Withglobalisationandtheeconomicboom,Bahrainstartedseekingdiversificationinitseconomytoprepareforanydeclineinoilreserves,andthishasresultedintheinitiatingofinvestmentsinbanking,finance,tourismandindustry.Aspartofthat,malls,cinemas,hotels,clubs,resorts,luxuriousrestaurantsandcafésspranguparoundtheisland.

115

Inwinter,itiscommonforpeopletousethedesertfortheirleisureactivities.Campinginthe

deserthasbeenformalisedthroughregulationsstipulatedbythemunicipalityauthority.

Presently,campingispermittedindesignatedareasonlyatfixedtimesduringtheyear;namely

thewintermonths.BahrainisandArabsawaittheseasonwitheagernesstosetuptheircamp

facilitiespriortothestartofthecampingseason.Suchaculturalpracticewithadayornight

outisinfusedwithjoygeneratedfromthetemporarinessofplace(Hailey,2008).The

extravagancesonecanseeinthefacilitiesinatentdependuponthefinancialcapacityofthe

campers,eventhelesswealthyresidentsandmigrantscanenjoyadayinthedesert.They

demarcatetheirboundarieswiththeircarsinsteadofcamping,orsetthemselvesupinareas

wherethereisfoliageorraisedtopography.Additionalactivitiesinthedesertaredriving

throughthesandanddrifting.Thoughthesepracticescouldbeillegalinsomepartsofdesert

astheydisturborharmthedesert’sfragileecosystem,theybringjoytomanyArabs,especially

males.However,increasingculturaldifferencescanalsoshapetheseasonalleisurepatternof

useofdifferenttypesofPOS.

TheMinistryofWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrbanPlanningisresponsibleforthe

planning,designandmanagementofmostofPOSinBahrain.Theurbanhistoricalsitesare

undertheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquities.Inrecenttimesgovernmentalbodiesarealso

intheprocessofinvolvingtheprivatesectorsinpublicprojectstoachievebetterqualityand

contributetoincreasingPOSinBahrain.ConsultationwiththeMunicipalBoardandtheir

approvaliscompulsoryforpermissionorcontrolofanyproposedpublicprojects,whichcanbe

seenasastepforwardinpublicaccountability.ThemembersoftheMunicipalBoardare

electednotonlybythecitizens,butalsomigrantswhoownrealestateandhavetherightto

vote.UrbanplanninginBahrainhasbeenexposedtovariousdevelopmentstrategies.Most

recently,thesignificant2030NationalPlanningDevelopmentStrategyaimstopreparethe

statefortheanticipateddeclineinoilrevenue,andatthesametimeimprovethequalityoflife

forresidents,improvethequalityoftheenvironmentandprepareBahrainforglobal

challenges(Skidmore,OwingsandMerrill,2007).Inaddition,thisstrategyincludesnew

conceptsandprinciplesforopenspaces,inwhichitspecifiesthatitwillprovidemore

attractivePOSforfamiliesinBahrain.The2030strategyproposalforPOSinBahrainincludes

increasinggreenspaces,providingpedestrianavenues,moreoutdoorseatingarrangements

andtacklingtheissuesofcarparking(Skidmore,OwingsandMerrill,2007).Thisstrategywas

preparedontheassumptionthatthepopulationwillreach1millionbetween2020and2030;

however,thepopulationinBahrainhasalreadyexceededthatestimate.Further,thestrategy

doesnotmentionanythingregardingthediversityofthepopulation.Toaddresstheseglobal

116

challenges,itisnecessarytounderstandthatcommunitiesinBahrainarechangingina

transnationalcontextandhowthetransformationofurbanopenspaceshasaffectedcultural,

socialandspatialpractices.Theselectedcasestudymethodcouldbeinnovativein

understandingsocio-spatialvariationsintheuseofPOSincontemporaryBahrainwithits

culturaldynamics.

4.3Locationoftheselectedcasestudyareas

Bahrainisdividedintofourgovernorates,asillustratedinFigure4.1,andthethreemain

largestcitiesinBahrainareManama,RiffaandMuharraq,whicharelocatedinCapital,

SouthernandMuharraqGovernoratesrespectivelyandtheselectedcasestudyurbanareas

aresituatedinthesecities.Figure4.2(page117)showsthedistributionofBahrainiandnon-

Bahrainipopulationinthesedistricts.

Figure4.1BahrainGovernorates(SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2015).

117

ViewingtheaerialmapofBahrain,wefindthattheurbancontextisconcentratedinthe

northernhalfofthecountry.Thisurbanplanningdistributionaffectsthepatternofuseof

urbanopenspacesandshapestheselectionofthecasestudies.Fourcasestudiesarelocated

incongestedurbanareas,twoinwaterfrontlocations,andtwoinlow-densityareas(Figure4.3

onpage118).

Eachcasestudyisfocusedonasignificantpublicopenspacebutconsidersthesurrounding

context.Therefore,eachcasestudyincludesformalandinformalPOS.Foreaseofreference,

eachcasestudyistitledbythenameofthemainformallyprovidedpublicopenspaceinits

area.

ItisworthnotingthatBahrainisaverysmallcountryandalsoincludesagroupofislands,and

thattheseahasplayedasignificantroleinconstructingthelandscape,culture,historyand

identityofthecountry(Dayaratne,2012).Alansari(2009),inhisresearchonformaland

informalwaterfrontopenspacesinManama,addressesthehistoriesofreclamationand

peoples’linkstothesea.However,thisresearchdoesnotfocusprimarilyonwaterfrontpublic

spaces.Withculturaldifferencesthatcouldshapeaccessibilityandperceptions,theaimsand

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

CapitalGovernorate

MuharraqGovernorate

NorthernGovernorate

SouthernGovernorate

PopulaJonwithunknownlocaJon

CapitalGov.:LocaeonofBabAl-Bahrainsquareandsouq,AndalusGardenandBlock-338MuharraqGov.:LocaeonofthePearlingTrail,AradBayParkandAmwajlagoonSouthernGov.:LocaeonofHunainiyahParkandKhalifaGarden

Bahraini

Non-Bahraini

Figure4.2DistributionofBahrainiandnon-BahrainipopulationinBahraindistrictswith%oftotalpopulation(CentralInformaticsOrganization(2011).

118

objectivesofthisresearcharefocusedoneverydayPOSwhethertheyarelocatedonthe

waterfrontorinhinterland.

4.4Theportfolioofthecasestudies

ThissectionincludestheeightA3visualportfoliosoftheselectedcasestudies.

Figure4.3LocationofthecasestudyareasontheaerialmapofBahrain(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013).

The square does not act as square, it is mainly used by cars, however, the round-about is fully occupied by migrant workers

This case study area is located in Manama, in the capital governorate, and 78% of the popu-lation here is non-Bahraini residents. This site is a place where the old city meets the new one; where the Souq meets the Financial Harbour (FH). The souq and the housing area still feature vintage building forms (dating back to over 90 years). Bab Al-Bahrain is a historic and heritage monument that was originally built in the 1920s, but has been through extensive renovation periodically. The site has also a city centre context; it is congest-ed and surrounded by high-rise buildings and towers. The renovated area together with the surrounding neighbourhoods integrates a combination of urban fabric between main-tained and unmaintained souq and residential neighbourhoods.

The area in front of the monument is consid-ered the �rst public open public space in Bah-rain and the Gulf region. The square together with the souq includes a number of used open spaces, such as the small open spaces in front of monument, the souq alleys, the round-about, street sides, traditional cafés, pedestri-an streets and a bus stop.

Physically, the space is accessible from di�er-ent parts of Bahrain through roads network and it is also visually accessible from the surrounding towers. Considering the fact that the Bab Al-Bahrain is located not far from the seafront, it bene�ts from the soft coastal winds. The �at topography in this case study is hardscape with an evident lack of vegetation and water, except in the fountain at the round-about in front of Bab Al-Bahrain and some maintained plants in the roundabout and in front of a few buildings. The area also attracts a number of bird species especially pigeons.

The management of the souq and Bab Al-Bah-rain moved back and forward between the municipality, the Ministry of Trade and Indus-try and, currently Authority of Culture is also involved.

Case Study Area One: Bab Al-Bahrain Square and Souq in Manama

Location of the case study area The scale of the roundabout in the square The pedestrian avenue through the mall

Car Parking between the FHand Bab Al-Bahrain Square

A view from the souq to theone of the harbour towers

A traditional alley inBab Al- Bahrain Area

One of the souq alleys

Bahrain Financial Harbour

Parking area

Post Office: a histori-cal building

Historical neigh-bourhoods

The Fish Plaza

Historical souq

New erected mall

Bab Al-Bahrain Monument

Bab Al-Bahrain Square

City

Cen

tre

imag

eSo

uq im

age

Case Study Area Two: Andalus Garden in Manama

This case study area is located in Manama, in the capital governorate, and 78% of the population here is non-Bahraini residents.

The two gardens in this case study are exam-ples of early-implemented gardens in Bahrain with applications of urban planning practice. Salmaniya and Andalus Gardens were constructed in 50s and 60s of the previ-ous century. Although these gardens have historical and social values; no publication has been found documenting them.

In the early days, these gardens were collo-quially termed as male and female gardens according to the users; mostly men frequented Andalus and women went to Salmaniya.

Andalus Garden went through a renovation process and reopened in 2007.

The area of this case study has a high-densi-ty population and is surrounded by high-rise buildings: residential and commercial. Most of the surrounding multi-storey buildings are with no access to private outdoor area.

The Andalus Garden has only one gate in the east side, while in the west side it has access directly to a pedestrian bridge. This garden includes a walkway track, children’s playground, shaded sitting areas, lawn, retail units, sport �eld and services building.

The Salmaniya Garden includes a fountain; lawns, kids’ playground, sitting areas, gaze-bos, a centre for special needs, football court and multipurpose open court. This court is mostly used to play cricket, a sport common-ly played amongst Asian migrants. Salmani-ya Garden has two entrances; one in the east from the parking area, and the other one in the west. The garden has also a direct access to the bridge.

Thus, the gardens are used as a short cut in the area and many residents in the western side of the site go to Andalus through Salmaniya.

Location of the case study area

The pedestrian bridge links the two gardensacross the road

Salmaniya and Andalus are two nearbygardens in this area

Walking track in Andalus Garden

A view to Salmaniya Garden from the bridge

The sitting area with arcade designin Andalus Garden

Service building, administration, retail units including shops and cafeteria

The garden gate

Parking area outside the gate

Football / Volleyball court

Sitting area with arcade

design

Lawn

Case Study Area Three: Pedestrian Quarter; Block-338 in Manama

Block-338 is located in Adlyia, in the city of Manama in the capital Governorate, where the Non-Bahraini residents are 78% of the population.

This site has high-density, but with no high-rise buildings.

Block-338 is the �rst kind of modern pedestrian quarter in Bahrain.

It is an up-market street with cosmopoli-tan characteristics.

It consists of a series of street restaurants and cafes.

The new luxury restaurants are targeted by middle and high-income users, while the residents in the area are migrant workers.

The space is under the management of the municipality, but a lot of public events are arranged and managed by Al-Riwaq Art Space.

The area is also distinguished with the outdoor galleries and artistic murals created by the public participation orga-nized by Al-Riwaq Art Space.


AL-Riwaq Art Space

Parking area

Al-Riwaq Art space

Block-338 with al fresco cafes and restaurants and pedestrianized inner streets

Parking area

View

s in

Blo

ck-3

38


Case Study Area Four: ‘Sahat’ in the Pearling Trail Project in Muharraq

The Pearling Trail is a cultural landscape site that docu-ments the history of an era when the economy was dependent on the pearl. This site has been added to the UNESCO World Heritage Sites in 2012. This case study is located in a historical neighbourhood in Muharraq. Non-Bahraini residents in this area comprise 44% of the population here. Many studies elaborate the social, urban and architectural aspects of the traditional Muharraq. Dayaratne (2012) claims, “If there is an architec-ture that re�ected the deep roots of people inhabiting the island ‘Bahrain’, it would be the traditional urbanism of Muharraq." The city of Muharraq has witnessed a series of preservation and restoration of several buildings, not only because of their physical and architectural character but also for their Bahraini traditional, historical, cultural and social values.

The Pearling Trail Project is in process under the manage-ment of Bahrain Authority for Culture and Antiquities. As part of Bahrain’s tourism initiative, a large part of the site is now pedestrianised and features heritage homes, which have been transformed into either centres for display of local culture or into elegant cafés. The project will be provided with a walking path through a series of heritage and historical sites and buildings in the area. The project will also create 19 micro-POS or ‘sahat’ along the path. Two of them have been accomplished during the �eldwork. The term ‘sahat’ means public open spaces; singular ‘saha’. These two pedestriansed sahat were designed by private international architectural �rm and the design concept “revives tight streets of the historic neigbourhood of the pearl merchants on the island of Muharraq in Bahrain” (Abitare, 2014). This case study area will consider the recently pedestrianised streets and two micro-public spaces (or sahat). The research will also consider the various informal POS in the neighbourhood. Within walking distance, the surrounding context of the selected site includes a new cultural centre with heritage homes, cafés, and a traditional souq; ‘Qaisareia Souq’, in addition to residential areas.

During restoration

Life pattern in the nightAfter implementing the design

A tr

aditi

onal

alle

y


Case Study Area Five: Arad Bay Park in Muharraq

Arad Bay Protected Park is located in Muharraq. Non-Bahraini residents in this area comprise 44% of the population here.

This area is a natural preserved bay, which the government transformed into a park that was opened formally in 2010. The area is a habitat for migrant birds, shrimps and rare marine life. The visitors can also see the �ocks of �amingos, which make the island their winter home.

The implementation and management of this area is under the Supreme Council for Environ-ment.

Immediately, the park is surrounded by residen-tial areas and social housing, hotel, airport and public services buildings, this is in addition to the water (the bay itself ). The area has low densi-ty and no high-rise buildings. The park is also visually accessible from above as it is adjacent to the airport.

The area is linked to the surrounding areas by two elevated pedestrian bridges crossing two highways.

The site is also considered a distant destination for users from di�erent parts of Bahrain.

The area consists of restaurants, cafés, a water fountain, playground, picnic areas, mosque, toilets, shaded and un-shaded benches, parking areas and the longest walking track in Bahrain (three-kilometre along the parameter of the bay).

One of the elevated pedestrian bridges linkingthe park to the neighbourhood

Examples of marina life in the protected bay

The bay

Site of the park

Housing

Housing

Airport

The walkway track The wooden walkin bridge over the bay

The park siteplan

Case Study Area Six: Amwaj-lagoon in Muharraq


This area is located in Amwaj; arti�cial islands in the northern coast of Muharraq. Amwaj was established in 2001.

Amwaj is a gated community in which the right of entry for visitors is controlled by security personnel positioned at the entrance.

A�uent migrant residents are the majority on these islands.

Amwaj-lagoon is a private development project and managed by a private company, but publicly accessible.

The Lagoon is a focal point for Amwaj.Amwaj-lagoon is a one-kilometre long water's edge commercial destination that was built along the lines of London’s Covent Garden.

The lagoon space is structured as an outdoor pedestrian pathway- in a tra�c- free zone- encircling an elongated, curving lagoon and interspersed with restaurants and cafes that o�er a choice of both indoor and al fresco dining facilities.

The lagoon-area

A causwayconnecting Amwaj artificial island tothe island of Muharraqal

Amwaj Artificial Island: a gated community

Sitting areas The Lagoon

Pedestrian pathway with restaurants and cafes >>

The lagoon-area

The surroundingongoing

development

Case Study Area Seven: Khalifa Al-Kubra Garden in Ri�a

This area is located in the centre of Ri�a city in the southern district. The non-Bahraini residents in this district are 44% of the population. Ri�a is considered a low-densi-ty city compared to Manama. The garden, which was opened in 2012, is under the management of the municipality and designed by a private o�ce.

The site is located in a residential zone and the area also includes commercial build-ings and public services with no high-rise buildings (maximum four storeys). All the surrounding buildings and roads are relatively new.

Khalifa Garden is the main formal public open space in this area. The surrounding area also includes a series of restaurants and cafes with outdoor dining overlooking the roads. There are also informal uses of outdoor areas in the neighbourhood. The garden and al fresco café add permeable character to the area.

The garden has visual accessibility from both the attached houses and the perme-able fence. The garden has also number of gates.

The functions in the garden include football, volleyball and basketball courts, an outdoor �tness area, walking tracks with distances marked, an interactive fountain, playgrounds for under and above six years with a rubber ground �nishing material, sitting areas, picnic areas, administration, toilets and two parking areas. The garden is an example of no smoking area beyond the entrance gates.

The design has utilized the topography with respect to the cool north wind. For example, the ridges are kept exposed and open which receive the highest �ow of breeze. The garden also provides an educa-tional facility through the labelled plant materials. Opening a well-designed and maintained garden in this context is some-thing unique and also attracts other users.


Relatively well-designed and large garden, about the size of a national park, located amidst houses

Al fresco cafes in the commercialcenter next to the garden

A view outside the gardenboundary shows the fence

The green ridge

<< >>

>>

Parking area behind the gate

Volleyball court

Sitting area

Artificial mounds

Green ridge

Stage anddancing fountain

Parking area outside the gate

The neighbourhood mosque

Football court

Playground for kids under 6 years old

Basketballcourt

Sitting area

Toilet

Outdoorfitness area

Playground for kids above 6 years old

A path through the garden<<

View to the garden from the ridge

Case Study Area Eight: Hunainiyah Park in Ri�a

Hunainiyah Park is located in Ri�a city where Non-Bahraini residents are 44%.

The area is distinguished with a desert valley called Hunainiyah Valley and is considered an important natural indige-nous feature in the landscape of Bahrain.

This area of the case study is also consid-ered a historical area with the 17th century renovated fort and old neighbourhoods. In the history, Hunainiyah had a famous well that was targeted by many people from all over the island seeking its fresh water. The park has been erected in the well location.

The park is visually accessible from the surrounding ridges. The fort is a landmark and also visually accessible from the whole valley and from the opposite sides of the valley’s edges.

The fort also houses a Cafe, which over-looks the Valley.

The area is also provided with number of prepared land for playing football or crick-et.

The neighbourhood areas are used by kids to play, by boys to gather and by men who sit outside either in front of the houses, shops, mosques, and bus stop or even in the pedestrian side roads.


View from the ridge to the garden. A long stair from the neighbourhood to the Hunainiyah Valley is provided for the pedestrians

Migrants playing cricket in the prepared land for sport >>

<<

Sports fields

Eid pray yard

Militarymuseum

Social housing

Golf course

The fortover the ridge

Deprivedneighbourhoods

Thepark

The park

The fort overlooking the park

The park site plan

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4.5Conclusion

Thisstudyaimstoinvestigateindepththeselectedcasestudiesareasandtoexploreissues

thatmightcontributetotherelevantresearchknowledgeorrelatetothepractice.Thecase

studyapproachcanprovideabetterunderstandingofthesocialrealityinaparticularresearch

contextandthewiderresonancesofthestudiedphenomenon.Thevarietyofcasestudiesis

notonlylookingatdiversetypologiesbuttestingdifferenttheoreticalideasandquestions

raisedineachcasestudyarea,integratingparticipants’perceptionsandvalues.

Theselectedurbanspacestogetherwiththeirimmediatesurroundingsareareflectionofa

superdiversepopulationandmixedlanduse,whichcontributetotheresearchontranscultural

citiesandcosmopolitaneverydayspaces.Thediverseusersatdifferenttimepatternsprovide

anopportunitytostudysocio-spatialdynamics.Theseselectedsitesaredestinationsfor

leisure;therefore,consideringavarietyofattractionswiththediversityofpopulationisan

importantdimensioninthisresearch.

Eachsitehasalsospecificities.Amwajoffersthechancetolookatanareashapedby

globalisationandmigration,butinaverydifferentsphereofaffluence,securityandclassto

thatintheBabAl-Bahraincasestudy,forexample.Theareaisanewurbandevelopmentfora

privatecommunitybutisopentothepublic,whichillustratesinteractionacrossdifferent

socialpositions.AndalusGarden,locatedinacongestedcontextwith78%migrantresidents

(majorityworkers)whodonothaveaccesstoprivateopenspaces,differswidelyfromAmwaj,

wherethemajorityareaffluentmigrants.AradParkoffersafamilydestinationforrecreation

andfocusesonparticularformsofleisureandattractionsincludingseaview,park,awalkway

andmarinelife.Openingawell-designedandmaintainedgardensuchasKhalifaGardenin

Riffaisaninnovativeventureasitcouldalsoattractusersfromdifferentcities.Comparedto

theothercasestudiesinthisresearch,KhalifaGardenisadistancefromthesea,isnotinthe

citycentreandhaslowdensity.InBabAl-Bahrain,withtherenovationofthespace,the

diversityofusersandamixofmaintainedandunmaintainedurbanfabrics,adimensionof

gentrificationisadded.Thishastobeconsideredintheanalysisandinstudyingusers’

perceptionsandhowgentrificationcouldreflectonconviviality.Block-338affordsanew

perspectiveforstudyingtheroleofopenspacesinusers’everydaylivesinapedestrian

friendlyenvironmentinacongestedandbusycontext.Block-338isalsoatouristarea;

therefore,aspectsofgentrificationhavealsotobeconsideredhere.Thenewluxury

restaurantstargetmiddleandhigh-incomeusers,whiletheresidentsaremigrantworkers,

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whichalsogivesinsightintohowsocialinteractionsacrosssocio-economicdifferencescould

beenacted.Inthisarea,theusers’perceptionstowardsmuralandoutdoorartcouldalsobe

considered.ThePearlingTrail,BabAl-BahrainandHunainiyahareheritagesitesandare

inclinedtopromotetourism.Thesehistoricalneighbourhoodsshowsomeevidenceof

traditionalurbanpublicopenspaces.Inaneraofmigrationandglobalisation,weneedto

understandwhatthesevernacularoutdoorspacescouldmeanfordifferentculturalpractices.

UnderstandinghowmigrantsfeelaconnectionwithheritagesitesinBahraincouldaddtothe

studiesontransculturalcities,whilethedeprivedresidentialneighbourhoodsintheseareas

couldalsobeconsideredasculturallydifferent.

Acasestudystrategyinvolvesempiricalinvestigationofaparticularcontemporary

phenomenonwithinitsreal-lifecontextusingmultiplesourcesofevidence(Robson,2002;Yin,

2003).Inthisresearch,studyingsociallifeinpublicspaceswithinacontextofadiverse

populationissignificantgiventhecontemporarytrendofglobalisationandmassivemigration.

Thecasestudystrategywasfollowedwiththequalitativeapproach,andbothallowedforan

in-depthunderstandingofthesocialphenomenainitsnaturalsetting.Thenexttwochapters

presentthefindingsofthesixmonthsofin-depthfieldworkstudy.

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ChapterFive:UnderstandingtheEverydayPatternsofDiversityinPublicOpenSpaces

5.1Introduction

Thischapterpresentsresultsfromthefieldwork,whichdiscusstheeverydayactivities,

preferencesandpatternsofdiversityinpublicopenspaces(POS)inBahrain,addressingthe

firstaimoftheresearch.Thecollecteddataillustratedthedynamicsofthespatialand

temporalpatternsofuseanddemonstratedevidenceonhowtheseusesareintegratingand

changingalongwithpeople’svaluesforPOS,transnationalidentitiesandintersectionalities

withgender,ageandsocio-economicvariables.Thecollecteddataforthischapteristheresult

ofmultiplemethodsofdatacollectionusedduringthemainfieldworkthatwasscheduled

betweenJuly2014andJanuary2015.Thedataisgeneratedfrom85shorton-siteinterview

transcripts,13go-alongin-depthinterviewtranscriptsandfieldnotesandphotographsfrom

80sitevisits.

Analysisofthetranscriptsshapedthestructureandcontentsofthischapter,whicharebased

onthepatternsrevealedduringtheanalysisofthedataandfromthecategorisationofthe

codes:casestudylocation,activities,time,climate,otherlocations,users’profile,difficulties,

values,sensoryqualitiesanddesignelements.Theobservationprovidednarrativedescriptive

data(fieldnotes)onthehappenings,theirtimeandplaceandaresupportedbyvisual

accounts(photographs)anddescriptionsofthespatialquality.Theon-siteinterviews

supportedthedefinitionsoftheusers’culturalgroupsandtheirmotivationandpreferences.

Shorton-siteinterviewsandgo-alonginterviewsprovidedevidenceabouttheusers’activities

atdifferenttimesofthedayandyearandtheirmotivationsandvaluesforbeingoutdoors.The

go-alonginterviewsalsoprovideddescriptivedatafromtheparticipants’pointofviewand

theirinterpretationsandtacitknowledgeofeverydaypractices.Forthepurposeofresearch

ethicsandintegrity,describingculturalidentitiesis(whereverfeasible)basedonhowthe

participantsdescribetheirownorotherusers’origins.Someparticipantsdefineusers’origins

fromtheirappearance,colour,behaviours,dress,languageoraccent.

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Thecollecteddatainthischapterisdividedintosevensectionsaccordingtothethemesinthe

analysis.Thefirstfoursections(5.2-5.5)areabouttheactivitiesandpatternsofuseofthe

casestudysites.Theselectedcasestudysitesarearrangedintothreebroadspatialtypologies:

parksandgardens(AndalusandSalmaniyaGardens,KhalifaGarden,AradBayParkand

HunainiyahPark),pedestrianisedurbanspaces(Amwaj-lagoon,Block-338,BabAl-Bahrain

SquareandSouqandthePearlingTrailsite)andtheinformalopenspaces(e.g.sidewalks,the

frontofhouses,mosquesandshops,parkingareas,oremptyplotsintheneighbourhood).The

structureofthesesectionsisarrangedbasedonthedetailsandsimilaritiesoftheresults.For

example,thepatternofuseinparksandgardenappearedtobesimilar,buttheuseof

pedestrianisedstreetsdifferedcomparedtothatinparksandgardens,soeachmeritedaclear

introduction.Therefore,Igroupedthepedestrianisedspacesaccordingtotheircharacteristics

e.g.placingthePearlingTrailandBabAl-Bahraintogether,andAmwajandBlock-338together.

However,thesectionsofthesebroadtypologiesarestructuredaccordingtotheusers’

diversity,dailytemporalityandseasonalpatterns.Theseasonalpatternsareshapedby

climate,schooltermsandoccasionalevents.Incidentalspaceswerenottheprimaryfocusof

thefieldwork,butIdescribedtheactivitiesascollectedinthefield.Section5.5alsodescribes

theactivitiesintermsofreligiousobservancesandsupportedwithexamplesfromdifferent

casestudyareas.Sections5.6and5.7summarisethebarrierstousingPOSandthefinal

sectionoutlinessocialandsensoryvaluesforPOSinBahrain.Thefollowingpointsarea

summaryofChapterFivefindings.

1. ThediversityofpopulationinBahrainisreflectedintheopenspaceswheredifferent

practicesandpatternsofusearevisible.

2. LeisureandrecreationactivitiesarecommonmotivationsforusingPOS,thisincludes

migrants,indicatingthattheprovisionofPOSsupportsadaptationandintegrationof

newresidents.

3. InthetransculturalcontextofBahrain,withitssuperdiversepopulationandthe

prevailingsocialandculturaldynamics,itispossibletobroadlydescribetheshared

spatialandtemporaldiversepatternsofuseacrossdifferenttypologiesofoutdoor

spaces.

4. Practicesofsharedpatternsofuseacrossdiversityprevail;yet,culturalvariablesand

differencescanbebarrierstousingoraccessingPOS,withpossiblenegativeimpacts

onwellbeingandequalitiesframedbyunderstandingsofsocialjustice.

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5. Spatialqualities,physicalcharacteristicsandfacilitatedeventswithchoicesofhowto

engagearecentraltoharmonyinsharingspacesandpatternsofuse.

5.2Formalpublicopenspaces:ParksandGardens

5.2.1Users’diversity

Frominitialobservations,mostusersintheparksandgardensaremigrantfamilies,andduring

thefieldwork,Iencountereduserswhooriginatedfromawiderangeofcountries.The

interviewsinKhalifaGardenrevealedthattheusersaremostlySyrian,Yemeni,Egyptianand

Jordanianalongwithnon-ArabuserssuchasFilipinos,Indians,NepaleseandPakistanis.Khalifa

Gardenisawell-designedgardenlocatedinRiffa,alow-densitycity,withinaresidential

neighbourhoodwhereafairlymiddleclassandmostlyBahrainipopulationlive.Themost

frequentusersareusuallyfromvariouslowsocio-economicneighbourhoodseitherinRiffaor

thesurroundingareas.Someoftheseuserstravellongerdistancesfromdifferentcitiesand

villagestoKhalifaGardenwheretheyfeelmoreintegrated.Forexample,inago-along

interviewinKhalifaGarden,twoSyriansisters,BadraandZaina1,whohavelivedinBahrainfor

thelast20years,theysaidthat,sincetheGardenwasopened,theymeetupwithafamily

fromHamadTown:“Wheneverwecome,weseethemsittinghereintheGarden”.Thesisters

aremothersintheirearly30s,homemakersandilliterate.Inthisinterview,thoughtheGarden

isrecentlyopened,theSyriansistersmentionedthattheydonotfeelascomfortableinother

parksandgardensbecausetheyarenotasfamiliarwiththosespacesastheyarewithKhalifa

Garden.InAndalusandSalmaniyaGardens,locatedinManamainacongestedcontextwhere

78%ofresidentsaremigrants,theusersaremainlyFilipinosandIndians,buttherearealso

usersfromArabNorthAfricaandMediterraneancountriesaswellasBahrainisasrevealed

fromtheethnographicapproachofspendingtimeon-site.Thissocialmixisreflectedbythe

demographicsofthesurroundingresidentialcontext;therearealsousersfromdifferentcities

andvillagesinBahrain,thisobservationwassupportedbybroadon-siteinterviews.For

example,aFilipinowomanwhowasrestingonthelawnafterjoggingsaidthatshelivesin

AradbutpreferstocomeandwalkinAndalusGarden,travellingaloneeverydaybypublicbus.

ShealsomeetsherboyfriendintheGardenwheretheyjogorplaybadminton.Shestatedthat

thisGardenismoreconvenientforherthangoingtoAradBayParkwhereshelives.InArad

BayProtectedParkinMuharraqcity,themajorityofusersareofYemeni,Egyptianand

Jordanianorigins.TherearealsoFilipinos,Europeans,IndiansandPakistanisofvariedsocio-1Allthenamesinthedescriptionofthecollecteddataarepseudonyms.

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economicbackground,aswellasBahrainis,sinceitislocatedwithinanareathathousesmany

diverseinhabitants.InHunainiyahPark,adesertedgelocation,theusersaremostlyYemeni,

PakistaniandBalochioflowsocio-economicmigrantstatusfromthesurroundingpoor

neighbourhoods.AffluentpeoplefromvariousareasvisittheHunainiyahParkasalocaltourist

attractionforthefortandtheluxurycoffeeshopinthefort.

Classandincomebracketcanalsointersectwithmigrants’backgroundandinformsthe

patternsofuseandactivities.Hala,ayoungmotherofPalestinian-Syrianbackgroundwhohas

livedinBahrainwithherfamilyfor12years,said,“Youdon’tfeelthatKhalifaGardenisforus,

theRiffapeople.YoufeelthatpeopleinRiffaarenotforgardens;maybeMalls”.Halahere

raisedanimportantpointobliquelyrelatingtoclass:theresidentsinRiffa,whoaremostly

affluent,havedifferentinterestsfromthegardenusers.Shahrazad,ayoungBahrainiwoman

andtalkingbroadlyaboutmoreaffluentBahrainis,explainedthatBahrainisprefer

sophisticatedplacessuchas“coffeeshops,cinemas,mallsorthesea”.Sincetheparksand

gardensdonothaveluxuryfacilitiesthatattractaffluentusers,middleandhigh-classpeople

areusuallylessvisibleinparksandgardens.ABahrainistudentinterviewedinacafénextto

KhalifaGardensaidthatthepeoplewhoareusingKhalifaGardenaredifferentfromthosewho

areusingthenearbycafésandtheir‘lifestyles’and‘preferences’aredifferent.Hence,the

brandedcafésandrestaurants(likewiseinAmwaj-lagoonandBlock-338,aswillbeexplainedin

Section5.3)areattractionsforhighandmiddle-incomeusers.

However,thefieldworkfoundthatuserswithamiddle-classprofilefrequentparksand

gardensforwalking,playingfootballorfortheirchildrentoplay.Inago-alonginterviewin

KhalifaGarden,Rashid,ayoungBahrainifatherandphysicianwholivesnexttoKhalifaGarden

andfrequentlyvisitsthegardenforhissonstoplayortowalk,saidthatBahrainisandother

affluentmigrantsinKhalifaGardenaregenerallyfromthenearbyhousesandcometowalk,

exercise,playsportortobringtheirchildrentoplayandsotheyusuallyonlystayforashort

time.Headdedthattheyusuallydonotpicnicintheprovidedpicnicpod.Otherinterviewees

inKhalifaGardenandAradBayParkalsosharedRashid’sobservation.

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Theobservationsshowedthediversityofwalkersandjoggers(Figures5.1);theycomefrom

differentmigrantandsocio-economicbackgrounds,but,accordingtosomeinterviewees,itis

lesscommonforBahrainisandaffluentuserstohavepicnicsinparksandgardens.However,it

isnotconclusivethatBahrainisdonothavepicnicsintheparksandgardens.Fromthe

collecteddata,itwasextremelycomplextospecifyhowpatternsofuseareshapedbyusers’

profileswhenpayingattentiontoclassandincomebracketintersectionality,butitwas

possibletobroadlydescribethespatialandtemporalpatternsofuseacrossdifferent

typologieswithreferencetotheselectedcasestudies.

5.2.2Dailytemporality

Fromrepeatedvisitsandspendingtimeinparksandgardensatdifferenttimesofthedayand

daysoftheweek,Ibecameawareofthedailypatternofuseinthesespaces.Intheearly

morning,mostuserscometotheparksorgardensonaregularbasisforexercise,runningand

teamsport.Somepeoplealsodoaerobicsonthelawnareasingroupsorindividually,while

Figures5.1Thediversityofusersandeverydaypatternsofuseisvisibleinallparksandgardens,particularlyamong

walkersandrunners.

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KhalifaGardenalsohasfitnessequipmentinstalled.Eveninthecoolerclimate,whichis

importantforschedulingaroundbusyroutines,fitnessenthusiastschoosethequiethoursof

themorningtodotheirdailyexerciseroutinesandthenleavetocontinuetheireverydaylife

activitiessuchastakingtheirchildrentoschool,goingtoworkordoinghouseholdchores.

Someparentsdroptheirchildrenatschoolandthenarriveataparkoragardentowalkor

exercise.Intervieweesmentionedthatmorningsarealsotheperfecttimetostroll,study,read

orparticipateinrestorativeactivities.Womenandolderusersalsochoosethislessbusytime

ofdaytoparticipateintheiractivitieswhiletherestofthefamilyareeitheratworkorschool.

Itisusualtoseewomenbringingtheiryoungpreschoolchildrentotheparksandgardensto

playatthesetimes.Someofthemcomeoccasionallyingroupstohaveabreakfastpicnic,

eitherinthearbouroronthegrass.Atthistime,someuserswhoareeitherdoingtheir

exerciseorwiththeirfamiliesarenightshiftworkers.(Figures5.2-5.3below)

a b

c

Figures 5.2 Morning times in parks and gardens are the less busywhen users can participate in activities of their choice (a-c).SunbathingisnotcommoninPOSinBahrainbutcanbeobservedinthemorningduringcoolweather(b).

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Theanalysisoftheinterviewsrevealedthatdifferentuserssharedthevalueofthemorning

hours,thoughwithdifferentmotivationsasexplainedbytwoyoungadultwomenatAradBay

ParkinMuharraqcity.Leen,anIndonesianbybirthwhohaslivedinBahrainforanumberof

yearsinJufair2andworksasanairhostess,visitsthisparkfrequently.Shetalkedabouthowthe

morninghoursaresignificanttoher:

“Morningisalittlebitquiet,forme,itismorepeaceful.It’sniceandtheweatherisnothot.So,itisjustperfect.Morningismorerelaxingbecausesomepeopleareworkingandthekidsarestillintheschool”.

2AsuburbanareainManamawheremostlyinhabitedbymiddleclassandaffluentmigrants.

Figures5.3Studying,workingonlaptops,reading,restingorsleepingaresomecommonpatternsbymigrantsinparksandgardens,particularlyduringthequietmorninghours.

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WhileLeentalkedaboutmentalrelaxationduringmorninghours,Shahrazad,wholivesin

Manamacity,explainedhermotivationforwalkingeverydayatdawninthispark:

“IparticularlylikeAradBayParkatdawntime[…]Peopleareseriousatthattime;therearethosewhocomefromclubstodoexercise.Iwasfat(laugh)sothebesttimeforexercisetoburnfatisat4:00amAftertheprayercall,yougothereforpureair[…]itisaveryniceplace,especiallywhentheskystartstobecomelight,andtheviewofthesunrise,itispureness”.

Afteraquieterperiodofuseduringthemiddleoftheday,thedatafromthebroadscopefield

observationandon-siteinterviewsrevealedthattheparksandgardensbecomemorevibrant

between4:00pmand8:00pm(afterworkinghours)forleisure,enjoyment,relaxation,or

escapingfromindoorspaces,dailyroutineandresponsibilities.Observationdatasupportedby

shortinterviewsillustratedusersaresocialisingandparticipatinginavarietyofconcomitant

passiveandactiveuses,suchaspicnicsandgatherings,havingmealsoutdoors,exercising,

playingsport,relaxingor,forchildren,playing.Teenagersalsogatherforchatting,hangingout,

sportandpractisingdancemoves.Withinthisvibrantpatternofuse,someuserschooseto

partakeinapassiveortranquilactivityoftheirown(Figure5.4).Anumberofusersmentioned

thattheychoosetocomeafter8:00pm,whenthespaceisquieter.Duringthefieldwork,all

thegardenswereclosedby10:00pmormid-night,exceptAradBayPark,whichwasopen24

hours;meaningindividualsandgroups(maleandfemale)couldcomeregularlytowalkand

Figure5.4AgroupofuniversitystudentschosetopreparefortheirexamatHunainiyahParkonabusyFridayafternoon.

129

exerciseevenaftermidnight,whichalsoappearedintheobservationsandinterviewsduring

sitevisitsatdifferenttimes.

Byconductingtheethnographicapproachofspendingtimeon-siteandrepeatedvisits,I

becameawarethatuserswerespendingdifferentlengthsoftimeintheparksandgardens.

Somefamiliesstayintheparksforashortperiod,foronehourorlessfortheirchildrentoplay

orforonlythetimeneededforjoggingorwalking,whichmayvarybetween45minutesand

twohours(Figures5.5).Thosevisitorswhocometoparticipateinmultipleactivitiestendto

remainlonger.Someusersspendmoretimethereoftengatheringandstayingfromlunchtime

untilmidnight(Figures5.6onpage130).FromthefieldobservationsinKhalifaGarden,some

familiesandgroupswhostayedforlongerperiodshadfooddeliveredfromrestaurants.Inthe

nightandespeciallyonactivedays,therewereanumberofmotorcyclesoutsidethegate,with

deliveryboysdeliveringfoodforthegarden’susers.

Figures 5.5 From the data, it appears that the concept of health and wellbeinginfluencesthepatternsofuseintheparksandgardens.Walkersand joggers inthedifferent POS in Bahrain allocate time in their daily routines for healthy activitiesregardlessoftheirbusyschedules.Socialisingandrestorativeactivitiesalsoinfluencetheregularityofpeople’suseoutdoorspaces.

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Figures5.6 It isa familiarsighttoseevisitors insmall and largegroups settingoutpicnicmats, foodbasketsand flasks,with someusersbringing along radios,boardgames,playingcards,babycotsandchangesofclothingforchildrenandotheritemsthatallowthemtospendfivetoeighthoursawayfromtheirhomes.

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5.2.3Seasonalpatternsofuse

5.2.3.1Climate

Theclimatelargelyaffectsthepatternsofuseintheseopenspaces.Thesummerisveryhot

andthisextremeheatcoupledwithhighlevelsofhumiditypreventspeoplefromparticipating

inoutdooractivities.Observationandon-siteinterviewsrevealedthatinthehotseason,the

crowdsgravitatetoindoorspacesandmallsfortheirleisureactivities,whilesomeusersof

parksandgardensshifttheirleisureactivitytoeveningsaftersunsetorreducethedurationof

theirstay.Theperceptionsofuserstowardsbeingoutdoorsinsummervaryeveninthenight.

Forexample,inKhalifaGarden,onanightinAugust,aretiredJordaniangrandfatherinhis60s,

whovisitstheGardenseveraltimesaweekthoughlivinginanothercity,assertedthatdespite

ahumiditylevelof70to80percent,heenjoyedbeingoutdoorsonsummernights,reasoning

thathisBedouinancestorshadlivedinsimilarweatherconditionsinthedesert.

Whentheclimateiscooler,parksandgardensdrawlargercrowdsandbyearlyafternoon

groupsoffamiliesarefoundcongregatingforpicnics.Fromobservationsinthesemonths,the

activitiesaremoreprolongedfrommiddayuntilmidnight.Duringinterviews,some

respondentsmentionedthattheyfrequentparksandgardensonlyinwintermonths3.

However,fromanalysis,Iascertainedthatusersofpublicspaceshaddivergentviewsonthe

useofoutdoorsspacesinwinter,asencounteredindifferentinterviewsinvariousgardens.

Faiza,ayoungIndiansinglemotherwhovisitsKhalifaGardenweeklyexplainedduringthepilot

go-along,“Inwinterwearealwayscomingtothegarden.Itisniceandweenjoytheweather.

Wewearnicewarmclothes”.Someemphasisedthatthosefamilieswithyoungchildrenand

olderusersfavourafternoonsinthewinter,whentheyhavetheirlunchorapicnic,asafter

sunsetitbecomesverychilly.AccordingtoBahrainstandards,even17degreesisconsidered

toochillytobeoutdoors.Forexample,twoEgyptiansistersinterviewedinAndalusGardenin

theeveningduringDecembermentionedthatthegardenisverybusyduringweekends,but

withtheonsetofwintertheusernumbersdecline.Thesistersareteachersandmotherswho

havelivedfor10yearsinBahrainwiththeirfamiliesintheneighbourhoodclosetothegarden

andvisitthegardeneveryweekend.

3InBahrain,thewintermonthsarefromNovembertoMarch,whenthetemperaturevariesbetween25to17Degrees.

132

Figures5.7Aspacebetweenplantsprovidesprivacyforwomenand iswarminwinter(a).Thegreen ridge is aspatial choice fora family during lateafternoon in thesummer (b). The green plaza in Khalifa Garden is analternativepicnicspot(c).

c

a

b

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Climatealsoshapesspatialpatternsofuseinparksandgardens.DuringaninterviewinKhalifa

GardeninAugust,ayounghomemakerandmother,whowasraisedinYemenandhaslivedin

Bahrainforthelast8years,wassittingonaportablechairwhilehavingapicnicwithher

friendsintheopenpicnicpodnexttoanartificialmound.Sheexplainedthatinsummerthey

prefertogatherontheopenlawn,andeverytimetheysitatthesamespotinalargegroupof

morethantenwomenandtheirchildren,andthiswasverifiedduringthesitevisits.Sheadded

thatinwintertheydonotsitonthegrassbutusetheprovidedseatingareasbetweenthe

treesandshrubsasFigure5.7ashows.TheYemeniwomenvisitKhalifaGardeninRiffacity

everydaydespitelivinginanothercity.InDecember,duringtheinterviewwiththeSyrian

sistersinKhalifaGarden,oneofthesistersexplained,“Whenwestartedcomingtothisgarden,

wechosetosithereinthislocation;butwhenitishot,wegoupthehill(pointingtothenatural

slopedtopographyinthegarden)”.Hersisteradded,“Nowitiscold,manypeopleavoidgoing

upthehill”asdisplayedinFigure5.7b.

InKhalifaGarden,peoplealsousetheplazaareainfrontofthegate.Theplazaispavedand

includesastage.Figure5.7cshowsaplateauraisedwithafewstepsandcoveredwithlawn

overlookinganinteractivefountain.AyoungIndianfatherinterviewee,whohasworkedasa

mechanicalengineerforanumberofyearsinBahrain,saidthathevisitsthegardeneveryday

withhiswifeandchildrentowalk,haveapicnicorfortheirchildrentoplay;thiswas

supportedbyobservation.Theyweresittingonthelawnoftheplateauandsaidthatthey

preferthatspotbecauseitiscool,breezyandhasawideviewofthewholegarden.However,

thisareadoesnotprovidetheprivacyArabianfamiliesseekforwomen,whogenerallychoose

otherareastohaveapicnicinthisGarden.Thesephotographsareevidencefromthesitevisits

illustratingtherelationshipbetweensocialpatternsandspatialcharacteristics.

Comparedtootherparksandgardensintheselectedcasestudies,thesizeandcontextof

KhalifaGardenislargerwithanaturaltopography,whichprovideschoicesinuse.Salmaniya

andAndalusGardensareprovidedwithpicnictables,gazebosandshadedgatheringareasthat

areusedasmoreappealingalternativesforcongregating,particularlyinwinterwhenthelawn

iswet.Theobservationdatashowedexamplesofthesedifferentchoicesintheselectedparks

andgardensasdisplayedinFigures5.8(page134).

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Figures5.8Alternativesofsittingareas.

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5.2.3.2Schoolterms

SimilartomanyotherArabiccountries,educationistakenextremelyseriouslyinBahrain

(WorldBank,1999;Akkari,2004),soschoolcommitmentslikehomework,examsandprivate

tuitionshapethepatternsofleisureanduseofparksandgardensduringschoolterms.The

Syriansistersliveclosetothegarden;butBadrasaid“Schoolcommitments,thisistheonly

thingthatstopsusfromcomingeveryday,asthechildrenhavehomework”.While,hersister

Zainaaddedthatduringsummervacations,KhalifaGardeniscrowdedandthereisnoplaceto

walkaspeoplesitingroupsand‘matonmat’.Inthisregard,Badracommented,“Insummer,

wecomeatsunsetandstaytillmidnight,oruntilitisannouncedonthemicrophonethatgates

areclosing”.Thiscrowdingalsopersistsatweekendsandonpublicholidays(Figure5.9).

Figure5.9Oncrowdeddaysitis‘matonmat’.

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5.2.3.3Events

Occasionally,differentevents,suchasmarkets,thesaleoffood,promotionalevents,walking

eventsandnationalcelebrationdaysofBahrainandthoseofotherusers'countriesareheldin

theseparksandgardens.Figures5.10illustrateexamplesofsucheventsduringsitevisits.For

instance,fromobservationduringweekends,HunainiyahParkisusedforsellinggoods,which

isappealingtolocalresidentswithoutprivatetransport.Thiswasalsoconfirmedinthe

interviews.Ahousewifeinher40s,whowasraisedinYemen,sellsherproductsinHunainiyah

Parkeveryweekendtoearnalivelihood.InothersitevisitstoKhalifaGarden,groupsof

a b

c d

e f

Figures 5.10 Formal and informal events in parks and gardens: Discover Islamarranged by Muslim migrants in Bahrain in the parking area of Andalus (a);vending inHunainiyahParkarrangedbymostlyYemeniwomen(b-d);aformallyorganised market for the celebration of the national day of Bahrain in KhalifaGarden(e);andaformaleventinAndalus(f).

137

womenwereseenhavingapicniceverydayandalsousingtheopportunitytoinformallyvend

cosmetics,clothingandsimilargoods.WhileinAndalusGarden,throughmyvisitsand

especiallyatweekends,Iusuallyencounteredcommunaleventsorcelebrationse.g.birthdays,

marketsforsellingmigrants’foodandgoodsorpromotionalevents;andononeofthesite

visits,therewasaboothforDiscoverIslam.Assupportedbydifferentinterviewees,mostof

theseeventsarearrangedbymigrants.ShahrazadandherfriendsclaimedthatAndalus

Gardenalwayshaveeventse.g.weddings,dancecompetitions,saleofcottoncandyand

popcornorsettingupaT.V.towatchlivematches.Theobservationshowedthatmanyof

theseactivitiesareconductedcommunallyandopenlyinawaymakingitdifficulttoascertain

whichareformallyorinformallyarranged.

5.3Pedestrianisedurbanspaces

BabAl-Bahrainarea,Block-338,andPearlingTrailincludepedestrianisedurbanspaceswithin

neighbourhoods.TypicalofmanyneighbourhoodsinBahrain,lifeintheseareasstartsassome

residentsgofor‘Fajer’prayer(dawnprayer),taketheirchildrentoschoolorleavefortheir

workandbusiness.Theselocalurbanspacesarealsotouristdestinations.Iftheusers

appreciateaheritageurbanareaor‘souq’(traditionalmarketspace),theyvisitBabAl-Bahrain

orMuharraq.BoththePearlingTrailinMuharraqandBabAl-BahrainSouqinManamaare

partiallypedestrianisedsites,underrenovation,locatedinhistoricalneighbourhoods.While,

thePearlingSiteismuchquieterthanBabAl-Bahrain,thelatterhasamoredistinctivedaily

patternasacitycentrearea.IfanindividualprefersaEuropeanormodernstylewithalfresco

cafés,hisdestinationcouldbeBlock-338orAmwaj-Lagoon;although,thebuilt-upwalkwayor

theseaviewattractsmoreuserstoAmwaj.

5.3.1SahatinthePearlingTrail

AsintroducedinChapterFour,thePearlingTrailisaUNESCOWorldHeritageSiteandis

currentlyundergoingarestorationprocessasatourisminitiativeandintegrateselementsof

contemporaryurbandesign.Theprojectwillbeprovidedwithawalkingpathand19micro-

POSor‘sahat’4inthesitesofsomehistoricalhouses.Withintheresearchtimescale,twoof

thesemicro-POSwereimplemented.Thesurroundingareaoftheselectedsiteincludesanew

culturalcentre,heritagehomes,traditionalcoffeehousesandasouq.

4Thetermsahatmeanspublicopenspaces,singularsaha.

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5.3.1.1Users’diversity

ThiscasestudyislocatedinoldMuharraqwheretheresidentsareBahrainis,seniorcitizens

andmigrantworkers.Thesitealsoattractsdiverseusersfromdifferentsocio-economic

echelonswhoareresidentsofMuharraqorothercities.Fromobservationsandinterviews,

duringtheday,thevisitorswhowalkinoraroundthenewculturalcentrearethemore

affluentBahrainisormigrantpopulaceortourists.Atnightaftertheculturalcentreisclosed,

themigrant-workerresidentsstartgatheringinthesemicro-publicspaces(sahat)tospend

time.TheMuharraqSouqisalsoapopulartouristdestinationespeciallyamongGCCtourists.

Bahrainiandmigrantresidents-mostlynon-affluent-usethespacefrequentlyformeeting,

sittingorstrollingleisurely.Theno-trafficzoneattractsfamilieswithchildrenwhocanplay

safely.Throughinterviews,Igatheredthattheresidentuserswerepleasedwiththerecent

changesintheappearanceofthespaceasmanyofthemusethespaceeverydayastheygo

abouttheirroutinelifeorwalkthroughthespacetotheirrespectivedestinationsasitis

shorter.

5.3.1.2Dailytemporality

Fromsitevisitsusingethnographicmethods,itwaspossibletoobtainabroadunderstanding

withnarrativeaccountsofthedailypatternsofuseinthisPearlingTrailarea.Inthedaily

temporality,theusersandresidentsintheareaparticipateintheirroutineculturalandsocial

practices,goshoppinginthesouqordineintraditionalcoffeehouses.Withtheopeningofthe

souqandculturalcentres,moreusersenterthearea.Asianworkerscrowdthesouqwhere

theyalsoworkorlookforjobsandtheseniorcitizensmostlygatherinthetraditionalcoffee

shopsorinfrontoftheshops.Theno-trafficzonesofsahatandpedestrianisedstreetsprovide

opportunitiesformeeting,sitting,strollingaroundandexchangingpleasantrieswithothers.

Duringfieldwork,thesemicro-spacesappearedalsoasameetinglocusforsomeresidentsor

teenagersandabriefretreatforsomewomen.Althoughitwaspossibletodifferentiate

betweenthemaintainedrenovatedurbanspacesandnon-maintainedonesinthiscasestudy,

thewalkwaysareinterwovenbetweenthePearlingTrailProjectandthesurroundingcontext.

Thesepatternsofusearealsosupportedbythephysicalaffordancesandelementsofurban

designasdemonstratedinthephotographsinFigures5.11-5.13takenduringsitevisits.

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Figures5.12Oneofthesahatsites(micro-POS),watergardenandsouqintheareaofthepedestrianisedPearlingTrailProject.

Figures5.11Thepedestrianisedstreetsandthebenches,whichareprovided,supporteverydaypatternsofuseinthePearlingTrailarea.

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Figures5.13PatternsofusealongthePearlingTrail.

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5.3.2.BabAl-BahrainSquareandSouq

BabAl-Bahraincasestudysitecomprisesthesquareandsouq.Thissitehasacitycentre

characterandincludeshigh-risebuildingsandahistoricalresidentialareathatstillfeatures

traditionalbuildings.BabAl-BahrainSquareisconsideredtobethefirstformalPOSinthe

region.Initsinitialyears,itoverlookedtheoldManamaport.TheSquare’snameisderived

fromtheBabAl-Bahrainheritagemonument,whichmeansBahraingateway.Thesouqthatis

directlyaccessedfromthegateisanArabicculturalurbanspace.


BabAl-Bahrainwastheepicentreofcommunitylifeinthepastandisstillafrequentlyvisited

locationforbothresidentsandtourists.Thedatafromobservationsandinterviewsshowed

thatmostoftheresidentsinBabAl-BahrainareaareAsianlow-incomemigrants,elderly

citizensandunderprivilegedfamilies.Fromtheinterviews,itwasnotedthatalargenumbers

ofmigrantworkerswhopopulateBabAl-BahrainsquareandsouqdonotworkorliveinBab

Al-Bahrain,butonFridaysandholidaystheycrowdtheseopenspaces(Figure5.14).

Figure5.14Theflowofmigrantsinoneofthesouqalleysalongthemall.Thewallofthemallbuildingseparatesthestreetfromtheatrium.

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SeniorcitizensalsopopulatetheBabAl-Bahrainarea;someofthemarenotresidentsany

morebutcontinuetofeelintegratedandrevivetheirmemoriesthroughtheoldurbanfabric

ofthespace.Rashidstated:

“BabAl-Bahrainareahasasociallifeespeciallyforpeoplefromoldergeneration.SeveraltimesIwentthereIsawoldpeoplearegatheringstillinthesouq,walkinginthesouqorsittingintraditionalcoffeeshopsthere.Soithassocialroleforoldpeople”.

AnelderlyretiredBahrainiteacher,livinginanotherareawhowasinterviewedinBabAl-

Bahrain,claimedthathevisitsBabAl-Bahrainfrequentlyinordertowalkinthesouqorto

congregatewitholdfriendsandotherretiredteachersinacoffeehouseor‘Gahwa’5andalso

tomeetnewpeoplefromdifferentpartsofthecountrycomingforthe‘Gahawi’ortopray.

TheubiquitouspresenceofveteranJewish,Indian,ArabandPersiantradersincurrency,gold

andotherbusinessesisalsoadistinctivefeatureofthisspace.Thereareseveral‘mattams6’,

mosquesinthisvicinityanda200-year-oldHindutempleislocatedintheheartofthesouq.

Thesebuildingsarealsogatheringpointsforthediverseusersasrevealedduringthesitevisits.

5Gahwa,plu.Gahawi:traditionalcoffeehouse6MattamistheShaiIslamicworshipcentreormosque

Figure5.15TheAtriuminthemallactsasattractionpointformiddleclassuserstoBabAl-BahrainArea.

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ObservationsandinterviewsrevealedthattheaffluentandmiddleclassusersvisittheBabAl-

BahrainSouqforthecommercialandbusinesscentresortheyaretourists,particularlythe

peoplefromGCCcountries.Arecentlyconstructedmallwithluxurioustraditionalcoffeeshops

alsoattractsmorewealthyusers.ThoughFaizaassertedthatshefindsthenewmallattractive

andshelikestostrollinside;shedoesnotshoporeatthere,asshecannotaffordit.

Laughingly,sheadded,“Wethinkifwesit,wehavetopay,wedon’thavethatmuchmoney”.

Thisfeelingofsegregationwasmentionedbyanumberofinterviewees.However,Faizatried

toadoptahumorousstanceratherthanafeelingofhumiliation.ThisisbecauseBabAl-

Bahrainitselfprovidesmanyalternativeactivitiesandaffordancesfordifferentsocialgroups

includinglow-incomegroups.However,thisgentrificationattemptofbuildingamalltoattract

adifferentcategoryofuserstothisspacecouldbeimplementedwithouttheconstructionofa

‘fortress’7wall(Figure5.15aboveonpage142)thatseparatestheusersofthemallfromthe

usersofthesouqalleysjustbesidethismall(Figure5.14onpage141).Evenso,someofthe

mallusersmentionedthattheyprefertohavemoreinteractionwiththestreet.


BabAl-Bahrainsouqandsquarestartstobustlewithactivityaspeoplegatherearlyfor

breakfastinthecoffeehouses.Someoftheseareopenforbusinessfrom5:00am.The

repeatedvisitswithmultipleethnographicmethodsprovidedanarrativeunderstandingofthe

dailypatternsofuseinthisarea.Forexample,inago-alonginterviewintheBabAl-Bahrain

areawithKareem,aBahrainifatherinhis50’sandanemployeeinamajorcompany,he

recountedthatattheweekendafter‘FajerPray’8,accompaniedbyfriendsorfamily,heoften

comestothisareatowalk,havebreakfastorexploreotherpartsonfoot.Kareemwasraisedin

BabAl-Bahrainareaandlatermovedtoadifferentcity.

Inthemornings,mostuserscometothesouqforthecommercialactivities,whilethespaceis

morecrowdedattheweekendandintheeveningforleisureactivities.Faiza,inherwalking

interview,alsodiscussedtemporalpatternsinBabAl-Bahrain:

“Afterfive,morepeoplebringtheirfamiliestoenjoythemselves,shopandwalk.Also,youcanseemanycoupleshereintheafternoon-wifeandhusband,boyfriendandgirlfriend[…]Morningisonlyforshopping,working,andbusiness,onlyfornecessaryactivities,ortheyareresidentsortourists.Peoplearebusyinthemorning;theydon’thavetimeforsocialgatheringunlessitisholiday.Anditisalsohotinthemorning”.

7AtermusedbyWhyte(1980)todescribewhenarchitecturecreatesexclusionandsegregation.8Dawntime

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Similarly,inanothergo-alonginterview,Irfan,ayoungIndianemployeewithatemporarywork

contractandwhohaslivedfortwoyearsinBahrain,claimedthatheandhisfriendsmeetin

BabAl-Bahraineveryweekend–ThursdayeveningsandFridays-forchatting,hangingoutand

shoppingastheyworksixdaysaweek.TheroundaboutinBabAl-BahrainSquarehasaunique

appearanceintheareawithitsmanyincidentaluses.Onatypicaleveningoronparticular

weekendsorholidays,asillustratedinFigure5.16,crowdsofAsianmigrantmaleworkers

congregatearoundtheroundabout,sitorliearound,specificallytomeetfriendsandsocialise.

Oncethenightarrivesadifferentcategoryofusersandusesstartsappearing.Intheinterview

withIrfanintheareaonFridaynight,hesaid,“Atthistimepeopleareleavingbecauseshops

areclosingat9:00pmandotherpeoplearecomingnow,forhotelsandrestaurants”.Kareem

alsosaid“Inthenight,mostpeoplecomeforthehotelsfordrinking;Bahrainisornon-

Bahrainis,andalsoyoucanseemigrantswholiveintheoldhousesorapartmentsinthisarea

walkingaround”.Fromobservations,thenightclubsshutaroundearlydawnandsomeoftheir

usersmovetothetraditionalrestaurantsandcoffeeshopstohavebreakfast.

Issuesrelatedtothenightlifeareraisedbysomerespondentsastheyarecontradictorytothe

Arabic-Islamicculture.ThoughFaizaalsodisapprovedofthebadreputationofsomebusiness

activities;shejustifiedtheirpresencebymentioningthatitisacharacteristicofthespace.In

Figure5.16TheSquareonaFridaynightisaleisureurbanspaceformigrantworkers.

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herwords,“Manypeopleliketocomeheretoenjoy.BabAl-Bahrainisniceforenjoyment[…]

Nobodywatchesyou[…]wecallitpublicplace(laugh)”.Similarly,Irfanofferedhis

interpretationonthecommonenjoymentfoundinthislocation:

“ApersonwhocomestoBahrainhastovisitthisplace,goodplacetoshopandspendtime.Thisisaplaceyoucanfindanything.Also,maybeyoufindthisisanabuse,butifsomeonecomesonlyforenjoymenthecaneasilyfindinthisarea.InBabAl-Bahrain,youcandowhateveryoudoandnobodydisturbsyou.Peoplearecomingheretoenjoyandpasstheirtime”.

5.3.3Amwaj-lagoonandBlock-338


AmwajIslandispredominantlyagatedcommunitywhereaffluentmigrantsreside(mostly

fromEuropeandNorthAmerica).Thelagoon-sideinAmwajisapublicspaceandisaccessible

toresidentshereaswellasnon-residentswhocomefromdifferentareasanddifferentsocio-

economicbackgrounds.Theuserscometoenjoybeingoutdoorsinafacilitatedspace.In

Amwaj,peopledonotappeartoberestrictedfromenteringthepublicspace.However,the

restaurantsandcoffeeshopsarefrequentedmostlybymiddleclassvisitors.Similarly,Block-

338isanup-marketfoodstreet;however,itislocatedamidstresidentialareasthataremostly

forlow-incomemigrantworkers.Thiscreatesasocialmixofpeopleintheopenspacesin

thesecasestudyareas,peoplefromdifferentclassandincomelevelsandcountryoforigins,as

revealedfromtheobservationsandinterviews.

ThelagoonareaandBlock-338arealsopopulardestinationsamongvisitorsfromneighbouring

GCCcountries.Inaninterviewinthelagoonarea,ayoungSaudiengineerlivinginSaudiArabia

(SA)saidthathedrivestoAmwajIslandatleasttwiceaweek.Heclaimedthatittakeshim

aroundthreehourstogettoAmwajwhichincludedcrossingtheborder.Forhim,Amwajisa

luxuryamenityandarealikethosefoundinDubai.AnotheryoungIndianmotherwhoalso

livesinSAwasinterviewedinAmwaj,sheelaboratedthatshecomestoAmwajwithher

husbandonceortwiceduringtheweekend.Bahrainhasbecometheweekenddestinationfor

manyvisitorsfromtheEasternProvinceofSAafteracausewaywasopenedbetweenBahrain

andSAin1986.Bahrainhasvarietiesofentertainmentandrecreationthatcanmeetdiverse

needs.TherearealsomanyaffluentmigrantswholiveinBahrainwhileworkinginSAandthey

traveldailybetweenthetwocountries.Forthem,lifeinBahrainiscomparabletothe

Europeanwayoflife.Similarly,Halaclaimedthat,“inAmwajresidentsarelivingastheyarein

Europe.TheypracticetheirlifeasiftheyareinEurope”.

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Both,Block-338andthelagoon-sidehavedistinctrhythmsduringdifferenttimesoftheday.

Theyincluderestaurantsandcafésthatofferachoiceofbothindoorandalfrescodining

facilities.Individuals,couplesandlargeandsmallgroupsofpeopleandfamiliescanbeseenin

theseurbanspaces,socialising,reading,havingbusinessmeetingsorstudyingwhileenjoyinga

mealorcoffeeormerelystrollingaroundandsittingonthepublicbenches.Inaddition,shisha-

cafésattractanumberofusers.Intheseprecincts,lifestartswhenanumberofcafésstart

servingbreakfast;whileinAmwaj-lagoon,therearealsopeoplejoggingorexercisingfrom

earlymorning.Thetranquilenvironmentduringtheearlypartofthedayandthescenicsea

views,ararityinBahrain,werementionedasprimereasonsforwalkingenthusiaststo

frequentthisareaatthistimeoftheday.Bothareasalsohaveaflourishingnightlife

throughouttheweekandgetevenbusierattheweekendsandonpublicholidays.Someof

theseeateriesdonotcloseuntil1:30am,whichalsoattractadifferentcrowdofpeople.

Amwaj-Lagoonalsohasawalkwaytrack,acyclingtrackandrentalservicesforbicyclesand

SegwaysasillustratedbelowinFigures5.17-5.18.Thecollecteddatafromfieldobservation

andinterviewsshowedthatcyclesareavailableforallthevisitors-maleandfemaleof

differentages.ABahrainimotherinherthirtiesresidinginRiffa9interviewedatthelagoon-

sidementionedthatshecomestothisareatowalk,alongwithherhusbandandchildren.She

addedthatthemostattractivefeatureofAmwaj-lagoonistherangeofactivitiesforallages

groups;whilesomepeopleenjoyamealatoneoftheseveralrestaurantshere,thechildren

canhaveapizza,playandridebicyclesorscooters.

945minutesdrivingtimebetweenAmwajandRiffacity.

147

Figures5.17Affordancesofthelagoon-sidewithdiverseactivitiesthatcaterforthedifferentneedsofage-genderintersections.

148

Amwaj-lagoonisnotagardenininterviewees’perceptions;hence,theactivitiesmaydiffer.

Forexample,duringago-alonginterviewinAmwajwithSamar,aBahrainistudentanda

residentofthegatedisland,sheexpressedsomedispleasureatoncehavingseenagroupof

ladieslayingoutapicniconthelandscapedturfinthelagoonarea.Figure5.19(below)shows

thisoccasionwhereagroupofmigrantwomenhadtakenasecludedspottohavetheirpicnic

inafamilyatmosphere.AccordingtoSamar,“ItisthefirsttimeIhaveseenpeopledoingthatin

Amwaj-lagoon,andIdonotthinkit’safittingactivityhere”.

Figures5.18Examplesofpatternsofdiversityanduseatthelagoonarea.

Figure5.19AgroupofPakistaniwomenhavingpicnicatthelagoon-side.

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Ontheotherhand,duringmyfieldworkinBlock-338,Iobservedtwoclearlydemarcated

zones.Theprecinctwithcarparkspacesandtheroadappearcongestedandnoisywithtraffic

andpeople,whilethemoresecludedinnerareahasasereneambiance.Observationdatain

Figures5.20to5.22(below)showthepatternsofuseinBlock-338,whichdemonstratehow

spatialterritoriesallowforthedifferingrequirementsofBlock-338residentsascomparedto

thetouristsandhigh-endleisureusers.

Figures5.20ThedifferentspatialterritoriesatBlock-338provideaffordancesfordifferentresidentsandtouristsneedsinthearea.

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FieldobservationandinterviewsrevealedthatthequietzoneislargelyusedbyAsianmigrant

workersandneighbourhoodresidents.Thosewhoresideinthevicinitygenerallydonot

frequenttheplushestablishments;theytypicallyusetheopenspacetogather,meetfriendsor

strollaroundafterwork.Asianmigrantworkers’familiesalsofrequentthiszoneastheir

childrencancyclearoundorplay,whiletheaccompanyingadultscansitonthebenches

placedalongthepavement.AccordingtoamalerespondentfromBangladeshwhomovedto

Bahrain20yearsagoandiscurrentlyunemployed,heenjoyssittinginBlock-338areatosee

different‘interestingpeople’astouristsfromdifferentcountriesandfromBahrainvisitthis

area.Hestatedthatmostofthevisitorscomeherefortherestaurants.Duringtheinterview,

hewassittingoutsideonabenchandsocialisingwithafriend.Healsoemphasisedthatwhen

theweatherispleasantoronholidays,afewresidentssimplysitaroundonthebenchesand

sharethepackedmealstheybringwiththemormeetfriends,whilstafewunemployed

workerscometothisareatosearchforwork.Anotherinterviewee,aFilipinowhomovedto

BahrainanumberofyearsagoandlivesandworksinBlock-338,hadjustfinishedworkand

wasrelaxingoutsidehisapartmentwithafriendwhohadcomefromanotherareaofBahrain

onhisbicycle,tovisithimwhilewaitingforthecallofprayeratthelocalmosque.Anothertwo

Bangladeshimaleworkers,whomovedtoBahrainfouryearsago,saidthattheycamealong

withtheirfriendswholiveandworkindifferentareasinManama.Theycongregateinthe

streetsofBlock-338duringtheirleisurehours,takephotosandthenstrolltoBabAl-Bahrain.

Figures5.21ThestreetcafésinBlock-338.

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However,someofthevisitorstotherestaurantsalsousethepedestrianisedstreetstowalkor

havealeisurelystroll,whichprovidesaspectsofsimilaritiesinusebetweenusersofdifferent

socio-economiclevels.ABritishcouplelivinginadifferentcityandwhohadmovedtoBahrain

fiveyearsagomentionedthattheyoccasionallydriveheretoeatatoneoftherestaurants.I

observedthemwalkingdownthestreetslowlyandsittingonthestepsoverlookingthe

cobbledstreetswhilethemanhadasmoke.Theystatedthattheyenjoytheareabecauseitis

Figures5.22ThepedestrianisedzoneatBlock-338.

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quiet,pedestrianisedandtheycanalsostroll,sitoutsideandsmoke.ABahrainiemployee,

whowasalsostrollingoutsidearestaurantwithafriend,whilstsmoking,supportedtheBritish

couple’sviewpoint.HementionedthatBlock-338isperfectforstrollingaround,socialisingor

enjoyingamealwithfriendsatoneoftherestaurants.Onseveralinstancesduringmysite

visitsinBlock-338,groupsofpeoplewerechattingonthestreetswhilstwalkingtotheirparked

carorstandingnexttotheircars.Duringpeakhoursintheeveningsandatweekends,itis

usualtoseepeoplewaitingoutsideforatableatoneoftherestaurants.

AsinAmwajarea,itiscommoninthesespacestoseesomeaffluentormodernactivitiessuch

asusersplayingtheirguitarsorskateboarding,aswasapparentfromtheobservationsand

interviews.Similarly,thecobbledpavementsinBlock-338attractyoungsterswhousethe

traffic-freezonestoskateboard.Theskateboardersgenerallyconfinetheiractivitytothe

quieterzonesintheareaandhencehavegainedsocialacceptanceamongtheusersofthis

Figures5.23Skateboardinganddogwalkinghavebecome popularactivitiesamongbothmigrantsandBahrainisinAmwajandBlock-338aswellasinotherurbanlocalities.

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openspace.SomewaterfrontactivitiesappearedontheboundariesandseashoreinAmwaj:

sailing,jet-skiingandotherwatersports.Suchactivitiesarenotrestrictedtoresidents,but

largenumbersofvisitorsalsoparticipateinformallythroughoutweekendsandonpublic

holidays.InAmwaj,dogwalkingisapopularactivityamongbothmigrantsandBahrainis,and

isstartingtobecomenoticedinotherurbanlocalities.Suchactivitiesarequiteanoveltyin

Bahrainandtherefore,contributetoanauraofmodernityinthespace.(Figures5.23above)

5.3.4Seasonalpatterninpedestrianisedurbanspaces

Likethegardensandparks,theusersinthepedestrianisedurbanspacesaresharingthe

dynamicseasonalpatternsofuseinacollectivemanner.Conductingtheethnographyin

differentseasonsrevealedthatthesespacesadoptafestiveappearanceinthewintermonths

aspeopleusethespaceforlongerhours,unlikeinsummerwhentheusersmostlyappear

aftersunset.Forexample,itappearssignificantthatthelagoon-sideislargelyawinterspace

andthereisadramaticdropinusernumbersintheoutdoorspacesduringthehotmonths;

thisobservationwasalsosupportedbyinterviewees.Insummer,thevisitorsofAmwaj-lagoon

andBlock-338gatherindoorsattherestaurantsandcafésorsitoutdoorsaroundthecooling

unitsprovided,whileinthecoolermonths,theopenspacesbecomemorevibrantandare

Figure5.24Theinformalfabriccoversofthealleysprovidingshadefortheusersandtheitemsforsell.

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furnishedwithtablesandchairs.SimilarlyinBabAl-Bahrainarea,theelderlyretiredteacher

statedthatinwinter,hepreferstowalkaroundthesouqduringthedayandhaveteaorchat

withfriendsinoneofthestreets’traditionalcoffeehouses;butinsummer,hehashisteain

themallorotherindoorspacesinthearea.Likewise,anelderlyBahrainigrandmotherinBab

Al-Bahrain,wholivesinanothercitybutfrequentsthearea,statedthatinsummershecomes

toBabAl-BahrainSouqforshoppingintheearlymorningbeforetheheatbecomesexcessive,

andafterquicklyfinishinghershoppingsherelaxesintheair-conditionedatriumandhas

breakfastandfreshjuice.Sheaddedthatinwinterthetimeisnotaconstraintforherandso

shecanlinger.Besidesclimate,fromthefieldwork,itisevidentthatchildren’sschoolandafter

schoolcommitmentsshapepatternsofuse.

Block-338,Amwaj-lagoonandBabAl-Bahrainplayhosttoanumberofculturalandsocial

activitiessuchasexhibitions,open-airmarkets,liveconcerts,festivals,carnivalsandtraditional

streetmarketsthatdisplaylocalwares.Theseeventsaretypicalfeaturesduringtheweekends

inthecoolermonthsandattractcrowdsfromallpartsofBahrainandaremanagedbypublic

orprivatesectors,asrevealedintheobservationsandinterviewsduringsitevisits.InBabAl-

BahrainSouq,theprovisionofamallwithahighwall(fortress)isastrongsegregationdesign

elementforaffluentusers;however,differentweeklyeventsarecreatedintheoutdoor

pedestrianisedavenueandintegratedwiththemallspace,whichattractdifferentsocial

groups.

5.4Informalandincidentalpublicopenspaces

ThissectionexplorestheusesofincidentalspacesinBahrainasrecordedduringthefieldwork

period.Theinterviewsandobservationsprovideanunderstandingofwhypeopleappropriate

specificplacesoverotherplaces.Thereareanumberofarchetypesthatofferatruesenseof

howtheseinformalspacesareusedinBahrain.Figures5.25–5.30showpatternsofusein

informalPOS,whichincludesstreets,sidewalks,parkingareas,vacantlands,traditional

coffeehouses,orspacesinfronthouses,shopsandmosques.

InBahrain,thereisadistinctiveandlivelystreetlife.Thesidewalksinseveralareasareused

forpurposesofleisure,gatheringandsocialisingaswellasforwalkingandexercise(Figures

5.25-5.27below).Thespacesinfrontofthelocalshops(coldstoresormini-supermarkets),

‘karak’(teashops)and‘Khabaz’(traditionalbakeries)arecommonplacesforyoungmalesor

migrantstogatheraswellasforresidentstomeet.Figures5.25showexamplesofhowthese

micro-spaces,predominantlylocatedaroundstores,foodoutletsortakeawaycafeterias,are

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popularforimpromptuget-togethersamongthepeoplewhofrequenttheseoutlets.

Additionally,vendorssellfruitsandvegetables,fish,popcornoricecreamonsidewalksas

showninFigures5.26.Activitiesofthistypewerechieflyobservedinthedeprived

neighbourhoods,wherethepeoplehaverestrictedmobilityacrossthecityandlimitedoptions

ofotherleisurefacilities.Figures5.27showanexampleofaneighbourhoodinHunainiyahsite.

Manyresidencesinthesepoorerareashaveaporchoranoutdoorextension,whichextends

ontothestreetandservesasapointforgatheringandsocialisingbothforthehomeowners

andotherneighbourhoodresidents.Itiscustomarytofindlocalresidentschattingoveracup

ofteaormigrantworkersmakingconversationabouttheirhomelandorjobopportunities.

ThiswasespeciallyapparentintheHunainiyahcontext.Someresidentsalsousetheincidental

spacesandsideroadstoplaycaroms(tablestone)orcards.Mengatheringinfrontofhouses

arealsocommoninoldMuharraq,whereseniorcitizensarepreservingthisBahraini

traditionalpractice.Thethresholdbetweenbuildingsandthestreetisanimportanttypology

ofplaceforsuccessfulintegrationandbelonging‘frombelow’(Alexanderetal.,2007).

Figures5.25Beingoutdoorsisamundaneculturalpracticeamongstthediversepopulation.

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Figures5.27Insomedeprivedneighbourhoods,theice-creamvanoracornershopcouldbetheonlyprovidedleisure.

Figures5.26Vendorsandvegetableshops,usuallyoperatedbymigrants,providesocialinteractionpointsinstreets.

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Figures5.29PlayingfootballorcricketarecommonininformalPOSbyBahrainisandmigrants.

Figures5.28Usingthesidewalk,streetcornersandparkingislandforrestingandgatheringbymigrantworkers.

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Similarly,parkingareasandvacantlandsinneighbourhoodsarealsousedforsocialgatherings

andinformalmeetings,particularlybymigrantsandteenagersandbychildrenforplaying

(Figures5.28–5.29onpage157)Vacantlandsandsidewalksarealsousedasparkingspots,

whichgenerallydeterpeoplefromusingthemforrecreation.Streets,parkinglotsandvacant

plotsinaneighbourhoodareoftenusedforinformalleisureactivitiesmainlybymen,young

childrenandyouths.AdultIndiansandPakistanisalsosometimescometoplaysportssuchas

footballorcricket.Thesestreetsandparkinglotsarealsofavouredbyyoungchildrenforriding

bicycles.Insomepubliccarparksandonsomeroads,Arabmaleyouths-includingBahrainis-

participateinactivitiessuchaslingeringaroundtheircarsormotorbicyclesandchatting,

doinggroupriding,exhibitingcarsandmotorbicycles,cardriftingorwashingandpolishing

theircars.

InbothMuharraqandBabAl-Bahrain,the‘gahawai’(coffeehouses)aresignificantspaces

duringthedailyroutineasshowninFigures5.30.Thesespacesholdadistinctiveappealto

gatherfor‘Gahwa’(coffee)orchai(tea)andhavealwaysbeenaprevalentfeatureinArab

cultures.The‘gahawi’arecurrentlyusedmostlybymen,bothArabandnon-Arab,and

primarilybytheolderBahrainimen,reflectingatraditionthatwasfashionableintheir

generation.Recently,AsianwomenworkersfromthePhilippinesandIndiahavealsobeen

seenusingsomeofthesecoffeehouses.Bahrainifamiliesfrommiddle-incomegroupswere

alsoseeninsomeoftherenovated‘gahawi’inthecasestudies.AyoungBahrainimotherand

employer,livinginadifferentcityandinterviewedina‘gahwa’inBabAl-Bahrain,mentioned

thatsheregularlycomesattheweekendtohavebreakfastinoneoftheserenovated‘gahawi’

Figures5.30‘Gahawi’ortraditionalcoffeehousesinstreetsareheritageurbanspacesandprovidesocialinteractionpointswithinthediversepopulation.

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withherhusbandandtwoyoungdaughtersastheyvaluethetraditionalatmosphereofBab

Al-BahrainSouqdespitetherenovation.These‘gahawi’arescatteredonthesidesoftheroads

andthebenchesandchairsoutsidethecoffeehousesarealsoplacesforoptionaluses(Gehl,

2011),e.g.forwearyorhungryvisitorstositforawhile,restorwaitfortheirtransportand

alsocreateinstancesfordirectinteractionbetweenthe‘gahwa’usersandpassers-by.Inthese

spaces,theseatingarrangementsusuallyspillontothestreetsandprovidevisiblepointsfor

peopletosocialise.

Walkingforexerciseisaneverydaypracticeandisthepredominantactivityintheurbanareas

inBahrainasappearedfromconductingethnographicmethods.Althoughtheactivityof

walkingforexercisehasalreadybeenaddressedearlierinSection5.2informalgreenspaces,it

isalsorelevanttounderstandthisactivityinthecontextofincidentalspaces.Theroadsand

pavementsinBahrainarenotparticularlyconduciveforwalkingorrunning.Recently,a

numberofwalkwaysandpathsinformalPOShavebeenconstructedforthesafetyand

convenienceofwalkersandjoggers.However,therearestillresidentswhopreferwalkingor

joggingonthestreetsorpavementsintheirimmediatevicinity.Oneofthemainreasonsfor

doingthisactivityontheroadsistoavoidthecrowdsinthegardensandparks.Another

rationaleistosavedrivingtime,sincemanypeopleneedtodrivetoreachthenearest

providedwalkwaytrack.However,thewalkersandrunnersavoidbusystreetsandjunctions

andinsteadchooseroadsofappropriatedistances,withsidewalks.Someissuesputforwardby

theusersofthesespacesrelatetothefactthatsomepedestriansidewalksarenotpavedor

aretoonarrow,whichledtosafetyconcerns.Accordingly,walkersandjoggersinthese

contextspreferthemainroadstotheneighbourhoodstreetsbecausemanystreetsinsidethe

neighbourhoodsarewithoutpedestrianpathsorthesespacesareoccupiedbyresidentsfor

parkingtheircars.

Asmanyoftheincidentalspaceshavebecomeinconvenientorlessaccessibleforfamilies’

leisurepracticesandsociability,theincreasingnumberofparksandgardenshasappearedas

analternative.Forexample,theJordaniangrandfathersaid,“Beforeweweregoingtothe

desert,butwiththeurbandevelopmentwearegoingtothegardensmoreasthecountryis

providingthem”,hencetheparksandgardenshavereplacedthedesertleisurepractices.

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5.5Religiousobservances

Althoughpeoplemayfeelmorecomfortableandintegratedinspacessharedwithsimilar

religiousgroups,segregationbyreligionwasnotobservedinmyfieldwork.Spacesmaybe

sociallydefined,suchasmosque,templeorchurch;however,thesedifferentinstitutionsare

seenincloseproximityontheroads(Figure5.31).ItisafamiliarsightinBahraintoseepeople

congregateinthecarparkofareligiousbuildingoronthestreetandopenspacesadjoininga

busymosque,mattam,temple,orchurchafterworship.Thesespacesalsoattractvendorswho

sellfruit,vegetablesandotherwarestotheprayer-goersandprovidepointsforencounters.

SinceIslamisthesharedreligionamongstthemajorityofpopulationinBahrain,ithasa

distinctiveeffectonthepatternsofuse.

5.5.1Prayertimes

PrayertimesdirectlyshapethetemporalityofMuslims’dailylifepattern.Thefieldworkshows

howtheprayertimeaddsacommunalpatternofuse.Forexample,observationsindicatethat

severalMuslimusersofKhalifaGardenenterthespacedirectlyafterprayersattheadjoining

mosque10.AnIndianaccountantdiscussedhowhecomestoKhalifaGardenimmediatelyafter

10AtDhuhr(midday)-prayertimetheGardenisclosed,althoughinwinterwhentheweatherallowsbeingoutsideatmidday.

Figure5.31Theproximityofreligiousinstitutions.

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‘Maghreb’(earlyevening)prayereverydayandwalksuntil‘Isha’(lateevening)prayer,thereby

doinghisexercisetimebetweenthesetwoprayers.Similarly,aphysicianmother,asecond

generationwithPalestinianroots,statedthatherfatherwalksinKhalifaGardeneveryday

after‘Fajer’(dawn)prayer,evenin‘Ramadan’(fastingmonth).OnFridaysinwintermonths,

thefieldworkalsoshowsthatfamiliesstartgatheringandhavingpicnicforlunchafter

‘Jema’ah’(Fridaymidday)prayer11.

Anymosquenexttoaparkorgardenalsohasasocialroleforbothmenandwomen.InKhalifa

Garden,manyregularworshippersvisitthegardenordotheireverydaywalkingaftertheir

prayersinthemosque.ThefieldworkinKhalifaGardenshowsthattheadjacentmosqueisnot

onlyusedjustbyresidentsinsurroundingneighbourhoodsbutalsobytheusersinthegarden

whocomefromothercities.Rashidexplained:

“Themosquenexttothegardenhasasocialrole,manyworshipperspraytheFajer(dawn)andgotothepark,andsimilarlymanypeoplefromthegardencometothemosque,andintheweekendthemosquehasmanypeoplewhoarenotfromtheneighbourhood;theycometothemosquefromthegarden”.

5.5.2ThetemporalityofRamadanMonth

IntheIslamiccountries,theHolyMonthofRamadan(fastingmonth)issignificantlydifferent

toothertimesoftheyear,whichshapestheactivitiesinthecities.InBahrain,thestartand

endofthefastingperiodisannouncedwiththetraditionalfiringoftheRamadancannon.At

thetimeandplacewherethecannonsarefired,manypeoplegatherwiththeirfamilyand

childrentoenjoythemoment,e.g.inFigure5.32a(below)acannonissetoverlookingthe

Hunainiyahvalley.However,oncethecannonsignalsthefastbreakingtime,thereisalullin

activitiesaroundthecountryandthestreetsandneighbourhoodsarevirtuallydeserted.

Justbefore‘Iftar’(breakingthefast),theroadsgetbusywithpeoplerushingtoeithermosques

orhomestobreaktheirfast.After‘Iftar’andthelateeveningprayers12,peoplegatherin

marquees,tents,‘majles’13orcoffeeshopstosocialise.Itiscommontovisitextendedfamilies

andclosefriends,andthestreetsarebusywithpeopleoutshoppingormeetingfamiliesand

11KhalifaGardenisclosedaslunchtime.Thegatesareopenfrom4:00amto8:00amandthenclosedtobereopenedfrom4:00pmto10:00amor12midnight.12Themosqueshaveadditionalnightprayers.13Sittingandgatheringroomorhallinthehouse

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friends.Tantalisingaromasoftraditionalfoodwaftdownthestreetsandtherestaurantsand

coffeeshopsareopenforbusiness,someuntildawn,asduringthedayMuslimsfast.

Themosquesserve‘Iftar’mealsforneedyfamiliesandpeople;itismostlymigrantworkers

whofrequentthese‘Iftar’meals.Thisactivityusuallyhappensintheopenspacesnexttothe

mosquesorinmarquees.SucheventsarealsoheldbysomecharityorganisationsintheBab

Al-Bahrain’spedestrianisedavenue(Figure5.32b).

Parksalsogetbusyduringthenight.SomeMuslimmigrantshavetheir‘Iftar’and‘Sehor’(a

latemeal)inthegardens;suchanactivitybeingmorepredominantinAndalusandSalmaniya

gardensbynon-Arabmigrants.Usersfromdifferentreligionsalsofrequentthegardensand

Figures5.32RamadancannonovertheridgeofHunainiyah(a).ArrangingPublicIftarinBabAl-Bahrainusuallyattractsmigrantworkers

(Alwasatnews,2015)(b).

a

b

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parksasatothertimesoftheyear,buttheyrefrainfromeating,drinkingorsmokingduring

thedayaseatingisbannedinpublicspacesduringfastingtimes.Migrantsarealsomore

visibleastheworkinghoursareshorterinRamadan.Anumberofpeoplecontinuetheir

habitualexerciseschedule,walkingorjoggingatdawn,afternoonornight.Itiscustomaryto

seeanumberofpeople,walkingorrunningintheparksortheroadsjustbeforebreakingthe

fast.

InRamadan,thereareanumberofBahrainifolkeventsthattakeplaceinoutdoorspacesthat

Iencounteredduringthefieldwork.ThesefolkeventsareknowntobepartofBahraini

heritage,butarenotreligiousevents.‘Qerqa’on’night,celebratedinthemiddleoftheHoly

Month,isaneventexclusivelycelebratedinBahrainandisnolongerculturallysignificantin

otherGCCcountries.Childrenweartraditionaloutfitsandgofromhousetohousesinging

traditionalversesandplayingthetambourineordrum.Sweetsandnutsaredistributedto

thesegroups.The‘Fresa’(ahorsemodel)isalsotakenoutinsmallprocessionsindifferent

neighbourhoodsatthistime.Anotherpracticeis‘Wedaeia’(farewellnight),whichfallsatthe

endoftheHolyMonth,wheregroupsofmenchantsongsandwalkintheneighbourhood.

Thesefolkeventsarealsosharedbyfamiliesfromdifferentorigins.

5.5.3ThetemporalityofEiddays

DuringtheEiddays,thetrendisforfamiliestovisittheirrelativesandgatherintheirhouses.It

isalsoatraditionalpracticeforthechildrentowalkaroundtheneighbourhoods,goto

differenthousestoseekblessingsandtocollect‘Eidia’(money).Theparksandgardensspaces

arealsousedforleisureactivities,andarespecificallyimportantformigrantswhodonothave

relativesinBahrain.Inthenightthatprecedes‘EidAl-Adhha’orFeastoftheSacrifice,thereis

alsoaBahrainifolkcelebrationcalled‘HeiaBeya’fortheyoungchildren.Thiscelebrationtakes

placeinPOSatseashoresandinHunainiyah(Figures5.33below).Childrenjoinfriends,

neighboursandfamilytosacrificetheirbelovedplant,whichtheyhavecarefullygrownina

basketinthedaysprecedingtheevent,bythrowingitintotheseaorintothevalley.

Observationsrevealedthattheseactivitiesarealsosharedbyfamiliesfromdifferentorigins.

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5.5.4Muharram

InMuharrammonth14,theuseofincidentalspacesinparticularreflectsreligiousactivitiesand

incertainareasinBahrain,worshipperscongregateinverylargenumbersonthestreets.In

BabAl-Bahrain,inthedaysbeforetheMuharaam,Iobservedthepreparationsforthese

events,whichdramaticallychangedthespace.ThespacebecomescrowdedwithBahraini

womenandfamilieswhocometopreparefoodinmattamsandgoshoppingforblackclothes

andgreenflagsandaccessories.Duringthesitevisits,vanswithfoodandgoodswereseen

14MuharramisthefirstmonthinthelunarIslamiccalendarandisnotfixedcomparedtoGeorgiancalendarmonths.ParticularreligiouspracticesareconductedbyShiaMuslimsinsomePOSinBahrainduringthismonth.

Figures5.33Atraditionaleventinthenightthatprecedes‘EidAl-Adhha’inHunainiyah.

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deliveringforthemattamsaspartofthepreparationprocedure.ThefacadeinBabAl-Bahrain

isalsocompletelytransformed.Figures5.34showhowtextilebannerscoverthewallsofthe

alleysandarealsohungoverthecanopies.Inthedaysandnightsofrelevantevents,thepolice

aredispersedintotheareatoensuresafety.Themattamsprovidepermanentandtemporary

shadeandoutdoorseatingareas,whichalsopromoteeverydaysociability.Thecongested

spacesarenotconvenientforbigcrowds;however,thespacehassignificantlyimportant

mattamsthatattractlargecrowdsduringtheseevents.ResidentsinBahrainarefamiliarwith

suchlargereligiousgatheringsinMuharramandsotheychangetheirtimeanddurationofuse

ofBabAl-Bahrainaccordingly.

5.6Politicaluprisinginthefield

TherecenteventsinBahrainstemmingfromtheArabSpringaffectedtheuseofsomeurban

outdoorspaces,butdidnotprevailorappearsignificantinthecollecteddata.Most

intervieweesdidnottalkaboutconflictsinthisrespect,exceptforsomeintervieweeswho

elucidatedthattheyavoidedplaceswheredisorderoccurred.Forexample,duringawalking

interviewwithIrfaninBabAl-BahrainonaFridaynight,Iobservedalargepresenceofriot

policemen,Irfansaid,“Shopscloseearlynow,afterfightingandproblemsonthestreets[…]

usuallywestayhere3-4hoursbutifthereisafightoraprobleminthearea,weleavesoon”.

Duringthefieldwork,therewerenoobviouspoliticalobservances,exceptthedelaysonthe

Figures5.34TheurbantemporalityofMuharram.

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roadifthereweresomeprotests.Theseaffectedthefieldworkononlyafewdays.Thedelays

causedduetoroadsbeingblockedwasalsomentionedbysomeintervieweesasdifficulties

thathamperedtheirmovements.

5.7MovementBarriers

InBahrain,acarisanecessityformany,andthedesignoftheurbanenvironmentreflectsthe

prioritygiventoroadtransport.

“RememberhowshockedyouwerewhenyouarrivedinBahrainanddiscovereditwasconsiderednormaltohopinacarsimplytocrossaroad?[…]Anddoyourememberhowquicklyyougotusedtodrivingeverywhere,notevenconsideringwhetheritwaspossibletowalkfromAtoB?”(TimeoutBahrain,2011)

However,notallpeoplehaveacarordrive,particularlymigrantworkers,lessaffluentfamilies,

elderlyandyoungpeopleandsomewomen15whodependonthemalefamilymembersto

drivethemaround.Inthego-alonginterviewinHunainiyahonamid-weekmorning,Nazir,a

BalochifatherwhomovedtoBahrain10yearsago,expressedhisconcernsregardingcar

availabilityandlongworkinghoursthataffectedhisfamily’saccessibilitytoPOS.Hesaid:

“I‘vebeenworking12hoursshiftandIdidn’tsleepyet.IjustcamefromworkbutIhavetotakethekidsout[…]NearwhereI’mstaying;thereisnospacetoplayorsitoutdoors.[…]Mychildrenwaitformyday-offtotakethemoutside”.

Workinghoursalsoshapedthepatternofusesofaffluentusers.ForexampleinAmwaj,a

BulgarianintervieweeinAmwaj-lagoonstatedthatinspiteofthefacthelivesonAmwajIsland

anditonlytakesafewminutestoreachthelagoon-side,hedoesnothavetimetovisitas

oftenashewouldlike.Heoccasionallymeetsafriendforcoffee.Atthetimeoftheinterview,

hementionedhewasrecuperatingfromsurgeryandhencehadsometimetoenjoywalkingat

thelagoon-side.However,hisfourteen-year-oldsonrideshisbicycletotheareaandspends

timewithfriends.SamaralsostatedduringthewalkinginterviewinAmwaj:

“Peopleherearebusyastheymostlyworkinhighpositionsandtimeisveryimportantforthem;theydon’thavemuchtimetogooutwithfriends.Also,alargenumberofresidentsareGCCnationalswhobuypropertyhereasasecondhome”.

15InBahrain,womenareallowedtodriveanditiscommontoseeBahrainiwomenorwomenfromdifferentmigrantbackgroundsdriving.Fordifferentreasons,intersectedwithclass,culture,incomeorage,somewomenchoosenottodrive.

167

Anotherbarrierincitiesorneighbourhoodsistheinconvenienceofwalking.Forexample,

duringtheprayertimes,itiscommontoseetheelderlywalkingtothemosqueandcrossing

theroadsinanunsafeandinconvenientsituation.Oneofthemaindifficultiesthroughoutmy

fieldworkwasthepracticalchallengeofwalkingthroughdifferentneighbourhoodseitherin

thego-alonginterviewsorduringthesitevisits.Manyroadshavenosidewalk;thereare

limitedpedestrianbridgesandlimitedpedestriantraffic.Mostoftheavailablepedestrian

sidewalksareunpavedandnarrowandseveralareusedforparkingduetoinsufficientparking

spaces.

Lackofparkingareaswasanotherbarrierforaccessingsomeplaces.Thisissueappearedacute

incongestedcontexts,especiallyinBabAl-Bahrainareaandwasmentionedbymany

participants,whoavoidtheareabecauseofthis.InsomeneighbourhoodsinBahrain,eventhe

mosqueshavenoparkingspaces,andcarsoftenblockthestreetsduringprayertimes.

Walkingfromplacetoplacecanalsobeinterpretedasalowstatusactivity,whichcouldbe

linkedtothepoorphysicalqualityofthepavementsinstreets.Someparticipantssuggested

thatwalkingconveystheimpressionofbeingasecond-classresidentormigrantworker(as

narratedbyHala,Faiza,BadraandSamarinthego-alonginterviewsandsupportedbytheon-

siteinterviews).Badrasaid:

“Ifyoudon’thaveacar,inBahrain,itisaproblem.IthappensthatIneedtotakemydaughterfromschool,ifsheishavinganactivityafterschool.Then,Ihavetowalktotakeher.Ifeelembarrassedtowalkandcrosstheroad.IknowBahrainihabitsaredifferentfromSyrians’;Iknowtheydon’twalkorcrosstheroads.ButwhatIcando?Ihavetobringmydaughterfromschool.Ican’tallowhertocomealone”.

Halaalsosaid:

“Allthepeoplelookatyouifyouarewalking.Idon’tlikethisfeelingthatI’mdoingsomethingweird.But,ifIwalkinAmwajnobodylooksatyou.Itisverynormal,peopleareusedtowalking.AndthesamethinginBabAl-Bahrain,itisalsonormaltowalk”.

HalafoundthatwalkinginAmwajisacommonpracticeasforeignersoftenwalkintheir

neighbourhood,whilesheexpressedfeelingalienatedifshewalkedwhereshelives.

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Currently,thepublictransitsystemiscommonlyusedbylow-incomegroups.InApril2016,

afterthefieldwork,anewpublictransitsystemwithbetterbusesandincreasingnumberof

routeswasintroduced.Theideaofusingthetransitsystemisstillnewtothepublicand

thereforeitcannotbeevaluatedforitsefficacy.However,duringthefieldwork,interviewees

includingaffluentusersmentionedtheneedforpropertransitroutes.Havingclearbusroutes,

convenientandshadedbusstopsprovidedwithbenchesmayalsohaveapositiveeffecton

integrationandsocialising.Encouragingpeopletousepublictransportisalsolinkedto

walkabilityandhasthepotentialtoanimatepedestrianroutesasinterconnectedwithtransit

points.

5.8Multi-sensorypleasuresofsocialisingoutdoors

Inthecollecteddata,theusers’pleasureatbeingoutdoorsinnatureappearedstrongnotonly

ingreenspacesbutalsoacrossthethreebroadtypologies(parksandgardens,pedestrianised

streetsandinformalspaces)andprovideduserswithmulti-sensoryexperiences.Different

patternsofuseexposeuserstodiversesensoryexperiencestogetherwiththe‘leisure-

pleasure’ofbeingoutdoors.Pink(2008)highlightsthatdifferentactivitiesinoutdoorspaces

wouldcreate‘sensorysociality’experiences.Thesensoryexperiencesofseeingandbeing

amongstothersinPOSalsointertwinewithnaturalsensoryqualities.Thisismentionedby

AmandaWisewhensheconsiders‘beingarounddifference’assensoryqualitiesthatemerged

inaqualitativeresearchaboutencounter(Neal,2015).Inthego-alonginterviewwithRashidin

KhalifaGarden,heemphasisedthevalueofsittingoutdoorstoenjoythedifferentsensory

experienceswithotherseitherinagardenorinastreetcafé,“Peoplewanttohavenice

outdoorsittingareaswithscenicviewandgoodweatherwheretheycangatherandsee

Figures5.35Atthebusstop,migrantworkersarevisible.

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others.”Inthisquote,encounteringpeopleappearsaspartofthesensoryexperiences.This

addsasocialdimensiontoarestorativespace(Thwaitesetal.,2011).Similarly,thesoundfrom

thesportfieldsinparksandgardensduringthedayandnightconveyedacordialandsafe

atmospherefrombeinginsharedspaces.Usersenjoysharingaspaceandtheiractivities,

whichfacilitatepositivefeelingsandtherebycreate‘mixedandminglingpopulations’notonly

inparksandgreenspacesasexploredbyNealetal.(2015,470)butalsoinotherurban

contexts.

Differentspaceshavedifferentsensoryqualitieswithdifferentperceptions.Therangeofthe

casestudiesintheresearchshowsthevarietiesofnaturalsensoryexperiencesrelevanttothe

vegetation,deserttopographyorsea.Thepresenceofvegetationinpublicspaceishighly

valuedbymany,bothBahrainisandmigrants.Thoughintervieweespreferredextendedgreen

views;anysmallpieceoflawn16canbevaluedandused,especiallybymigrantsasplantsand

greenspacesprovoketheirhome-countrymemories(thiswillbeexploredinChapterSix).

Additionally,theintervieweessaidthattheypreferredusingthegrassypicnicpodsbecauseit

iscooler,freeandcomfortablesothattheycanliedownorstrollwithoutslippersonthegrass,16ForexampleinAradBayPark,oncrowdeddays,Iobservedsomefamilieshavingapicnicinthesmallgreenislandintheparkingareaorontheroadside.

Figure5.36Bahrainiculturehasastrongrelationshipwithpalmtrees,whicharealsovaluedbymigrants.

170

whichenrichestheirsensoryexperiences.Thepeoplealsotalkedabouttrees,especiallypalm

trees(Figure5.36onpage169),e.g.LeenandherfriendAdam,aMalaysianchefonboarda

liner,saidthat,“ItissomethinguniqueaboutBahrain;wedon’thavepalmsinourcountry”.

ThedeserthasalwaysbeenconsideredanelegantnaturalelementamongArabs.Inago-along

interviewinHunainiyah(thedesert-edgelocation),Rahman,a22-year-oldBahrainistudent,

explained:“Theviewmightnotbeniceforsome.Butitisdesertnaturalviewforthosewholike

thedesert”.Thisareaprovidesquietnessandextendedviewsawayfromthehustleandbustle

ofcongestedurbanspaces.Rahmanexplainedthatsomeusers–groupsorindividuals-seek

thistopographicallocationinthevastnessofthedesertforserenityandtranquillity.He

claimedusersinthisspotrespectothers’motivationforquietnessandprivacy,asharedvalue:

“theyeventurnofftheircarlights.”Similarly,inanotherinterviewinHunainiyahPark,two

fathersofAraborigin,whowereraisedoutsidethecountrybuthavelivedinBahrainfor

decades,foundthatbecausetheareaofHunainiyahissurroundedbythedesert,openfromall

directionsand“notblockedbybuildings”ithas“nicecleanairandisnotpolluted”.Thedesert

characterinHunainiyah’scontextalsooffersdesertactivitiessuchasdrivingthroughsand.

(Figures5.37-5.38below)

Figure5.37TherenownedvalleydesertviewfromtheridgeinHunainiyahsite.Thispicturewastakenfromtheridgenexttoaneighbourhoodinthissite.HunainiyahPark

islocatedinthisvalley.

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Bahrainisanisland-countryandlikemostislanderstheresidentshereshareadeepbonding

withthesea,however,anaturalseaedgeandviewisrareinthisurbanisedcontext.Hala

drives45minutesseveraltimesaweekinthemorningtoAmwajtowalkalongtheseaedge.

Similarly,inashortinterviewinAradBayPark,anelderlyCzechgrandmotherandhousewife

whohaslivedinBahrainfor30yearsmentionedthatshedrives45minuteseverymorning

fromherhouseinSaartopickupherGreekandCypriotfriendsfromJuffairandthencometo

Figures5.38ThetopographyoftheridgeinHunainiyahcreatesasubstantiveinformalsettingfortheresidentsintheareaandvisitors(a).Socialsetting

andrespectingprivacyontheridge(b).

a

b

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AradBayPark,wheresheandherfriendsjogalongtheseafrontforthefreshairduringthe

lesscrowdedtimes.Thisisadailyritualforthemduringthewintermornings.Thefeelingof

beingcomfortableandrelaxedinthefreshairincloseproximitytotheseaappearsasashared

value.

WhiletheclimateinBahrainisoftenperceivedasaconstraintforoutdoorleisureactivities,

oneofthemoststrikingthemesthatemergedwasthepleasureofbeingoutdoorsingood

weatherasanaturalsensoryexperience.InBahrain,wintermonthsareusuallyperceivedas

‘goodweather’.However,peopleusuallyhavedifferentperceptionsaboutweather,which

shapetheirtemporaloutdoorleisurepatternofuseasexplainedpreviouslyinthischapter.

NazirinHunainiyahParksaid,“Ifit’scloudy,mywifesaysitisgoodweather,youhavetotake

usoutsideandnotstayathome”.ThephysicianmotherinKhalifaGardensaidthatinsummer

shedoesherwalkingintheGardenonlyduringthenightsoffullmoonbecauseitisbreezy.

Manyintervieweesexpressedhowsensoryexperienceswhenincontactwithnaturehave

restorativebenefits(GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).Intheparksandgardens,theparticipants

highlighttherestorativevaluesinsomespecificlandscapeelementssuchasthewaterfountain

andflowersandalsowildlifesuchasbirdsandfish.TheSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden,Nazir

inHunainiyahParkandMaysa,aSyrianmotherinArad,narratedthebenefitsofgettingaway

fromhomeandindoorspacesandfeelingrelaxedandcomfortablewhilebeingaroundnature.

DuringoneofthesitevisitsinthemorningtoAradBayPark,Isawnursesfromamental

hospitalwiththeirpatientssittingonthebenchesfacingthefountainintheplaza.Smellinthe

outdoorspacesalsohasrestorativevaluesandappearedveryrelevanttothemigrantsinthe

fieldwork,especiallyinthepedestrianisedcasestudies.ForFaizaandmanyothermigrant

communitiesinBabAl-Bahrain,thearomaoffoodsbeingcookedintheIndianrestaurantsand

theincenseburningfromthetemplesprovoketheirmemoriesandbringmeaningfulnostalgia.

Thesensoryexperiencesofbeingarounddifferentpeopleorspendingtimeoutdoorswith

friendsandfamiliesalsohaverestorativevalues.Escapeorgetawayinthecollecteddatadid

notalwaysmeangettingawayfromacrowd.Usersgotoplaceswitha‘goodcrowd’tosee

people.Formanyusersthegoodplaceistheonethatoffersunforgettableexperiencesof

gatheringoutdoors,meetingothers,orevenbeing‘alonetogether’(BynonandRishbeth,

2015).Peoplehavedifferentperceptionstowardsseeingfamiliarordifferentculturalgroups,

whichallinfluencerestorativevalues.Thiswillbeexploredfurtherinthenextchapter.

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5.9Conclusion

Thefieldworkshowedthattherearedifferentspatialpatternsofuseinpublicopenspaces,

andthatthetemporalityoftheseactivitiesreflectspersonal,communalandseasonalrhythms.

Bahrainhasahighlyethnicallydiversepopulation,andthisdiversityisreflectedintheopen

spaces.Themundanepracticeofbeingoutdoorsforleisurecanbeinterpretedasbotha

culturalpracticeandasasupportforpersonalwellbeinginahighlyurbanisedcontext.Hence,

barrierstobeingoutdoorsneedtobeconsidered.

IninvestigatingpatternsofuseinPOS,migrantexperiencesacrossbordersanddifferent

heritagepracticesthatflowwithmigrants(Hou,2013)havepredominatedinthefindings.

Lingeringandbeingoutdoorswithpatternsofsociabilityandextensivegatheringappearedas

leisureculturalpracticesinthefindings.Leisureactivitiesarecontextdependent(Byrneand

Wolch,2009)andthecollecteddatashowedthatinBahrainformalparksandgardensarenot

theonlyoutdoorleisurespaces,soarethepedestrianisedstreetsandinformalPOSwhere

necessaryandleisurepracticesintertwine.Forexample,BabAl-Bahrainsquareandsouq,the

traditionalcoffeehouses,andopenspacesinfrontofhousesandshopsallshowevidenceof

gathering,socialisingandspendingleisuretimeoutdoorsamongstothers.Supportingthe

necessaryactivitiesinPOSwithoptionalactivitiessuchasofferingoptionstositandlinger

(Gehl,2011;BynonandRishbeth,2015)provideschoicesforcontinuinghomeleisurepractices

inanewplace,whichinturnsupportstheprocessofadaptationandformsoftranscultural

practicesincontemporaryBahrain(NoussiaandLyons,2009;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Hou

2013).Thefindingsalsoshowhowdifferentleisurepracticesareshiftingspatiallyand

temporallybetweendayandnightindifferentseasons.Theseseasonaldynamicsgenerate

collectiveexperiencesamongdiverseuserswithdifferentactivitiesandmotivation.

WithvarietiesofformalandinformalPOSintheselectedcasestudyareas,thefindingsshow

thattheuseofPOS,eithergreenspaces,seaordesertedgesorsouqandstreet,would

promoterestorationandsocialandmentalwellbeing.Thisreflectsindividuals’diverse

perceptionsandextendsthestudiesonPOSandstressrestoration(Kaplan,1995)toinclude

desertandurbanspacesinhotclimatecontextswithaffordancestouseoutdoorsspacesand

socialise.Inthefindings,thesensoryqualitiesofnaturalscenery,cleanandfreshair,and

birdsongaresignificantrestorativeelements(Kaplan,1995;GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).

Likewise,socialsensoryqualities(Neal,2015)ofbeingdifferentorinfamiliarculturalgroups

couldpromotefeelingsofintegration,convivialityandegalitarianismwhensharingspaceswith

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others(asmentionedbyFaiza,theSyriansistersandMaysa).Migrantscouldfeelwelcomein

POSwheretheycancontinuetheirleisurepracticesthatreflecttheiridentities,which

promotesasenseofbelonging.Beingoutdoorsalsoevokesmigrant’smemoriesofmulti-

sensoryexperiencesofhomecountries,whichinturncontributetothewellbeingofmigrants.

Accordingly,theresearchsupportsthatthequalityofpermeabilityinPOShasaprimerolein

developingasenseofbelongingandsupportingmigrantstoadapt(PowellandRishbeth,

2012).Theselectedmethodshelptounderstandthequalitiesthatsupporttheabilityto

engageinoutdooractivities.Followinganethnographicapproachofspendingtimeon-siteand

repeatedvisitsallowedmetocaptureevidenceofthevisibilityofdifferentpracticesand

affordancesofbeingoutdoors.Supportingtheaffordanceforbeingoutdoorsandfacilitating

repeateduse,lingering,extendedgathering,indulgingandexploringoutdoorspacessupport

adaptationandalsoenlightenuserswithvaluesandsensoryexperiences(RishbethandFinney,

2006).

Inthefindings,culturalpracticesarenotonlyshapedbyreligionororiginbutalsobyother

culturaldifferencessuchaseducation,lengthofresidence,socio-economiclevel,mobility,

workinghours,andfamilycommitmentsandbyaffordancesoftheplacewithsocio-spatial-

temporaldimensionsandsensoryqualities(ByrneandWolch,2009;PowellandRishbeth,

2012).ThesedifferencesandaffordancescouldalsobebarriersforusingPOSandaffectsocial

wellbeingandjustice.Physicalandsocialbarrierscouldalsobestrugglesforadaptationand

transculturalpractices(Hou,2013).Toenactsocialinclusivity,justice(LowandIveson,2016)

andwellbeingandtosupportadaptation,senseofbelongingandtransculturalpractices(Hou,

2013;Rishbeth,2014),theoriesandpracticesonPOSneedtorecognisesocialandcultural

differencesanddynamicsandsupportaffordancesofdifferentplacesfordifferentcultural

practices.Thefindingsshowthatformalgreenspacescouldbesitesforadaptationand

similarlyinformalPOScouldsupportdiverseculturalpracticesandpatternsofsociability.

Hence,thelocationaldisadvantagesinurbancontextsandpoorlyfacilitatedopenspaces

shouldnotbeignored.Itshouldbenotedthatvisibilityofdiversityandbeingamongst

differencesmaynotalwaysbepositive.Themesofmemory,convivialityandresponsibilities

emergedintheanalysis,butthesemaynotbeasamenableastheseresultssuggestandpoints

offrictioncouldalsoappear.Thesethemeswillbeexploredinthechapterthatfollows.

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ChapterSix:VisibilityofCulturalDifferenceandAffordancesforConviviality

6.1Introduction

Thischapterpresentsdataonthesecondaimoftheresearchofhowconvivialityissupported

oraggravatedinurbanpublicspaceswithinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.

Thedatafromthepreviouschapteriselaboratedheretoexplorehoweverydayactivities

supportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractioninformalandinformalspacesandhowconviviality

isshapedwithregardtoculturalandethnicdifferences.Thisdataresultedfromthemain

fieldworkactivitiesthatwerescheduledbetweenJuly2014andJanuary2015intheformof

interviewtranscripts,photographsandfieldnotes.Thego-alonginterviewsenrichthedata

withstoriesaboutpeople’srelationsanddetailsofsocio-spatialassociationinpublicopen

spaces(POS).Walkinginterviewsalongwiththestorytellingapproachexplorednuancesofthe

meaningsfromtheparticipants’perspective(ValentineandSadgrove,2012).On-site

interviewswereasignificantmethodinsupportingtheethnographicpracticestoexplorethe

meaningsofencountersthathappenedduringtheinterview.

Thischapterisdividedinto10sections.Thenextsectionillustrateshowaspectsof

geographical,historicalandculturaldimensionsintheresearchcontextsupportconviviality.

ThechapterthendemonstrateshowPOScanshapetransculturalbelongingandsupport

transculturalbondingamongmigrantgroups.However,withthevisibilityofdifferentsocial

positionsinasuperdiversecontext,differencesmaynotalwaysbeacknowledgedand

convivialityisnotalwaysstraightforwardaswillbeexplainedinsection6.5.Somethemes

appeartoshapeamoralcode,namelycleanlinessandparentingpractices,andtheseare

discussedinmoredetailinsection6.6.Finally,beforeconcludingthischapter,theresearch

analysestheaffordancesofmundaneanddesignatedPOSforsociabilityandmeaningful

encountersandaspectsofpositivenegotiationaselucidatedinsections6.7,6.8and6.9.

Insummary,thischapterhighlightsthefollowingfindings:

1. Sociability,visibilityofdiversityandthecordialatmosphereinsharedspacesarehighly

valuedbyusers.

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2. Asenseoflocalbelongingandbeingwelcomedisrevealedintheparticipants’stories,

demonstratinghowinparticularplaces,participantsfeltlikeaninsiderand‘athome’.

Oftentheseemotionsreflectmigrants’identities,pastmemoriesandthehistoryof

places.

3. Parentingandlitteringinparksandgardensappearasminorconflictsfromthe

differentculturalexpectationsregardingsocialresponsibilityandethicsofcarein

public.Theseconflictswerenotshapedbydifferentsensesofbelongingandplace

attachmentnorrelatedtothespatialandphysicalcharacteristics.Someofthese

conflictswerefoundinrelativelywell-maintainedanddesignedformalgreenspaces.

Inspecificlocations,publicresponsestothesedifferencesdoposeapotential

challengetoconvivialityandcanexacerbatesocialdivides.

4. Inresponsetosomeofthese‘minor’conflicts,someuserswithdrawtemporally(adapt

theirtimesofvisiting)orspatially(choosenottovisit)specificlocations.Thiscanbe

alliedtothepatternsofnegotiationinrespondingtodifferentculturalexpectations.

5. Withdrawalcancreatesegregationandlimitstheongoingpotentialforsocial

encounteracrossdifferences.

6. AffordancesforrecreationinPOSwerecentraltoprovidingoutdooractivitiesandare

importantforfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoorsandproviding

opportunitiesforencounterswithdiversepeople.Spaciousparksandgardenswitha

widerangeoffacilitiesarehighlyvaluedbyusers.Streetsthatsupportwalkability

and/orsitabilityarevaluedfortheiraffordancesforbeingoutdoors;particularlyfor

peoplewithabusylifestyleorwithoutaccesstoprivatetransport.

7. IncreasingspatialandtemporalrecreationalactivitiesinPOS,withintegrationand

intersectionoftheseactivities,provideschoicesforbeingoutdoorsandsupports

informalencountersandpositiveformsofnegotiations.

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6.2Affordancesoftheresearchcontext

6.2.1HybridityandcommonplacediversityinBahrain

Whileaboutonlyhalfofthissmallcountry’slandispopulated,Bahrainranksseventhamong

themostdenselypopulatedcountriesintheworldwithmorethan50%ofthepopulation

comprisingofinternationalmigrants.Intheselectedcasestudies,observationsrevealedthat

thisdiversityisexceedinglyvisibleinthedissimilarityofattires,life-styles,languagesand

accentsamongtheusers.Thisdiversitycanbeobservedwhilstoneishavingamorningcoffee

inacornercafe,walkinginthesouq,joggingontheroad,visitingaparkorgarden,orjust

strollinginaneighbourhood.ChapterFiveexplainedthattheuserswithdiversesocialand

culturalpracticesfromdifferentmigrantsandnon-migrants’backgroundsconductdivergentor

parallelactivities,collectivelyorindependently,inthesharedspaces.Participantsacceptthese

momentsofsharingactivitiesintheoutdoorspaces,andforthemdiversityaddsvalueand

qualitytothespace,whichisaconvivialappealofintegration(Nealetal.,2015).

Manyintervieweesexpressedthattheydonothaveaproblembeingsurroundedbypeopleof

differentorigins.InAmwajIsland,Samar,theBahrainiwomanresident,said,“Bahraindoesn’t

segregatebetweendifferentnationalities,sopeoplegetalongwitheachother.Evenifthey

don’tinteractdirectly,theyareatleastacceptingbeingtogetherinaplace”.Rashid,the

BahrainimaleinKhalifaGarden,alsocommented,“Bahrainisdon’tmindothernationalitiesor

origins,anywhereyougoinBahrainyoucanfinddifferentnationalities”.Forsomeusers,this

diversityfostersafeelingofbelongingandfamiliarityinbeinginacosmopolitanspace(Powell

andRishbeth,2012).Similarly,Wessendorf(2014b)describestheresearchcontextinHackney

that“everybodycomesfromelsewhere”.ThisdiversityfortheMalaysianinterviewee,whohas

livedsevenyearsinBahrain,allowshimtoconsiderBahrainametropolitancitycomparableto

hiscountry.Hestates,“I’mfromthecapital.TomeBahrainisanothermetropolitancity”.

Hence,theconceptofcommonplacediversityappearedtoberelevanttotheresearchcontext,

whichsupportsconviviality(Wessendorf,2014b).

Thefieldworkrevealedthatthediversitydidnotposeathreattotheusers;infact,itlenta

senseofnormalityorrootednesstothem.AnItalianmanwhohasbeenlivinginBahrainfor22

yearssaid(alsocorroboratedbytheEthiopianwomensittingwithhim):

“Bahrainisaverysmallislandandanywhereyougo–forexample,inacoffeeshop,youcanfindmaybe20differentnationalitiessittingatonetableandallaregoodfriends.But

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ifyougotoUAEorDubai,itishugeandtheyaredifferent,completely.Scandinavianseparate,GermanseparateandBritishseparate,butonlyinBahrain[…]becausetheislandisverysmallandeverybodyisconnectedsomehowtoeachotherandsocialise.Wearefriends”.

Thisdemonstratestherelationshipbetweentheconvivialityandgeographicalcharacteristics

ofBahrain.Inthiscontext,WilliamWhyte(1980)hasarguedthatthereisapositive

relationshipbetweenthesmallcitiesandthesocialinteractionamongtheirresidents.Kareem,

theBahrainimaninterviewedinBabAl-Bahrain,alsojustifiesthisperceptionfromadifferent

viewpointrelevanttoeducationandculture,implyingacultureofhospitality(Section2.3.3).

HesaidthatBahrainhadaflourishingoilindustryandBahrainisaregenerallyhighlyeducated

andprogressive-thinkingpeople,hence,Bahrainexplicitlywelcomesdiversity.Headdedthat

foreignerswhohaveexperiencedlifeinotherArabcountriesreadilyagreethatBahraini

peoplearehospitable,affableandculturedandforthisreasondiversenationalitieshavemade

thiscountrytheirhomeforgenerationsandhavedeep-rootedtieswiththelocalpeople.

However,migrationinBahrainisnotsomethingnewandhybridityhasdevelopedthroughout

itshistory(Section2.2.4.1),whichisalsoshapedbyBahrain’sphysicalandsocialurbanfabric.

Thishybriditycauseddiversitytoberecognisedpositivelyaspartofthehistoryandheritageof

theresearchcontext.Inthesenseofmigration,hybridityincitiesmeansculturalmixtures

fromdifferentgeographicallocationsandoverdifferenttimeperiods;hence,itrepresentsthe

historyofmigrationandculturalpracticesandidentitiesofbothmigrantandhostpopulations

(Hutnyk,2005).Thelayersofcomplexitythatareinterwovenbetweenglobalandvernacular,

traditionalandmodernassumedistinctivehybridandcosmopolitancharacteristics(Nasser,

2004a).Inthecasestudiesandfromobservations,thecomplexityinphysicalcontexts

appearedinmixtureofstyles,functionsandzoningsatmicroormacro-levels.Forexample,in

thego-alonginterviewinBabAl-Bahrain,Faizapointedout:

“Lookattheshops,thereisalsoamixture:Bahrain-Bangladeshcargo,thisisaPakistaniHotelandthisisBangladeshiHotel.Theyarenexttoeachother.LookherealsoaPakistani-BangladeshiInternetshop”.

Hospitality,tosomeextent,canbeseenasaresourcethataidssocialinteractionsinpublic

spaces,butconvivialityisalsosupportedbythegeographicalcontextandhybriditythathave

extendedthroughouthistory,aswellas,bythevisibleeverydaydiversityandcohabitationin

contemporarycities.

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6.2.2Interculturalsustainedrelations

Inthefieldwork,Icommonlyencounteredfamiliesandgroupsoffriendswithmembersfrom

differenthome-countryorigins.InHunainiyah,Ididashortinterviewwithagroupoffriends

fromSudan,Pakistan,ItalyandRussiawhoarestudentsandemployeesinvariousfields,living

indifferentareasinBahrain.InAradBayPark,thethreefriendsfromCyprusandGreece

routinelycometogethertodotheirwalkingexercisealongtheseafrontandanothergroupof

fiveadultfriendsandfamiliesfromIndonesiaandMalaysiacametotheparkindifferentcars

andhadarrangedtheirrunningandpicnictogether.IalsometthreewomenfromSerbiaand

ItalywholiveinAmwajandhadarrangedtheirgatheringatthelagoon-side.Faizaalso

describedthegroupsofpeoplewhooccupyBabAl-Bahrainarea,“eachgroupgatheringcanbe

fromdifferentmixtureofnationalities”.ShealsotalkedaboutherweeklygatheringinKhalifa

Gardenwithhersister,friendsandneighboursfromBangladeshandIndiaandclarifiedthat

herIndianfriendsarefromdifferentregionsinIndiawithdifferentcultures.Faizaalso

mentionedthatmanyofherfriendsareIndians,buttheirhusbandsareBahrainis.Duringthe

fieldworkintheselectedcasestudies,Imetseveralfamiliesfrommixedmarriages(e.g.

Filipino-Bahraini,Syrian–Bahraini,British-Bahraini,Indian-Bahraini,Pakistani-Bahraini).These

typesofsocialrelationsarenotrelevanttotheconceptofsustainedandextendedencounters

asdescribedbyNealetal.(2016)andWilson(2016).Theseinterculturalrelationsaremore

deeplysustained,buttheirvisibilityinthefieldwork,thoughtheyarenotnecessarilyinitiated

fromPOS,addtotheaffordancesoftheplacetosupportthepotentialfortranscultural

conviviality.

Figures6.1Interculturalsustainedrelationswereobviousinthefieldwork.

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6.3Memoryandtransculturalpractices:SenseofbelonginginPOS

Inurbansociologyandethnography,momentsanddetailswithin‘cosmopolitancanopies’are

qualitiesthatprovokememoriesbetween‘hereandthere’or‘nowandpast’(Anderson,E.

2004;Ingold,2012).Thesememoriestranslateintomeaningfulattachments,transcultural

connectionsandsocialassociationsinanewplace(Armstrong,2004;RishbethandPowell,

2012).Thisemotionalhybridity(inmemories)appearstofosterasenseoffamiliarityornew

belongingformigrantsinahostcountry.

Inthefindings,participantswithmigrantbackgroundsformedsignificantconnectionsbetween

theirexperiencesofhomeandhostcountryinthehybridformsofmemories,whichhave

becomepartoftheirdaily,socialandculturalpracticespostmigration.

6.3.1InBabAl-BahrainSouqandSquare:LittleIndia

Faiza,theIndiansinglemotherwhomovedtoworkinBahrain16yearsago,whosedaughters

werebornherementionedthatBabAl-BahrainremindsherofIndia.Sheusedexpressions

‘LikemyIndia,’‘Ifeelhereitisourcountry’and‘Ifeelitismyplace’whichunmistakably

expressherintimateaffiliationandbelongingtothearea.RegardingtheroundaboutinBabAl-

BahrainSquare,Faizaadded,“WehaveinIndiaexactlythesameplace:aroundareawith

water[fountain],wherepeoplearesitting,drinkingteaandeatingsamosa.Soitisexactlylike

India”.Inanothergo-alonginterview,Irfan,whohasbeeninBahrainfortwoyears,madea

referencetoabondingwithhishomelandwhenhevisitsBabAl-Bahrain,“Thereisoneplacein

Indiasamelikethis.Itisalsoa‘bazaar’.Whathappenshereissimilartothe‘bazaar’inIndia,

sameactivities”.Forthesetwoparticipants,theBabAl-Bahrainsiteisahybridspacewhere

‘here’(theArabicsouq)and‘there’(theAsian‘bazaar’)areintertwined(Figure6.2onpage

181).

Faiza’sapparentfamiliaritytothespacewasalsoevidentinherreferencetoherselfasthe

‘insider’whowasleadingme(aBahraini)‘theoutsider’.DuringthejourneywithFaizainBab

Al-Bahrain,sheguidedmethroughthealleysofthesouqwithconfidence,prideandfamiliarity

aboutthespaceandthepeople,whichwasclearlyevidentinhervoiceandmanner.She

wantedtoshowmeeverythingabouttheplaceandsaid,“Youhavetocomemanytimesto

knowthearea.Iknowtheareaverywell”.FaizahasneverlivedinBabAl-Bahrainarea;yet,

transnationalbondinghasallowedFaizatofeelthatshebelongsmoretoBahrainthantoher

homecountry,asexplicitlymentionedbyher.IrfantravelstoBabAl-Bahrainonceortwice

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everyweekendbybus,whichtakesmorethanonehour.Theattachmenttothespaceis

informedbyrepeatedvisitstothearea(RishbethandFinney,2006),inwhichtheyhave

becomemorefamiliarwiththespaceasinsiders(Armstrong,2004;PowellandRishbeth,

2012).

FaizaalsodescribesBabAl-Bahrainas‘ourshoppingcentre’,butthemotivationandvaluesfor

usingthisspacegobeyondthat.ForFaiza,thefactthatshecanmeetandcommunicatewith

peopleandsimulateexperiencessimilartothoseinhernativecountryinspireshertofrequent

BabAl-Bahrain,“Ifmymoodisnotnice,Itakemychildrenandcomehere”.Thearomasofthe

IndianfoodinthealleysallowFaizatoreliveherchildhoodmemories.Thefragranceofincense

fromthetempleisalsopresentinpartsofthesouqalleyallowingavisitortoexperiencethe

feelingasiftheyhavetravelledtoanAsiancountry.Abusysouqalleywithavisibilityofher

culturalgroupshasarestorativevalueforFaiza;shechoosesto‘escape’andconnecttoher

homecountryhere(Section2.4.2.1).

Itwasrevealedfromspendingtimeon-sitethattheusersofthisspacearediverse,butmostly

Indian,sotheHindilanguageisdominant.ItisapparentthatinBabAl-Bahrain,the

relationshipbetweenBahrainisandIndiansiscongenial.FaizamentionsthatinBabAl-Bahrain

alltheregularBahrainiusersspeakHindi:

Figure6.2ThesouqinBabAl-BahrainislikeanIndianbazaar.

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“WhenyougotoBabAl-BahrainyouseeaBahrainiwhosays‘habanjikaisahai’,whichmeans‘sisterhowareyou?[…]HeremanypeopleknowHindi.Itlookslikethecommonlanguagehere.Notdifficulttotalkwithothersandknowwhatothersaresaying”.

ThisdemonstratesapositiverelationshipbetweenBahrainisandIndiansinthespace.The

historicalbackgroundofthespacehasreflectedonthespatialtransformationofthesouqas

wellasontheculturalpracticesandsocialrelations.Thismeansnewcomersfeelathomeand

thisaffectiontowardBabAl-BahrainareaisalsosharedbydiverseAsiannationalitiessuchas

thosefromthePhilippines,PakistanandBangladeshasalsoexplainedbyFaiza.

WhileaspacelikeBabAl-BahrainhasatransculturalconnotationforAsianmigrants,itisnot

solelyamigrant‘ethnoscape’(Irazábal,2011).Italsohasauthenticsocialvaluesand

interpersonalattachmentforBahrainis,particularlyfortheoldergenerationsforwhomBabAl-

Bahrainrepresentsthecarefreedaysoftheiryouth.Whilemanyofthemhavemovedoutof

thearea,theycontinuetovisitregularlytoreconnectwiththeirpastandreaffirmtheirsocial

relationshipwiththearea,whilstsharingthespacewithdiverseusers,whichsupports

opportunitiesforsocialinteractionsas‘therapeuticvalues’(Section2.4.2.1).Kareem,the

Bahrainimiddle-classparticipant,claimedthathedrivestoBabAl-Bahrainareaevery

weekend,“Wewalkandseetheotherpeople”.Kareemnarrated:

“I’msoattachedtothissouq;however,whenItalkaboutittoyouormysons,Ican’texplainitbecausethisissomethingthatcannotbeexpressed.TheageIlivedhereandmymemoriesinthespacelinkmetothespace”.

Shortlyaftermyfieldworkwascompleted,aprojectnamed‘LittleIndia’wasinauguratedin

thearea,whichcouldbeconsideredapositiverecognitionpractice(LowandIveson,2016)of

theIndiangroupsandtheirhistoryinBahrain.Theprojectincorporatesthesouq,the

surroundingstreetsanda200-yearold‘Krishna’Temple.BabAl-Bahrainisalsoatouristarea

forlocalsorforeignerswhooccasionallyusethespace,butforsomepeopletheplaceis

significantasmuchmorethanatouristdestination.

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6.3.2Parksandgardens:like-homedesertpracticesandchildhoodmemories

Memoriesoftheirhomecountriesappearedtousersindifferentspaces,includingparksand

gardens.SeveralrecentmigrantscantracetheirBedouinancestrytowhereverdantlawns

servetorejuvenatethewinterdesertleisurepractices.Forusers,picnickingonlawnsor

gatheringingroupshelpsthemtoreconnectwiththedesertambiancenotonlyinwinterbut

throughouttheyear.Zaina,oneoftheSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden,clarified,“TheSyrians

onlyrelaxwhenitiswinterandallthewintermeansdesertforthem,wheretheycanhavetheir

comfortandfreedom”.InHunainiyah,thebroadethnographicmethodsrevealedthatalarge

sectionoftheusersareYemeniandinthewordsofanoldYemenigrandmother,thearea

remindsthemofSana’a:Thefortonthetopoftheridge.Acommonnoticeabletrendamong

certaindesertusersistocordonofftheirsittingareaswiththeircars.InHunainiyah,itisalsoa

familiarsighttofindgroupsofArabmengatheringbesidetheircarsinthecarparktochat,

haveameal,drinkteaorplaycards,synonymoustothedesertpractice(Figures6.3).Proximity

totheircarsoffersasenseofidentityandapersonalterritorytotheseusers.

Adayoutintheparksandgardensalsoallowedmigrant(Arabandnon-Arab)userstobeaway

fromtheirhomesforlongerandservedasareminderoftheleisureactivitiespopularintheir

countries.FaizareminiscedaboutherchildhoodinIndiawhenshewouldgoontripstodistant

placesduringholidayswithherfamily,andsheexpressedaclosenesstoherhomelandwhen

shetakesherchildrenonapicnicwithfoodshehascookedtoalocationatadistancefromher

home.

Figures6.3TheparkingareaisthepreferredspatialchoiceformaleleisureactivitiesinHunainiyah.

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Itiscommonformigrantfamiliesandwomentoarrangetheirgatheringatparksandgardens.

Hala,thePalestinian-Syrianmother,statesthatitisunlikelytofindBahrainisarrangingtheir

gatheringatthegardensandparksastheygenerallygatherattheirhomesand‘Majles1’.It

appearsthatforsomemigrants,thegardensaretheir‘Majles’,andindeedZainausedthe

word‘Majles’todescribepicnickingandgatheringgroupsintheKhalifaGarden.Such

gatheringsalsoinstilintheusersthevalueofaffinitytoasecondhometowhichtheycan

invitefriendsandrelatives.Intheparksandgardens,duringthefieldobservations,itwas

noticeablethatsomemigrantfamiliesgatherinlargegroupsof10to15personsormore.The

Syriansistersstatedwithobviouspride,whenIaskedabouttheirgatheringsizecomparedto

othergroupsduringthetimeoftheinterviewinKhalifaGarden,“Itislargerthanthatwhenwe

meet”.Fromthefieldnotes,theFilipinosandIndianfamiliesinAndalusGardenalsoholdlarge

familyandfriends’gatherings,picnicsorcelebrationsofspecificoccasionssuchasbirthday

parties.Itcouldbeinterpretedthatsocialisinginthegardenenhancesmigrants’self-esteem,

asitrepresentsthesizeoftheirsocialnetwork.Suchpracticeisalsorestorativeasithelps

themtoretaintheirmigrantidentityinthehostcountry.

Fromobservationswithalandscapearchitectureperspectiveandsupportedbyusers’

interpretations,thevastnessofthelawnenablesthemtoholdlargegatheringsandtosocialise

withothers;incontrast,thebenchesaccommodateonlysmallgroupsandarenotcomfortable

forthosefamilieswhoprolongtheirstay.Additionally,thebenchesareusuallyhotinsummer,

whilethelawniscooler.SalmaniyaandAndalusarealsoprovidedwithchoicesofseating

areas,picnictablesandgazebos,butsomeoftheseseatingareasdonotaccommodatelarge

groups.InAndalus,accordingtothefieldnotes,somelargegroupsusethelowwallnextto

theirdiningtables(inthearcadesittingareas)toextendtheirsittingareaandtoplacetheir

householdgoodsbroughtalongforanextendedpicnic.(Figures6.4onpage185andalso

Figures5.8inChapterFive)

1TheMajlesisanindoorsittingandgatheringroominthehouseorextendedfromthehousewherepeoplemeet,socialiseandgather.

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6.4TransculturalbondinginPOS

Theinterviewswithdifferentrespondents,especiallymigrants,highlightedthatastrong

motivationforuserstogatherinparksandgardensistheopportunitytomeetandinteract

withothersfromtheirnativecountry.Fortheseinterviewees,incidentalmeetingsandmaking

acquaintancesarememorableexperiences,whichadddistinctvalue,meaningand

interpersonaldimensionstothesespaces.Whilesuchencounterscannotbeclassifiedasinter-

Figures6.4Visiblepatternsofsociabilityinparksandgardensaresupportedbytheaffordancesofthedesignandmanagementoftheparksandgardensandtheprovidedlandscapeelements.

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cultural,theypromote,sustainandwidenopportunitiesformigrantstosocialiseinahost

countryandestablishbondingorconnection.

Alludingtothis,theSyriansistersexplainedthesignificanceofKhalifaGardenintheirlives,as

itwasheretheycouldmeetandsocialisewithotherwomeninaneutralyetfriendly

environment.Badrarelatedhowononeoccasionshemetarelativewhomshehadnotseen

sincesheleftSyria16yearsago.Suchencountersandsocialbondingchangedthesewomen’s

perceptionsoflivinginaforeigncountryawayfromfriendsandfamily.Thesistersexplained

duringthego-alonginterviewtheirfeelingofbelongingtoBahrainbutnottotheirhome

country.Itwasevidentthatthisincreasedsenseofbelongingtothehostcountryisnota

negativereactiontotherecentpoliticalupheavalsinSyria,butapositivereflectionoftheirlife

inBahrain.

ThedesignandlayoutintheBabAl-Bahrainareaalsobenefitedfromhighvisualandphysical

permeability,inwhichuserscanseethatonweekendsthespaceiscrowdedwithmalemigrant

workers.AccordingtoIrfanfromIndiawhohasspentthelasttwoyearsworkinginBahrain,

“BabAl-BahrainonFridayisforIndianpeople.Itbecomesabrightandhappyplacefilledwith

Indians”,andKareemsaid,“ThisisthemostimportantplaceforIndianstosit,”referringtothe

roundabout.Irfanclaimsthatheandhisfriendschoosetomeetattheroundaboutasitiseasy

tospotpeopleapproachingfromanydirection,“fromtheroundabout,wecanseeinteresting

scenarios”aspeoplearemovingaroundintheSquare.ItwasmentionedearlierthatIndian

migrantscrowdtheBabAl-Bahrainareaasthespacehassignificanttranscultural

connotations.

Migrantsalsocrowdtoareaswheretheyfeelintegratedandthereisafeelingofbelongingto

onelargecohesivegroup(PowellandRishbeth,2012).Irfanreminisceshisearlydaysin

Bahrain:

“IrememberthatfirsttimeIcametoBahrainIsatwithoneofmyfriendsthere,attheroundabout,andIwasdiscussingsomematteraboutmystate[…]SuddenlyIfoundonepersonsittingtherewhobelongstomystateandhestaysneartomyhomeinIndia,soIfindhimherefromthispoint”.

TheseencountersenabledpeoplelikeIrfanwhowerefarfromtheirnativelandtoidentify

themselvesinasocietysodifferentfromtheirown.

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ThefindingssupporttheworkofBynonandRishbeth(2015),whichindicatesthatsocialising

betweenpeoplecanbestrengthenedthroughlingeringandspendinglongerperiodsoftime

outdoors.Faiza,thesinglemotherfromIndia,mentionedthatinKhalifaGarden,sheisableto

meetpeoplewhomshemayotherwisenotencounterinhereverydaylife.Sherecountedher

visittoKhalifaGardenthus,“Igoasoneperson,butintheend,Imeetsomanypeople”.In

Amwaj,Samarexplicitlymentions:

“WhilestayinglongerIseepeopleIknow.Weexchangefelicitationsorstayandchattogetherwithsomefriendswehavenotseenforawhile,suchaschildhoodfriends.Wechatandsharenumbers.Wehavesocialconnectionagain.Itwouldnothappenifwedidn’tstayoutsidelongerwalkingorsittingandwatchingpeople”.

Suchopportunitiesarecommonwhenpeoplespendtimeoutdoorsinpublicspace.Though

SamarisBahraini;theimpactofthiscanbeevenstrongerformigrants,asbyspendinglonger

outdoors,theymeetpeoplefromtheirhomecountry.Thiscanstrengthenbonding(Putnam,

2000)andmutualsupportwithinmigrantgroups.

6.5Thevisibilityofbeingoutside:Acknowledgingorjudgingdifferences?

Inthefieldwork,interviewees’perceptionstowardacknowledgingdiversityandmixityin

publicspacesoftensurfacesinthediscussions.Analysisofthetranscriptsindicatesawareness

ofsuperdiversesocialpositions,oftenpreciselyintermsofgender,age,socio-economic

echelons,socialpositioning,healthconditions,dresscode,orsmalldetailsinlife-style

practicessuchasparentingortypeofcar.Inthefindings,peoplewouldexploresimilarity

amongthediversesocialpositionsthatbridgesotherculturaldifferences.TheYemenifemale

vendorinHunainiyahParksaidthatshevaluedherinteractionwiththedifferentnationalities

inHunainiyahPark,butshealsosaidthattheyareallpoorand“poorpeopleunderstandeach

other,theyaresame”.Religionsarealsoconsideredaspectsofcommonalitythatbridge

nationalmigrantdiversity.Nazir,theBalochifatherinHunainiyah,saidthattherearedifferent

ethnicitiesinthepark:

“butalltogethertheyaregoodwitheachother.Sometimes,wetalktoeachotherandthekidsplaywitheachother.Theydon’tsaytheyaredifferent,PakistanisorYemenis;allaregoodwitheachother.So,thereisnoproblem[…]allarebrothers:allMuslims”.

Wecannotignore,however,thatvisibilityofdifferenceshasalsochallengesandthatsome

peopleinsteadoflookingatcommonalitieslookataspectsofdifferences,whichmaycause

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categorisation.Forexample,agroupoffriends,threefemalesandonemale,fromItaly,Russia,

PakistanandSudan,talkedabouttheirexperiencesofsocialising.Theysaidthatintheir

relationship,theysharethesamevalues,andthroughthesecommonvaluestheybridgethe

ethnicdifferencesamongstthem.However,theyaddedthatsomepeoplejudgeothersbased

onstereotype.TheItaliangirlsaid,“Especiallyus,weareverywhite.Weareveryvisible,”while

pointingtobothherRussianfriendandherself.

Differencescouldalsobeseenamongthesameculturalgroups.InKhalifaGarden,the

JordaniangrandfatherwhomovedtoBahrainin1978criticisedthecurrenttendencyofsome

peoplewhoinsteadoflookingatArabsasanethniccommunitycategorisethembycountryof

origin“Bahraini,Jordanian,Yemeni,orSyrian”.InAradBayPark,amiddle-classBahraini

mother,criticisedthemajorityofnon-educatedArabmigrantswiththeirdifferentculturesin

publicparksandgardensandfoundthatitisa“probleminBahrain”.Hala,anArabmigrant,

alsomentionedthatsheavoidsspaces,suchasKhalifaGarden,frequentedbylow-class,

uneducatedmigrants,includingArabs,andthosewhohaddifferentlife-stylesandmentalities.

Culturaldifferencescouldshapepeople’snormsandbehavioursinPOS,andthesevariations

arecomplexintransculturalcities.Thecollecteddatashowsthatdifferentsocialbehaviours

andculturalpracticescanalsobejudgedbasedonindividualperceptions.Giventheresearch

themesofsociabilityinsharedopenspacesfrequentedbyusersofdiversecultures,itisvital

thentolookathowusers’moralvaluesandpersonalboundariesshapesocialinteraction.

6.6Mundanemoraljudgementsinparksandgardens

Moraljudgementsatasociallevelareoftenrelatedtocommonunderstandings(orindeed

misunderstandings)oftacitcodesofconduct.ValentineandHarris(2014)findthatmoral

judgements,whicharebasedonpeople’slifestylesandtheirdifferentwaysofliving,

categorisethesocial,culturalandeconomicworthofgroupsofpeople.Intheanalysis,

differentbehavioursandmoralcodesemerged,whichaffectedtheusers’healthysocial

interactionintheparksandgardensintheselectedcasestudies.Culturalcodesofparenting

andcleanlinesswerementionedrepeatedlyasproblematicinwhichpeoplejudgedothers

regardingtheirsenseofsocialresponsibilityinparksandgardens.Itisalsorelevanthereto

considerthesepracticesandbehaviourswithregardtorespectingtherightsofthoseusing

thesepublicspaces.

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6.6.1Cleanlinessresponsibilities

Thesurprisinginsightgainedduringthedataanalysiswasthepotentialoflitteringtoframe

differentexpectationsandculturalnormsregardinghowpeopleexpectotherstobehavein

publicspacesincontextsofculturaldifferences.CleanlinessinPOShasbeenhighlightedina

numberofstudiesunderdutyofcareandpro-environmentalbehaviour(SpartzandShawa,

2011;SouthworthandRuggeri,2011;Francisetal.,2012).Arelationshipbetweenpro-

environmentalbehavioursandplaceattachmenthasbeensuggestedinthesestudies.

Althoughthisrelationshipisnotwellestablished,thegeneralassumptionisthatthereisa

correlationbetweenahighlevelofattachmentandapositiveattitudetokeepingtheplace

clean.Thisassumptionfailstoconsiderthatthenotionofcleanlinessisculturalandcontext

dependent(Lewicka,2011).Forexample,itwasrevealedfromtheanalysisoftheinterviews

thatsomepeopleinthefindingshaveahighlevelofplaceattachmentandreallyvaluesitting

outside,buttheystilllitter.

Giventhecomplexityofculturaldifferences,inthecollecteddata,cleanlinessissuesinthe

patternsofuseareoftenwronglyreflectedindescriptionsofmigrants’identities,classand

education,whichisaproblemandmayresultinprejudiceandsegregation.Regardinglittering

inKhalifaGarden,Rashid,theBahrainiphysician,saidthat:

“MostoftheusersarenotBahraini,andtheyarenottakingcareofcleaning.ThispreventsBahrainisfromgoingtheremoreoften[…]Theissueisnotabouthavingpicnicsonthelawn,astheprovidersdesignateditforpicnics,butitisaboutnottakingcareofthegarden,throwingtrasharoundthemandmakingtheplacedirty”.

InanothershortinterviewinHunainiyahPark,twoBahrainimotherssaidthatonweekends

andholidays,therearelargecrowdsofYemeniandSyrianvisitorstakingpartin‘inappropriate

practicesandbehaviours’likecookingandsellingfood,hangingupclothesforsaleanddirtying

thesurroundingareaandtoilets.ThesetwoBahrainimothers,regularvisitorswhocomewith

theirfamiliesandfriendstopicnicinHunainiyaharea,claimedthatthedominantusersdonot

knowhowto‘share’publicfacilities.

Theanalysisofthecollecteddatashowsthatthereareotherfactorsthataffectlittering

behaviouranditisnotonlyaboutmigrants,classoreducation.Itwasrevealedbythefindings

thatmigrantssharesimilarperceptionsofdutyofcareinparksandgardensandcriticised

vandalism,littering,spittingandnottakingcareofthespace,e.g.theEgyptianparentsinArad

BayParkrefertothemigrantworkers,HalainKhalifaGardenjudgedtheuneducatedpeople’s

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litteringbehavioursandtheSyriansisters,whoareilliterate,judgedthelitteringofmanyusers

asirresponsiblebehavioursreferringtothesepeopleasArabmigrantsfromothercountries.

Yet,cleanlinesscouldbeinfluencedbyovercrowdingandalsobeshapedbyadifferentsense

ofappropriatenessandresponsibility.

Fromtheanalysisofthein-depthgo-alonginterviewsupportedbytheon-siteinterviews,it

appearedthatthereisatangentialrelationshipbetweenlitteringandcrowdednessand

Figures 6.5 Hawking and littering have been criticised by some participants in parks and gardens.

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avoidingtheparkorthegarden.Thefindingsrevealedthatthedensityofthecrowdat

weekendshasadirectimplicationontheintensivevisibilityoflittering(similarlyunsupervised

children),thussomeuserschoosenottousethesegardensorparksonthesedays.Rashid,the

physician,inthego-alonginterviewinKhalifaGardensaid:“Itisverycrowdedintheholidays,

andmanypeopleprefernottogotothegardenintheholidays”.

Accordingtotheparticipants,thegardensattheweekendareverycrowdedandmostlyused

bypoormigrants.Undeniably,thesehighnumbersofusersreflectthepopularityofparksin

Bahrain,andthiswasalsoreflectedintheviewsofsomeintervieweeswhosawthecrowded

spacesasignofsuccessandsomevisitspaceswitha‘goodcrowd’.Ontheotherhand,thereis

alsowithdrawalofothersocialgroupsofmiddle-classstatusastheyfeelaminoritygroup

amongstthemajoritymigrantusers’groups.

Theperceptionofthesenseofleisureintheparksandgardensandbeinginamanagedspace

hasalsoinfluenceddifferentexpectationsaboutlittering.Itisrelevanttonotethecultural

landscapeofmanagedparksisrelativelynoveltomanymigrantswhoareusedtodesertareas

andfarmsforsocialgatheringsandfortheirchildrentoplay,thesehaveshapedtheiroutdoor

culturalleisurepractices.Manypeoplemayconsiderthatcleaninginparksisamanagement

responsibilityandthatsomeoneispaidtopickupthelitter.TheSyriansistersinKhalifa

Gardenstatedthatsomeusersperceivethegardenasan‘escape’or‘getaway’from

householdchoresandresponsibilities;yet,thesistersjudgethelitteringpracticedbysome

users:

“Somepeopleleaveeverythinghereandsaywhyshouldwetroubleourselvesandclean,thereisanIndian(cleaner)whocomesandcleans[…]Theydon’tcare,theysaywecleanathomeandifwegotothegardenalsoweclean!”

6.6.2Parentingresponsibilitiesandchildren’smanners

Parentingalsoappearedasproblematicintheanalysisbecausedifferentpracticeswith

differentexpectationsregardingthesupervisionofchildrenwereoftencodedintheinterviews

transcriptionswithcountryoforigin,particularlyinKhalifaGardenandHunainiyahPark,which

couldbeinterpretedasperpetuatingprejudice.Intervieweescriticiseotherparentsforbeing

carelessandnotsupervisingtheirchildren,leavingthemunattendedorunderthesupervision

ofotherchildren.Yet,thewholedatatogetherdemonstratesthatitisnotanaccurate

generalisation,astheconcernsregardingchildren’ssupervisionisalsosharedbymigrant-

parentinterviewees.Forexample,duringashortinterviewinKhalifaGardenwithaYemeni

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mother,whohadmovedtoBahrainnineyearsago,Inoticedthatshewassittingwithher

childrenonthelawnnexttoaplaygroundalthoughthelawnwasnotsuitableforapicnicasit

slopedandwasontheboundaryofthesoccerfield.Itseemedthemotherwantedtositclose

toherchildren.Inanotheron-siteinterview,IalsonoticedthattheJordaniangrandfatherwas

sittingonaprayermatwhilewatchingoverthechildrenatplayandheclaimedthathe

broughtalongthematastherewereinsufficientseatingspacesneartheplayground.These

twoexamplesshowthatitiswrongtogeneralisethejudgmentaboutmigrantsbeingcareless

parents.Theexamplesalsoshowtheroleofmanagementinprovidingconvenientand

alternativeseatingnexttoplaygroundstosupportcarers.

Decisionsregardingsupervisionofchildreninparksandgardensareshapedbydifferent

perceptionstowardssafetyanddifferentwaysofparenting.Aimingtobetterunderstandthe

rationaleforthesedynamicsandconflicts,inthefieldwork,Iinterviewedsomemothersand

fathersfromdifferentArabmigrantbackgroundsandresidenceduration(fromEgypt,Syria

andYemen)whofeelconfidentinallowingtheirchildrentoplayalongwiththeiroldersiblings

Figures 6.6 One of the shared motivations for going to the parks and garden is for children to play. The collected data showed a high demand for the use of the

playground equipment.

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withoutanyadultsupervisionbecauseofthereassuranceofthefriendlyrapportamongfamily

orfriends.Theyalsobelievethatthegardensaresafeplacesduetothesecuritymeasuresand

thelockedgates.Thesefactorsencouragedthem,particularlymothers,tofrequentlyvisit

thesespacestobeabletosocialiseordoexercise.Theseparksandgardens,forthosewomen,

aretheonlyopportunityforrelease,wheretheirchildrencanplaywhiletheyrelaxorsocialise.

Differentparentingcultures(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015)couldbeanother

reason.InArad,agroupofYemeniwomenwhohadmovedtoBahrain24yearsagomentioned

thatfightsamongchildrenarenotunusualinparksastheywanttousetheswingsandthey

highlightthatsuchfightsareescalatedwhenadultsgetinvolved.Avoidinggettinginvolvedin

children’sissuestopreventproblemsfromescalatingisaparentingstyleasisover-parenting

(BernsteinandTriger,2010).However,thesefightsdonotdeterthoseYeminiandSyrian

womenfromusingthesegardensandparks,becauseofthepotentialandaffordancesofthese

gardensfortheirdifferentvaluesandsocialandrestorativeactivities.Yet,theYeminiwomen

pointedoutthatitistheresponsibilityofthemanagementtoprovidemoreswingstoincrease

thecapacityandreducethepressureindemandfortheuseoftheplayground.

Figure 6.7 Asian migrant parents looking after their children in Khalifa Garden.

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Likewisetocleanliness,issuesrelatedtodifferentexpectationsaboutparentingappearedas

negativeoutcomesthatreducetheopportunitiesforsharingspaces;manyparticipants

mentionedtheirdecisiontowithdrawtemporallyorspatiallytootherspaces(suchasAmwaj,

privateopenspacesorthemall).Bahrainiparentsmentionedthattheyareapprehensiveof

theirchildrenencounteringimproperbehaviours,sotheydecidetowithdraw.Forexample,

Rashid,theBahrainiphysician,statedthatthey“don’twanttofacethoseissues,andtheydon’t

wanttotaketheirchildrentoencountersuchbehaviours”.Someparentsrevealedthatthey

decidedtouseKhalifaGardenatlesscrowdedtimesandstayforveryshortperiodsand

monitortheirchildrencloselyasotherunsupervisedchildrenmay‘kickballsorpushtheirkids’.

Territorialisationoftheplaygroundbytheunsupervisedchildrenwhodonotallowother

childrentoplayfreelyalsoemergedinthefindingsasareasonforspatialortemporal

withdrawal.However,Faiza,theIndianlow-incomeworkerandsinglemotherinKhalifa

Garden,negotiatesinsharingthespacebyhavinginformalalternativeactivitiesandbringing

theirownplayequipment.Shesaid:

“Syriansdon’tletourchildrenplay.Theyholdtheswingseveniftheyarenotplaying.Theyholdthemandsaymybrotheriscomingandmypoorchildrenarestandingaroundwaiting,andbeforeheleaveshecallssomebodytotakehisplace.So,onThursday,there

Figure 6.8 Children at the boundary of Arad Bay Park.

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isnochancetousetheplayarea.Mykidsonlygoaroundandwetakeaballandbadmintonsotheywillnotbeupset”.

Itisarightforallchildrentousethepublicparksandgardensprovidedbygovernmentsand

thisrightshouldbeprotectedforallchildreninthesociety;yet,conflictsarisingfromdifferent

parentingpracticesdetersomecarersfromtakingtheirchildrentopublicparksandgardens.

Theprofessionalpracticeshouldnotignoretheseissueseventhoughtheyareonlyrelevantto

culturaldifferences.Theseconcernsshouldbeaddressedbysupportingsocialinclusivityand

sharingtheresponsibilitywithuserstoreducetheconflicts.

Design,planningandmanagementofPOScansupportdifferentparentingstyles,butmany

problemsmaybeexacerbatedwhentheresourcesandfacilitiesarenotadequate,not

thoughtfullydistributedorthespacesarenotdesignedwithcare.Ensuringadequate

amenitiesandsocialcomfortsatthesiteforcarersandprovidingsuitableplayingareasare

bothvital.Someintervieweesmadecomparisonsbetweendifferentparksandgardensbased

onthemaintenance,quality,quantityandvariationofplaygroundequipment,safety

precautions,fences,andplaygroundsurfacing.Thisdisplaysthedifferentperceptionsandalso

thatsomespecificdetailsareimportant.Forexample,duetothelackofadequateseating

spaces(alternativesseatingareasandpicnicspots)nearthechildren’splayareaintheparks

andgardens,somemothersaffirmedthattheydonotfeelcomfortabletostaylongerasthere

arenoseatingspacesclosetowheretheirchildrenareplaying.Somecarerspreferrubber

surfacingsuchasinKhalifaGardenratherthansandtoavoiddust.Forexample,parentswho

wanttosupervisetheirchildrencloselymentionedthatthesandisnotconvenientforthemto

use.Somecarersalsotalkedaboutdesignqualitythatallowsthemtowatchtheirchildrenand

theycriticisedAradParkforthestructuresthatblocktheirviewoftheplayarea.

Whiletheabovefindingsshowhowthevisibilityofdifferentculturalpracticesmaycreate

antagonismamongstusers,ithasillustratedthatthespatialaffordancesofparticularplaces,

theirsize,resourcingandvisibilitycanimpactonsocialencountersandconviviality.Hence,the

qualityofthePOSisvitalandneedstobeaddressedindiscussionsonsocialencountersacross

diversity.ThefollowingsectionlooksspecificallyattheaffordancesforsociabilityinPOS.

6.7Affordancesforsociabilityinstreets:Permeabilityandwalkability

AccordingtoPowellandRishbeth(2012),permeabilityinaspaceistheabilitytoseeand

participateinoutdooractivitiesandtherebysupportopportunitiesforsocialinteractions.The

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literaturehasidentifiedpermeabilityandwalkabilityasimportantdesignqualitiesinurban

spaces(Carmonaetal.,2010),andthefindingsshowthatbothqualitiessupporteachother.

Theabilitytomovethroughanenvironmentisalsoafacetofthepermeabilityofaspace

(PowellandRishbeth,2012)andsupportssocialencounter(Wilson,2016).

6.7.1Fromestrangementtofamiliarity

Thecollecteddatashowshowaffordancesforwalkabilitysupportmigrantsinexploringand

becomingfamiliarwithlocalspaces,andhowtheabilitytomoveaboutwithinBahrain

encouragesmigrantstodiscovernicheswheretheyfeelcomfortable.Hala,thePalestinian-

Syrianmother,describedherinitialyearsinBahrainandthesocialroleofeverydaywalkingin

herneighbourhoodtogetacquaintedwithpeopleandspaces.Thefactthatshewasamongst

peoplefromunfamiliarculturesinitiallyfrightenedHala.Forher,Bahrainwasanew

experienceasshehadneverencounteredIndianorFilipinopeopleandBahrainisthemselves

werestrangerstoher.Aftershegotaccustomedtowalkinginherneighbourhoodshebecame

familiarwiththeotherresidents,Bahrainiaswellasmulti-ethnicpeople.Besidesbeinga

healthyactivity,outdoorwalkingcanalsohelppromotefamiliarityandbridgecultures.

Equally,unrestrictedboundariesallowdifferentchoicesofdestinationsandattractionswithin

acountry.FaizaconsidersthatsomepeoplevisitBabAl-Bahrainforrelieffromtheirformal

life,aseverythingiscommonandoneisacceptedwithnorestrictionsaspeoplearehereto

seekjoy.ForFaiza,BabAl-Bahrainisacosmopolitanretreatwhereindividualscanretaintheir

anonymity.HalaclaimedthatshefeelsmorecomfortableinAmwajandshepreferstodrive

thedistanceregularlytoescapetoapotentiallymoresanitisedandlesscomplexenvironment:

“IhavefriendslivinginAmwaj;theyarelivingastheyareinEuropenothingchangedexceptthattheyareinBahrain.MaybebecauseofthatIliketogotoAmwajbecauseIfeelthatthisismylifestyle”.

Havingmobilitywithinthecityallowsmigrantstolearnmorefromtheothercultures,which

alsopromotesadaptationandintegrationatdifferentlevels.Adam,theMalaysianchef,

relatedhowheenjoyedvisitingvillagesasitgivesatasteoftherealessenceofBahrain.Inhis

profession,hefeelsitisimportanttoconnectwiththeheartofthecountryanditsculturein

ordertounderstandthelocalcuisineandflavours.AdamfeelsfortunatetohaveBahraini

friendswhoshowhimsomethingnewordifferentduringtheweekends.Visitingdifferent

spacesregardlessoftheproximityoftheareafromtheirrespectivehomesmay“respondand

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reflectnewformsofhybridandnegotiatedidentities”(Rishbeth,2013).Therearestill,

however,movementbarriersasexplainedinthepreviouschapter.

6.7.2Neighbourliness

InBahrain,itiscommonpracticethatresidentsgreetotherswhomtheymayencounteralong

theirwaywithwords,smiles,raisingorshakinghand,regardlessiftheyarefamiliartoeach

otherornot.Bahraini-Arabicvaluesofsocialisingandhospitalityinpublicspacesexpressthe

notionofcultureashavingapositiveimpactandthismayalsoberootedintheconceptof

Islamicmorality.Thismundanesociablepracticeproduces‘loosesocialconnections’between

peopleofdifferentethnicities(TheYoungFoundation,2012).

Duringourgo-alonginterviewinBabAl-Bahrain,Kareemwouldgreetmenonourwaywho

werequicktoacknowledgehisgreeting(Figures6.9).Iwasalmostcertainthattheydidnot

knoweachother.Headded,“Bytalkingwithpeople,Ifeelthisunitybetweenusinour

community”.ThegenerosityofthecommunitywasalsoapparentinthewayaBahraini,who

wasacompletestranger,paidforamealthattheparticipanthadorderedfromatraditional

Indianrestaurantduringthewalkinginterview,“Itisjustthiskindofsocialandfriendly

behaviourofsomeBahrainipeople”,Kareemcommented.Thismeaningfulencounterin

BahrainstemsfromtheBahrainicultureofsociability,hospitalityandsharingfood.

Figures 6.9 In the go-along ethnography the participant was

exchanging regards with pedestrians during the journey of the interview.

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AsdescribedinChapterFive,inBahrain,itiscommontoobservepeopleacknowledgingothers

infrontofhouses,mosques,coldstores(minisupermarkets)andtraditionalbakeriesintheir

neighbourhood.Fieldobservationsshowedthatpeoplealsostopattheroadsidevendorsto

buyfruitorvegetablesandatthesametimeexchangeafewwordswithothersgathered

there.InBahrain,thesemundanespacesarefrequentedbyandevenmostlyoperatedby

migrantworkersandlow-incomecitizens.Thetraditionalcaféshavealwaysbeenuniquesocial

spaces,butmostlyformen.Inthesecafes,theseatingusuallyspillsontothestreetsproviding

visiblepointsforpeopletogatherandinteract.Itisinteresting,asrevealedinsomeinterviews,

thatsomeBahrainimendrivelongdistancestoacafewheretheycansocialisewithother

frequentusers.However,recentlysomecafesinBabAl-BahrainandininMuharraqhavebeen

renovatedandtheseattractfamiliesfromdifferenteconomicbackgrounds.

Thepedestrianisedtraffic-freeurbanareassupportedsuchaffordancesforencounteringand

socialising.Duringethnographicobservationsandinterviewsinthesesharedmundane

pedestrianisedspaces,diverseclassesandethnicitiescometogethertosharejoyfuland

pleasantmoments.Thesepedestrianisedurbanspacesallowpeopletolingerandmeetwith

peoplefromdiverseethnicities;however,thelackofseatingarrangementslimitstheduration

andconstanciesofsuchencounters.

BabAl-BahrainandthePearlingTrailcasestudieswerevibrantandactivespacesinheritage

locationswithsouqandhistoricalresidences.Inthesespaces,beingoutdoorsalsomeans

thereareopportunitiesforsocialencountersofspontaneousexchangesand

acknowledgement.Inaddition,greetingpeoplefromdivergentculturesandbackgroundsisan

indicatoroftheconvivialityandsociablehabitsofBahrainis.Duringthesitevisits,itwasalso

clearthatsuchwalkablespacescouldbemeetingpointsforresidentsandotherusers.Inthe

PearlingTrailsite,aJordanianresidentfromMuharraqwhofrequentlytraversedthesespaces

onfootmentionedthathefeltasenseofbelongingasothersoftengreetedhim.However,

neighbourlinessalsohasmeaningsofsustainedrelations.Kareem,duringthego-along

interviews,wascordiallygreetingshopownerswhowereIndiansorPakistanis,whileafewof

themevenrememberedhimfromthedaysofhisyouth.Thoseshopownershadlong-

establishedrootswiththeneighbourhoodandcoexistedwiththelocalpopulation.Inanother

interview,HalaalsodescribedthefriendlyassociationsinoldMuharraqbetweentheBahrainis

andotherresidentswhoarefromdifferentethnicbackgrounds:

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“InMuharraq,IseeIndianfamiliessocialisingwithBahrainis.Forexample,anIndianmigrantwhosellsinthecoldstoreandlivesinBahrainwithhiswifesocialisesverynormallywithaBahrainifamilyandtheyvisiteachother”.

Sharingtheuseofthesehistoricalspaceswithdiversepeopleandbeingattachedtothem

bridgethedifferencesbetweentheusers.

InBlock-338(anotherpedestrianisedspace),itwasvisible,duringfieldobservations,thata

regularmixofclassesandethnicitieswereusingthespacedifferentlyasdescribedinChapter

Five.Sharingthespacesupportsencountersbetweendifferentsocio-economicclasses,either

throughexchangedgestures,givingfoodtoworkersorusingthelocalmosquecollectively.

Someunemployedmigrantswaitedthereforjobopportunities.Additionally,therearealso

encountersbetweenthediverseusersofalfrescorestaurantsandcafés.Interviewsalso

revealedthattheusersofBlock-338valuedthespaceandalsotheopportunitiesitprovided

forintegration.

InAmwaj,ontheotherhand,peoplegatherforverydifferentreasons.Intheresidentialarea

ofAmwaj,therearenomosques,shopsorbakeriestypicalofotherneighbourhoodsin

Bahrain.Nevertheless,thedesignandlayoutcontributetothevisualappeal,inaddition,the

beachandtheseaviewattractvisitorsandresidentstowalkaround.

However,thesociabilityattitudediffersinAmwaj;Samar,duringthewalkinginterviewin

Amwaj,elaboratedthatwhilepeoplespentalotoftimelingeringoutside,theydidnotdirectly

enterintosocialinteractionwithstrangersorotherresidents.Sherecognisedthisasavery

EuropeanorAmericanculturalaspectofrespectingothers’privacy,andremarkedthatalarge

sectionoftheresidentsintheareawerewesternmigrants.Apossibleexplanationforthis

interpretationisthatSamarwascomparingthesocialattitudeofpeopleinAmwajtothe

sociablelifeoftheOldMuharraq,whereshewasraisedandstillfrequentlyvisits.Herold

neighbourhoodhadahighlevelofsocialinteractionbetweenneighbourswheretheywould

exchangevisitsalmostdaily.Samarsaid:

“InEidandRamadan,there’snothinghere.YouwillnotfeelthatitisEidorRamadan[…]WeusedtogototheoldMuharraqtoourgrandma’shouseinRamadan[…]herewearemissingthesociabilitythatwefindinMuharraq”.

DuringtheethnographyinAmwaj,theconvivialatmospherewithqualitiesofwalkabilityand

permeabilityallowedmetocommunicatewithsomeresidents,whoappearedvery

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welcoming.IencounteredanItalianmanandtwoEthiopianwomensocialisingoutsidetheir

house.Theirvisibleseatingarrangementallowedmetoengageinaconversationwiththem.

ThemanremarkedthatinhishometowninItaly,itisquitenormaltositoutsidewhenthe

weatherispleasantandsocialisewiththeneighbours.ThefieldworkshowsthatinAmwaj,

peoplesharedthespaceandeverydayactivities,exchangedsmileswhiletheywereinthe

streetandalsoofferedcare.Forexample,Samarmentionedastorywhenherlittlebrotherleft

thehousealoneandoneoftheirEnglishneighboursbroughthimbackhome.Accordingly,and

referringtothedefinitionofconviviality,itcanbefeltinfleetingencountersaswellasin

sustainedrelationships(Nealetal.,2013).Samaralsovaluedthedesignofthespace,thesea

viewandthesharedactivitiesofwalkingoutsideinAmwaj,which,accordingtoher,werenot

possibleinothercitiesinBahrain.

Sociabilityandconvivialityarenotsynonyms.Sociability,likehospitality,hasethical

dimensions.Affordancesforsociabilitycansupportconvivialitytosomeextent,butdifferences

insenseofsociabilitycouldhaveculturaldimensions,whichmayalsoleadto

misunderstanding(Section2.3.4).

6.8Affordancesforsociabilityinparksandgardens:Beingoutdoorand

sharedpatternsofuse

6.8.1Acquaintanceshipandsharingtemporalities

Theoverlappingofspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseanddifferentculturalpracticesinthe

sharedPOSasdescribedintheprecedingchapterappearedasaspectsofcommonalitiesor

‘nichesofsimilarities’,whichmayalsosupportconvivialityacrossdifferences(Wessendorf

2014b).Inadditionthespatialandtemporalattributesoftheseplacescanhelptopromote

familiarityandprovideopportunitiesforgettingacquaintedwithnewpeople.

Thedailytemporalityofuseenhancesfamiliarityamongdiverseusersaspeopleandtheir

patternshavebecomerecognisable.ChapterFiveshowedthediversityofusersinparksand

gardens.Fromethnographyandrepeatedsitevisits,itappearsthatsomegroupssitinthe

samespotduringeveryvisit,andoncrowdeddaystheyarriveearlytoreservetheirplace;

hence,thesegroupshavebecomefamiliartoothervisitorssharingthesamepatternsofuse

andinterest.Fromthefieldwork,itappearedthatregularusersarefamiliarwithotherusers

eventhoughtheyliveindifferentneighbourhoodsinBahrainorhavedifferentcountriesof

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origin.Theyalsomentionedsomedetailsofotherusers’lives.TheSyriansisters,wholivein

Riffa,said,“Wheneverwecome,weseeafamilyfromHamadTownsittinginthegarden,they

areSyrians,amanwithhistwowives”.Theyalsoexplainedhowtheybuiltfriendshipswith

Yemeniwomenwhousedtositnexttotheminthepicnicpodduringtheirregularvisitsto

KhalifaGarden.ThesistersalsotalkedabouttheirrelationshipwiththeJordanianandEgyptian

womentheyhadmetinthegarden.InAradBayPark,aYemeniintervieweesaidthatshe

becameacquaintedwithotherwomenfromthemosquewhenfamiliesvisittheparkeach

weekendandprayinthemosqueatthesametime.Womenusuallyprayathome,buthavinga

mosquenexttoagardenprovidesopportunitiesforthemtomeet.

Everydaywalkingenthusiastsalsosharetheirinterestinareasaswalkingadjacenttoother

walkersprovidesopportunitiesforinterculturalsociability.Shahrazad,theBahrainiwoman,

said:

“AtAradBaytherewasanexercisecoach.IsawhereverydayinthemorningwhileIdidmywalking.SoIwassmilingtoherandshewouldaswell.Then,shestartedtalkingwithmeandcommentingonmyhairstyle[…]SoIhadsomekindoffriendlyrelationwithher”.

TheBahrainigirlandthenon-Arabmigrantcoachbecameacquaintedthroughsharingthe

activityofexercisingatdawn.InHunainiyahPark,twofathersofArab-originmentionedthat

theygotacquaintedwitheachotherinthepark,andnowwhentheymeeteachotherby

chanceinthepark,theydotheirjoggingtogether.Theusersmayalsosharemultiple

commonalities,forexample,inHunainiyahPark,agroupofgrandmothersandmothersfrom

PakistanandYemendotheirwalkingexercisetogetherintheparkeverydaybecausethey

havediabetes.Theymentionedthatformerlytheydidnotknoweachotherandtheymet

coincidentallyintheparkforthesamemotivationandthenregularlymeteverydayand

enjoyedtheirwalktogetherandfolloweditbygatheringonthegrassforachat.

Familiaritytowardthespacesandtheindividualsfromdiversecultureswhosharethesespaces

isalsoapartoftheadaptionprocess.Thisfamiliarityhasresultedfromthesocialencounter

andsharingoftacitknowledgebetweenregularusers.TheroutineactivitiesinthesePOS

developasenseoffamiliarityandaffiliationbetweentheusersandthespace(Nealetal.,

2015,p.469).Suchevidencewaspresentintheinterviewswhenusersmentionedthedifferent

‘spotsandelements’inthesespacesandwhytheyfavoursomeoverothers(Nealetal.,2015,

p.469).

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6.8.2Informalsolidaritiesamongfemaleparkusers

Duringthesitevisitstotheseformalgreenspaces,thesociableatmospherewasclearly

revealedinthedifferentsocialactivitiesenactedthere.Thisobservationwasconsistentwith

thatofNealetal.(2015,p.469)intheirstudyinLeicester“Averymundane,micro-sociality

threadsthroughthesevariousparkpractices”.Theparksandgardens,duringfieldwork,

presentedaffordancesforfamiliestosocialise.Richsocialencounterswerealsovisibleinthe

picnicpods,thepicnictableareasinAndalus,inwalkwaytracks,onthesportfieldsamong

malevisitors,intheparkingareaandatthegatesoftheparksandgardens,particularlywhen

therewerevendors(sellingpopcorn,icecream,andcottoncandy).

Theseopportunitiestosocialiseprovidedsocialsupportformigrants,especiallywomen.

PermeabilityinPOSpromotessensibilitybetweenusersandafeelingforothersnotonly

becausetheyareneighboursbutalsobecausetheyareparkcompanions.Likewise,inArad,a

JordanianmotherandhousewifewhohadmovedtoBahrainsixyearsagosaidthatusually

whensheissittingwithhertwodaughtersonthelawnotherArabwomenfromdifferent

originscometoherofferingcoffeeortea,oraskinghertojointhem.Duringmyfieldwork,I

wasquiteoftenofferedtea,coffee,fruitandcakebyparticipantswhowereofAraborPersian

origins,includingBahraini.

Inanumberofshortinterviews,itwasapparentthatsomemigrantwomenvisittheparksand

gardenstoseeotherwomenandtohaveanopportunitytochatandestablishrapportwith

eachother.Thesewomencomeinsmallorbiggroupsorasasinglemotherwithchildren.The

visibilityofsocialposition,theiridentityofbeingmigrantwomen,commoninterestsand

motivationsinusingtheparkarecommonfactorsamongthesewomenofdifferentorigins.

Alludingtothis,theJordanianmotherindicatedthatshesociallyencounteredwomenfrom

differentnationalitiesinArad:fromtheUkraine,Egypt,YemenandMoroccoinadditionto

Jordan.ForthisJordanianwoman,buildingrelationshipsisbasedontrustandrespectfulness

inappearanceandmanner.Thewomenalsomentionedthatthechildrenhaveanimportant

roleinhelpingtheirmotherstobeabletosocialise.Additionally,manychildrenare

accompaniedandsupervisedbytheirnanniesorhousemaids.Duringthefieldobservations

andinterviews,domesticworkersandnannieswereusingthesemomentstointeractwith

eachother.Usually,theyareofdifferentnationalitiesbuttheyinteractinacommonlanguage,

Arabic,EnglishorHindi.

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Someoftheseinteractionsmightbecasualandfleeting,buttheJordanianwomanalsosaid

thattheysometimesexchangetelephonenumberstobeabletocontinuearrangingtheir

meetingsinthepark.ShementionedthatshehasanEgyptianfriendfromthepark,workingas

ateacher,whogivesheracallbeforecomingtothegardentopickheruponherway.The

datafrominterviewsrevealedthatthepopularparksandgardenshavebecomeameeting

pointforthesewomentosocialise,ratherthanthesmallneighbourhoodgardensthatdonot

providethisopportunity.

6.8.3Familyatmosphereforlonemigrants

Alivelyplaceisthebestplaceforapersoneveniftheyarealone(Whyte,1980).Thus,these

crowdedparksandgardens,whichcreateafamilyatmosphere,appealtomigrantworkersas

theymingleinthecrowdandtheydonotfeelestrangedoraloneinthecountry.Thisaspectof

beinginacollectivecontextwascommonlymentionedbysinglemigrantsintheirinterviews.

HalamentionedthatanumberofmigrantsdonothavefamiliesinBahrainandsotheyvisit

theseparksandgardenstorecreateafeelingofbelongingtoafamily.Inthisregard,inthego-

alonginterviewinAradwithMaysa,theSyrianmothermentionedthesignificantrestorative

valueofgatheringinparksandgardens,particularlyassheisamigrantawayfromherfamily.

ForMaysa,theparkisherretreatwheresheescapestowhensheisemotionallyoverwhelmed

andcanspendtimewithherfriendsandtheirchildren.Shesaid,“WhenI’minbadmood,I

comehereandIfeelbetter.Itisnice,especiallywhenIcomeinagroupwithfamilyandbring

ourSyriantea”.Sheclaimsthatsometimesduringhervisitstothepark,shenoticesgroupsof

Egyptianfamiliessharingamealsittingclosetoeachotherandthenshetoolongstobepartof

suchafamilygathering.Alludingtothis,inAndalusGarden,Shahrazadexplained:

“Mostoftheforeigners,theyarecomingtogethertohaveafamilyatmosphere[…]manyfamiliesaresittingwitheachother.Thegardenbringsthemtogether[…]ifyounoticetheyarehumbleandsitanywhere,gatheringismoreimportantforthem”.

ShahrazadandherfriendsareyoungBahrainiwomenwhohavevisitedthegardenweeklyand

attimesdailysincetheirtimeinschool.Theyalsoenjoytheatmosphereofthegardenthough

themajorityofusersaremigrantsfromdifferentsocialgroups.

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Additionally,duringthefieldobservation,Ifrequentlynoticedmigrantworkershavingtheir

lunchbreakintheparksandgardensratherthanontheroadsorsidewalks.Thegreenspaces

withtheirtreesandgrassyareasandtheprovidedshadedseatingareasofferacoolspacefor

workers(Figures6.10)toseekrespitefromthescorchingsummersunandafternoon

temperature.Theaffordancesofdesignandmanagementofthesespacessupportsharing

diversepatternsofuseandhencesupportconviviality.

6.8.4Encouraginghealthyactivities

Inthefieldobservation,itwasalsocommontoseerunnersandwalkersofdifferentages

competinginfriendlywaystoencourageeachother.Twogirls,friendsfromJordanandEgypt,

runinAndaluseveryeveningandareencouragedbybeingsurroundedbypeopleofdiverse

ethnicities.Thepracticeofexercisingseriously,walkingorjoggingisrecognisedbymanyusers

thoughtheyarenotpartakingintheactivity.InKhalifaGarden,aBahrainimotherand

employeesaidthatthewalkwayisniceandmanypeoplearewalkingwhichisgoodfortheir

health,butshedoesnothavetimetowalk.Likewise,inAradBayPark,Adam,fromMalaysia,

mentioned,“Peoplearedoinghealthyactivities”.Leen,theIndonesianairhostess,also

supportedhim,“Peopleareverynice,theyenjoytheirlifeandexerciseallthetime,becauseat

whatevertimeIpasshereformywork,Icanseepeoplehere,”astheAradisnexttothe

airport.

Nealetal.(2015,p.470)demonstratedthatitdoesnotrequiredialogicinteractiontobring

togetherdiversepopulationsinproximatespacewhensharingspatialandtemporalpatterns

ofuse.Nealetal.(2015,p.471)emphasisedthatlightformsofconvivialitycouldbedeveloped

Figures6.10WorkersfromthesurroundingareashavetheirmealintheirbreakinAndalusandArad.

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bysharingactivitiesandbringingtogetherusersfromdifferentethnicbackgrounds.This

explanationwasextremelyrelevanttothefindings.Forexample,thewalkingandjogging

enthusiastslikedtogowhereotherswerealsosharingthesameactivityinordertofeel

motivatedbyothers.ThiswasalsosupportedinWilson’sresearch(2011)onphysical

orientationandcollectiveexperiencesandhowaffectiveatmospherescansupportthe

productionofaffectiveencounters.

6.9Spatio-temporalnegotiationacross-differencesinsharingPOS

Thefindingsshowpositivepatternsofnegotiationbetweendiverseusers,whichsupport

continuingtransculturalpracticeandconvivialityacrossdifferences.Asexplainedabovein

Section6.6,peoplesometimesavoidcertainspacesthatdonotagreewiththeirdifferent

expectations(differentsenseofcrowdednessordifferentsenseofappropriatenessandsocial

responsibility)orspatiallyortemporallywithdrawtootherspaces.Thiswithdrawalisnotonly

relevanttoparksandgardens.Forexample,inAmwaj,anItalianresidentdecidedtouse

privateclubsduringweekendsbecausemostoftheusersonthosedaysarenotresidentsof

Amwajgatedcommunity,whichcreatescrowdedness.Inthiscontext,hereferstothecrowds

aroundthelagoonareaandalsoonthebeachintheresidentialareasasa“problemduringthe

weekendswhenalotofjetskiersusetheareaandthereisnoprivacy”.Heappeared

disconcertedbyhisobservationthatAmwajIslandsecuritywaslaxandthecrowdswereabit

unrulyattimes.ThiswasnotaproblemforSamar,theBahrainiresident,whileotheraffluent

migrantsexpresstheiranxietyaboutthelargecrowds.Shesaid,“ResidentsinAmwajcomplain

aboutcrowdednessandthejetskis[…]Ithinkthisisdisturbingfortheforeigners,butforus

Bahrainis,itisnormal.Itisfineforme”.Thejetskisandwatersportsaresignsofthemodern

lifestyleforBahrainis.However,Samar,throughthego-alonginterviewinAmwaj-lagoon,

describesanincidentwhenwesawwomengatheringonthelawnareaasunsuitableoroutof

place(ChapterFiveFigure5.19).

Thespacethatdoesnotmeetdifferentexpectationschallengessocialinclusivityandsocial

encounters.AgooddiversityofparksandPOSacrossacityprovideschoicesfordifferent

peopleofvariouskindsofplaces.ProvidingachoiceofPOSacrossthecitycouldbean

appropriateactiontopreventconflictsarisingfromdifferentexpectations;yet,socialequityin

usingPOSmustnotbeignored.Itisvitaltounderstandifwithdrawalfromaspaceisin

responsetoaspecificthreatoruncomfortablesituations,orduetounequalpowerdynamics.

ItisalsoessentialtounderstandhowprovidingdifferentchoicesofPOSacrossthecitycan

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supporttransculturalpracticesandconviviality.Atalocalspaceleveloratmicro-scale,positive

negotiationcansupportpositivesocialencounters.Ensuringthatthereareinclusivelocal

spacesmeansthatpeopledonotneedtowithdraw,whichcouldbeaprofessionalaim.

Increasingactivitieswithalternativeswouldprovidechoicesfordifferentpeopleandgroups;

thisagaincouldbeaprofessionalaimtopromoteinclusivityatlocalspaces.Thesections

belowillustrateexamplesofpositivenegotiationsupportedbytheaffordancesoftheparks

andgardens.

6.9.1Genderinasharedspace

Theanalysisoftheinterviewssupportedbydatafromrepeatedobservationsatdifferent

timesofdayrevealedthatlow-incomemigrantwomenvaluetheactivityofgathering,chatting

andmeetingotherwomenintheparksandgardensasitistheironlyescapefromroutine

chores.Interestingly,somegroupsofwomenstayuntillateinthenightforapicnicintheparks

andgardenswithorwithoutmalefamilymembers,andtheyalsocomeforawalkatdawn

aloneoraccompanied.

InAradBayandHunainiyahparks,peoplearesharingtheprovidedspacesandmanagingtheir

sittinginafamiliaryetrespectfulmanner,usingtheaffordancesofthespace.InHunainiyah,

wheremostoftheusersarePakistanisandYemenis,observationsrevealedthatusually

womenandmensitindifferentpartsofthepark,particularlyoncrowdeddays.Thecollected

datashowthatmenprefersittingonthepavement,onbenches,intheircarsorintheparking

areanexttotheircarsenjoyingdifferentactivities,retainingthepicnicpodforwomenand

respectingtheirprivacy.Nazir(fromBalouchistan)explainedthisisacommonsocialpracticein

Figures 6.11 The pictures show the spatial choices and affordances of the designed landscape elements for women; either seeking privacy (a) or being visible (b).

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Hunainiyahbecausethewomenhavedifferenttopicstotalkabout.Headdedthatthemen

dropoffthewomenofthefamily,thechildren,theirbicyclesandpicnicequipmentandwait

forthemtofinishtheirpicnic.InArad,thefieldnotesshowedthatwomenmainlyoccupyone

sideofthelawn,whereasontheothersideofthelawn,bothgendersarefound.

Figures 6.12 A mother preparing her place for sitting (a), a family with picnic equipment walking to their picnic space (b), and a group of women moving to their place of gathering (c).

c

a b

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Fromalandscapearchitecturalperspectiveinunderstandingthecasestudies,inKhalifa

Garden,thelawnareaismuchwiderthaninHunainiyahandAradandithasseveraloptionsof

picnicpods,whichprovidechoicesintermsofprivacy.Faizapreferredhavingapicnicinthe

areaamongfoliageasitaffordsapartitionforprivacy,“Thetreesarecoveringusandwe

removeourhijab(hairscarf).Wefeelfreeandprivate”.Thoughsittingonanopenlawn,

familiesrespecttheothers’privacy.Indifferentshortinterviews,theparticipantsmentioned

Figures 6.13 Families arranging for their stay in the parks and gardens.

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thattheyrespectothers’privacyandkeeprespectfuldistancesbetweeneachother.AYemeni

womaninKhalifaGardensaid,“Ifamanissittingwithhiswife,peoplearenotsittingcloseto

them,theyrespecttheirprivacy”.Furthermore,oncrowdeddays,asmentionedbytheSyrian

sisters,picnickerstendnottolookatotherstorespecttheirprivacydespitethefacttheyare

sittingnexttoeachotheronthelawn.Zainaadded“Theycan’tseeothergroups,somewomen

arewiththeirhusbands,youcan’tseethem,[...]familiesarewithmen,itisembarrassingto

seeothers”.Thelevelofthelightingalsoaffectswomen’sseclusion.AccordingtoaPakistani

familyinSalmaniya,atnight,somewomenselecttositawayfromthelightwhentheyremove

theirveil(facecover).

Duringmyobservationsintheinformalspaces,Inoticedthatintheneighbourhoods,itwasa

commonpracticeformalestositoutsideorgatherandforchildrentoplay,butnotusuallyfor

womentoengageoutdoorsintheseinformalspaces.Forexample,inBabAl-Bahrain,thefield

notesandinterviewsdatashowedthattherearelimitedopportunitiesforgendernegotiation.

Inthego-alonginterviewwithIrfan,theIndianmaleworker,heconfirmedtheconcentration

ofmigrantmaleworkersfromtheIndiansubcontinent,especiallyinthenightandatthe

weekend,inBabAl-Bahrainarea.Hesaid:“Familiesdon’tsitattheroundabout,only

bachelors”.ThroughsitevisitstoBabAl-Bahrainespeciallyatweekendandevenings,I

observedthatthelimitedseatsintheSquarewerealmostalwaysoccupiedbymales.Manyof

themalsostoodingroupsorsatonthepavements;someevenobstructedthepathofthe

pedestrians.AccordingtoFaiza,theIndianfemaleworker,duringthewalkinginterviewinBab

Al-Bahrain,“Ican’tfindspacetostandanywhere[...]allthemenaresittingandIcannot

enter”.Shenarratedherexperienceasawomanbeinginaplacewithmostlymenstanding

around,whichmightfeelstressfuloruncomfortable.Thisalsoshowsdifficultiesforawoman

toclaimaspaceinanareaoccupiedbymen.Faizaalsotalkedaboutherexperienceofusing

thetraditionalcoffeeshopinBabAl-Bahrain,“SometimesIsitandhavesometeaorwaterif

I’mtired,butIfeelshyamonggroupsofmen.Thereisnoplaceforwomentosit.Mencansit

everywhere,whilethewomenonlywalkorstand”.FaizaisattachedtoBabAl-Bahrainandshe

isveryfamiliarwiththeareasoshecanrepeathervisitfrequentlyatotherlesscrowdedtimes

ortrytospatiallyavoidthecrowds.

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6.9.2Playingsport

Usersalsonegotiatetheiruseofthesportfacilitiesinparksandgardens.Forexample,in

KhalifaGarden,RashidsaidthatthemainfootballpitchisusedbyBahrainisfromthe

neighbourhood,whileYemenisaremostlyplayingvolleyballorfootballintheprovided

differentsportareas.HealsosaidthatgroupsofFilipinosplaybasketballeverydayintheearly

morning,whichisalsosupportedbyobservationondifferentdays.Ondifferentsitevisits,I

sawagroupofNepaleseplayingvolleyballduringtheafternoons.InAndalus,spendingtime

on-siterevealedthatanarrangementismadebetweenFilipinosandIndianstousethesports

fieldforplayingfootballorvolleyball.InSalmaniya,PakistaniandIndianteenagerswere

Figures 6.14 Sport areas create vibrant inclusive spaces where players interact.

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observedplayingcricketonthemultipurposecourt.DuringRamadanonseveraldays,I

encounteredgroupsofAfricanpeopleplayingfootballbeforetheIftar.

Therearealsoinstancesofsportactivitiesbringingtogetherplayersofdiversenationalities.

Forexample,referringtomyfieldnotes,ononeoccasioninKhalifaGarden,Filipinos,Indians

andArabswereplayingvolleyballtogether.Rashidalsosaid,“Onceinthemultipurposecourt

(inKhalifaGarden)Isawonone-sideFilipinosplayingbasketballandontheotherside

Bahrainisplayingfootball”.Asrecountedintheshortinterviewsandfromtheobservationsin

Hunainiyah,InoticedBalochisandPakistanisplayingcricketeitherintheparkoratits

boundary.

Fromfieldobservation,theprovidedformalsportsareaisusedmainlybymen,asplaying

sportsisconsideredamasculineactivity.However,indifferentgardens,badmintonisa

Figures6.15Playingbadmintonhasbecomecommoninparksandgardens(a-b). Boys playing cricket ina provided court in SalmaniyaGarden (c). CricketandbadmintonareusuallyplayedbyAsianmigrantsinBahrain.

a

b

c

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commonsportandaninformalactivityseenamongIndianandFilipinogroupsofbothgenders

anddifferentages.FaizaalsosaidaboutheractivitiesinKhalifaGarden:

“Iliketoplaybadminton.EverytimeIcometoKhalifaGarden,mydaughters,myfriendsandIplaybadmintontogether.Andeverybodyiswatchingus,becauseI’mafatwomanandplaying.ButIliketoplay(laugh).WhenIplayIforgetthatI’mladyandIjustplayevenifeverybodyiswatchingus.Noproblem.Ijustenjoy(laugh)”.

However,despitetheprovisionofdesignatedsportsareasinparksandgardens,frommy

observationintheinformalspaces,itwasstillverycommontoseechildrenplayingfootballin

theneighbourhoods,andoccasionallyinunsafeconditions,whichcouldimplythatsome

childrenprefertoplayintheirneighbourhoodsand/ortheprovidedsportfieldsarenot

sufficientornearenoughtohousingareas.Therearealsohierarchiesofagewhenitcomesto

usingthegardensorparks,someolderteenagersoradultsmonopolisethesportfields,leaving

nospaceforyoungerchildrentoplay.Inbothcases,theneedsofusersfromtheyounger

generationhavenotbeenfullyaddressedinpublicoutdoorurbanspaces.

6.10Conclusion

Theanalysisshowedageneralpositiveperceptiontowardsdiversityamongstbothmigrants

andlocalusers,whichisshapedbythehistorical,geographicalandculturalcharacteristicsof

theresearchcontext.Thesecharacteristicssupportconvivialityandinformthedevelopmentof

theseplacesandauthenticallyreflectthehybridityofthecity.Theresearchexploredthe

evocativequalitiesofbeingoutdoorsandhowmemoriesarerootedandreflectedintheuseof

thesespaces.Asenseoflocalbelongingandbeingwelcomedisrevealedintheparticipants’

stories,demonstratinghowinparticularplacesparticipantsfeltlikeaninsiderandathome.

ThesequalitiesaddtotherestorativevaluesofPOSandshowthatabusysouqoranalleycan

haveanescapefunctionandthoserestorativevaluescanbeachievedwithinacrowd.

Similarly,desertspacesshouldnottobeignoredfromthedebateonnatureandrestorative

valuesasthistypologyalsopromoteswellbeingthroughthemulti-sensoryexperiencesthat

reflectmigrants’identities,pastmemoriesandthehistoryofplaces.

Itisvitaltohighlightthatparksandgardensappearedsignificantplacesforadaptationsand

transculturalpractices.Theaffordancesofparksandgardenstocontinuehomecultural

practicesarevalued,eventhoughtheirtypologydifferedtothatfromthehomecountry.A

spacethatreflectsahybridsenseofidentitycanpromoteadaptationinatransnational

context.

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Exposuretoandvisibilityofothersmotivatedpeopletosociallyengagewiththecrowdand

explorethecommonalities;however,thevisibilitiesofdifferencesarenotalways

acknowledged.Somepeoplejudgedothersbasedontheirperceptionsofdutyofcareand

responsibilities.Intheanalysis,differencesinparentingandcleanlinessperceptionswere

mentionedrepeatedlyasproblematic,andthistendedtoexacerbateracialstereotypesand

negativelyaffectedhealthysocialinteractioninpublicspaces.Thisimpliesaneedforabetter

understandingofdifferentculturalexpectations.

Thevisiblequalitiesofpublicopenspacesinformpeople,includingnewcomers,ofthepattern

ofusesthatcanbepursuedinthesespacesandprovideopportunitiesforthemtomeet

peoplefromtheirhomecountry.Someresidentschoosetofrequentlydrivelongdistancesto

spendtheirleisuretimeinanareawheretheyfeelmoreintegrated,comfortableand

welcome.Forexample,Asianmigrantworkerscrowdthesquareandthesouqintheirleisure

timeasthesespacesappearfamiliartothemwithvisibilityoftheirleisureculturalpractices

andsocialgroups.Thespacealsoinvokesmemoriesforthosemigrantswhofindsimilaritiesto

spacesintheirhomecountrywithregardtoitsphysicalform,socialfabricandtheavailability

offamiliarfoodandgoods.

Nonetheless,intheselectedsites,togethernesswithculturaldifferenceswasevidenceof

socialintegration.Theresearchalsoshowedsomeevidenceofwheretheaffordancesof

permeabilityandthespatialqualitiessupportsociabilityandpositiveencountersacross

differences.Thein-depthethnographyexploredsignificantevidenceonhowrepeated

encounterswithoutinteractionhavetranslatedintogeneralisingrespectforothers,for

exampleasexpressedbyShahrazadindescribingthefamilyatmosphereinAndalusandLeen

andAdaminAraddescribingthehealthyactivitiesandotherexamplesthatchangethe

estrangementfeelingstofamiliarityorevenintegration,whichsupporttheconceptof‘scaling

up’effect(Valentine,2008).Thecollecteddataalsoshoweddifferentpatternsofnegotiation

whensharingspacessupportedbytherangeofactivitiesandalternatives.Thispositive

negotiationsupportsconviviality(WiseandVelayutham2009;Wessendorf,2014b)andcould

alsobeofassistancetoprocessesofadaptation,integrationandreformationofhybrid

identities(NoussiaandLyons,2009;Hou,2013).

ThefindingsshowthatsocialencountersinPOScanbedevelopedtoformsociabilityand

sustainedrelationships,especiallyacrosspeopleofthesamegender.Thefindingsreflectsome

ofthedifferencesbetweenideasofconvivialityandsociability.Convivialityisdifferentfrom

sociability;itisaboutengagingwithdiverseotherswiththeemphasisonbeingequitablein

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differences.Incontrastsociabilityisaformofculturalandleisurepracticeswhilstbeing

togetherusuallywithfamiliarpeoplefromasocialnetworkorculturalgroup.The‘publicness’

ofapublicopenspacemaysupportsociabilitybutinatransculturalcontextthepracticeof

convivialitymaybevitaltosocialfunctioning.

Thesefindingscanaddsignificantdetailstothetheoriesontransculturalcities,convivialityand

meaningfulencounters,asdiscussedinthenextchapter.Theaggravationsatmicro-levelcould

alsocontributetoextendingtherelevantstudiesofconvivialityandtransculturalcities.

Althoughsometimesseemingtrivial,itisimportantthatnuancesofaggravationsand

convivialityarerespondedtoinurbanprofessionalpractice,astheythreatentheinclusive

valueofurbanpublicspaces.ThenatureandscopeofthisresponseisdiscussedinChapter

Eight.

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ChapterSeven:ContributiontoDevelopingTheory

7.1Introduction

AsillustratedinthetheoreticalframeworkinChapterTwo,thisresearchisconductedwithin

thedisciplineandapproachesoflandscapearchitecture,andcontributestotheoriesof

transculturalcitiesandconvivialityalongsideinterdisciplinaryaspectsofgeography,sociology

andurbanstudies.BycritiquingtheanalyseddatainChaptersFiveandSixwiththeliterature,

thischapterdiscussesthefindingsonthefirsttwooverarchingaimsinrelationtoseveralareas

withintheabove-mentionedtheories.Thisdatawastheoutcomefrommultiplequalitative

methodsofshorton-siteinterviewsandgo-alonginterviewssupportedbyfieldnotesand

photographs,whichallresultedfromtheethnographicpracticeofspendingtimeinthefieldof

theselectedcasestudies.Inusinglandscapearchitectureasameansthroughoutthisresearch

toexaminetherelationshipbetweenconviviality,transculturalcitiesandpublicopenspaces

(POS),thespatialanddesignqualitiesaretakenintoconsiderationforunderstandingcultural

differenceswithregardtodifferentexperiences,meaningsandvalues.

Thefirstresearchaiminvestigatestheeverydayactivities,preferencesandpatternsof

diversityinPOSinBahrainandcontributestothediscourseontransculturalcitiesand

highlightsanareaoftheoryrelatedtomigrantexperiencesacrossbordersthatarediscussedin

Section7.2,andalsotouchesonthemesofconviviality.Thesearerelevanttothesecond

researchaim,whichexploreshowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublic

spaceswithinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation,andhowthiscontributesto

theoriesonconvivialityandencountersacrossdifferencesandinformsthetwoareasof

theory,specificallymeaningfulencountersinSection7.3.1andextendingtheeffectof

encountersinSection7.3.2.Section7.4subsequentlydiscussestheemergingtensionsin

everydayencountersinPOSandhighlightstherelevanceofmundanespatialpracticeswithin

suchadebate.Thethirdresearchaimdevelopsthesetheorieswithimplicationsforpractice

andtheywillbediscussedinmoredetailinChapterEightwithrelationtotheexpert

interviews.

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Currentlytherearenoexistingstudiesaboutspatialandtemporalactivitiesandpatternofuse

inpublicopenspacesinBahrain.Therefore,thisresearchprovidesspecificknowledgethat

addressestheexistinggap.Whilethisknowledgecontributestoboththetheoriesof

transculturalcitiesandconvivialityinthisresearch,italsopointstofurtherresearchagendas

intotheseareas,specificallystudiesofleisurepracticesandrecreationalusesofopenspacesin

theGulf,MiddleEast,orglobally.ThefollowingpointsareasummaryofChapterSeven

findings.

1. Spatialvariationinoutdooraffordancesfordifferentpatternsofrecreationand

sociability(inbothformalandinformalspaces)canreflecttransculturalidentitiesand

differencesinperceptions,withthepotentialpositiveimpactofpromotingsocialand

mentalwellbeing.

2. ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOSindicatethecomplexityofnegotiatingeverydaylifein

transculturalcitieswithregardtodifferentexpectationsofsocialresponsibilitiesand

ethicsofcareinparentingandcleanlinessinpublicspaces.

3. Long-termmeaningsofsocialinclusivitycanbegeneratedinsociallyresponsive

outdoorspaces,despite(andsometimesbecauseof)theoftentemporaryandfleeting

natureofmostencounters.

4. Heritagesitesintheselectedcasestudiesactassignificanttransculturalsitesfor

migrantleisurepracticesandpatternsofoutdoorsocialising.

5. Culturaldifferencescancreatebarrierstobeingoutdoorsandsharingspacewith

others.Designandmanagementapproachesinformedbyprinciplesofsocialjustice

needtobethoughtfullyconsideredintransculturalpublicspaces.

7.2Transculturalcitiesandasenseofbelonging:Beingyourselfinanew

place

Withevolvingcultures,thediscourseontransculturalcitieshasemergedtohelpunderstand

bothculturaltransformationandhybridityincitiesandhowtransnationalidentitiesare

shaped,whichhasalsoledtoincreasingculturaldifferences(Hou,2013).Migrantexperiences

andsocio-spatialassociationsacrossbordersplayacrucialpartinthetransculturalprocess

(Rishbeth,2013).Thisareaoftheorylooksathowthe‘translocalities’andbuiltenvironments

217

influenceadaptationandhybridityinwhichthetransnationalidentitiesevolveandnewforms

ofattachmentsdeveloped.Todiscussthefindingsinthissection,Ibringtogetherliteratureon

migrants’experiencesinanewplaceandsocialusesandvaluesofPOS.Thisalsoaddressesthe

studiesontheimportanceofPOSformigrantsandtransculturalpracticesandprocesses.

7.2.1Patternsofsociabilitysupportingtransculturalpractices

AfterinvestigatingthepatternsofuseinPOSinChapterFivebyusingtheethnographictools

ofspendingtimeon-siteforobserving,recordingfieldnotes,takingphotosandtalkingwith

users,sociabilityandextensivegatheringpredominatedinthedataasoutdoorleisure

practices.Thesemundaneculturalpractices,toacertainextent,flowwithmigrantsacrossthe

border.Continuingthesepracticesandactivitiesinanewplaceisaformofadaptationthat

supportsthetransculturalprocess(GhoshandWang,2003;NoussiaandLyons,2009;Powell

andRishbeth,2012;Hou,2013).

Leisureactivitiesarecontextdependent(ByrneandWolch,2009).InChaptersFiveandSix,the

dataanalysesshowedthatPOSreflectdifferentleisuretypologiesandculturalidentities

commoninmigrantspastexperienceswhichsupporttheprocessofadaptation.Thefindings

showevidenceofhowdesertleisurepracticesareseeninformalurbangreenspaces:for

example,extensivegatheringandgatheringnearcars.Hence,theformalparksandgardens

aresitesfortheadaptationprocess.Theanalysisofthetranscriptssupportedbythefield

notesalsoconfirmedthatinBahrainformalparksandgardensarenottheonlyoutdoorleisure

spaces,soarethepedestrianisedstreetsandinformalPOS.Forexample,BabAl-Bahrain

squareandsouq,thetraditionalcoffeehouses,andopenspacesinfrontofhousesandshops

alsoshowevidenceofgathering,socialisingandspendingleisuretimeoutdoorswithothers.

Havingseveralcasestudyareas(withbothformalandinformalPOS)revealedavariationof

outdooraffordancesforappropriatedifferentculturalleisureactivitiesandpatternsof

sociability(ByrneandWolch,2009;PetersanddeHaan,2011).

ChapterFivealsohighlightedhowtheseleisurepracticesshiftspatiallyandtemporally

betweendayandnightindifferentseasons,evidencedafterconductingsixmonthsintensive

fieldwork,visitingdifferentcasestudiesandconductinginterviewsatdifferenttimesofthe

dayanddifferentdaysoftheweek.Thesedynamicsdisplaytransculturalpracticeswith

patternsofdiversityandspatialandtemporalaspectsofadaptation(Hou,2013).Additionally,

thisseasonaladaptationgeneratescollectiveexperiencesamongstdiverseuserswithdifferent

activitiesandmotivation.

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7.2.2Memorytriggersinpubliclandscapes

Participantswithmigrantbackgroundsnarratedtheirmemoriesofhomecountriesin

describingtheiroutdoorexperiencesinBahrain.Thesememoriessupportmigrants’adaptation

andtranslateintotransculturalconnectionsandsocialassociationsinanewplace(Ghoshand

Wang,2003;Armstrong,2004;RishbethandPowell,2013).SimilaritiesbetweenBahrain’s

contextandmigrants’pastexperiencesandhistoryofplacessuchasclimate,geography,

culturalpractices,typologyofspacesorhistorystimulatemigrants’memories.Forexample,in

Hunainiyah,thetreesremindthemoftheirhomecountrySyria,whilethefortontheridgeis

likeYemen,theroundformfountainandsouqinBabAl-BahrainaresimilartoaplaceinIndia,

thesouqinBabAl-BahrainresemblesanAsianBazaar,Block-338lookslikealocalstreetin

EuropeandAmwajissimilartoawesternneighbourhood.Thearomasoffoodfromethnic

restaurantsandincensefromtemplesinBabAl-BahrainremindAsianusersoftheircountries.

ExperiencingtheweatheronasummernightremindedanintervieweeinKhalifaGardenofhis

ancestorsinJordan.Migrants’memoriesofpastexperiencesandcurrentexperiencesof

patternsofsociabilityandoutdoorleisurepracticesalsointertwineinanurbanlocality,for

example,gatheringandeating‘samosas’attheroundabout.Inalandscapearchitecturefocus,

thesedetailsremaininmemoriesandcanbeprovokedthroughtheoutdoormulti-sensory

experiences(Dee,2001).Socialactivitiesinopenspacesevokememoriesthroughexposureto

diversesensoryexperiencesatamicro-scale.Beingoutdoorsalsostimulatesmulti-sensory

awareness(visualandnon-visual)thatevokeschildhoodmemories(WardThompson,2007;

Pink,2008;Ingold,2012)andremindsmigrantsoftheirhomecountries(Lowetal.,2005;

RishbethandFinney,2006).ThesearetheevocativequalitiesofPOS(Armstrong,2004;Lowet

al.,2005;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Rishbeth,2014).

7.2.3Wellbeingandoutdoortransculturalprocessandpracticesinaridclimate

ChaptersFiveandSixillustratethatoutdoorspacesstimulatemulti-sensoryawareness,which

isanaspectofstressrestorationthatpromoteswellbeing(OttossonandGrahn,2005;Grahn

andStigsdotter,2010;WardThomson,2011).Thefindingsexploredthatnaturalscenery,

planting,cleanandfreshairandbirdsongareimportantrestorativeelements(Kaplan,1995;

GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).TheyalsohighlightedtheevocativequalitiesofPOSin

stimulatingmemoriesofmigrants’pastexperiences,whichinturnpromotetheirwellbeing

(Armstrong,2004;Lowetal.,2005;PowellandRishbeth,2012).

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ThevarietyofformalandinformalPOSintheselectedcasestudyareassupportedawide

rangeofaffordancesforoutdoorleisureandsociabilitythatreflectculturalidentities,past

memoriesanddifferentoutdoorspatialleisuretypologies.Beingoutdoors,ingreenspaces,sea

ordesertedgesorinsouqandstreet,stimulatesmulti-sensoryexperiencesandevocative

qualities,whichpromotessocialandmentalwellbeing.Alongsidetheconsiderationofspatial

variationanddifferentculturalpractices,thereisapositiverelationshipbetweensocial

contactsandexperiencedwellbeing(SchwanenandWang,2014).Thesevariationsinthe

outdoorspacesofcitiesrespondtotheindividuals’diverseperceptions(ByrneandWolch,

2009).

Hence,thedesertintheArabandhotclimatecountriescouldalsosupportstressrestoration

andpromotewellbeing.Similarly,abusysouqoranalleycanhaveanescapefunctionand

theserestorativevaluescanbeachievedwithinacrowd(Cattelletal.,2008).Thesetypologies

arenotonlycommoninBahrainbutaresharedbyvariousmigrantsfromAfrica,theMiddle

EastandtheIndiansubcontinentwheretherearesimilaritiesinclimate,geography,history,

religionorculture.

7.2.4Connectingmigrantsandurbanheritageintransculturalcities

DependenceonforeignlabourintheGulfisunavoidable;however,theconcernisalsohowto

protectthelocalheritage(Al-Rasheed,2005;Gardener,2011).Anotheroutcomeofmigration

arethepotentialchangesinbothperceptionsofurbanhistoricformandtheemergenceof

newtransculturalpractices,whichinturnaffectbothmigrantandlocalculturalpractices

(ibid).Thisresearcharguesthaturbanheritagesitesareinclusivespacesandthatprotecting

heritagedoesnotconflictwithtransculturalprocessesandtheadaptationofmigrants.Partof

thisempiricalresearchwasconductedinheritageurbanlocations:BabAl-Bahrainarea,a

historicsquareandsouq;thePearlingTrail,aUNESCOHeritagesite;andtheHunainiyahPark,

whichislocatedinadesertvalleybesideafort.Thesesiteshaveallreceivedinvestmentwith

regardtodesignandmanagementforrecreation,aimingtobeusedbytouristsaswellas

locals.Theevocativequality(Rishbeth,2014)oftheseplacespromptedmemoriesthat

connectedmigrantstodifferentheritagelocationsandexperiencesinhomecountries.The

findings,frominterviewsandsupportedbyobservationandspendingtimeon-site,highlight

thatheritagesitesalsoactassignificanttransculturalsitesformigrantleisurepractices.

Participantsvaluedthesesitesasplacestogather,echoingpatternsofsocialisingthatspan

centuries.Thehistoricalsitesinthecasestudieswereconnectivelocationsforpeopleand

providedsupportwithasenseofbelongingandwelcome.Accordingly,theheritagesitescan

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bebothrootingatthelocalscaleandalsosupporttransculturaladaptation.Urbanheritage

sitescanstillbetourismdestinationsintheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica(Steiner,2010)if

moreactivitiesandoptionsareprovidedtosupporttheneedsofcontemporarysocieties

Thisresearchalsoexplorestheroleofeverydayoutdoorspacesincontinuingthecultural

practicesofmigrantsinanewplace(Rishbeth,2013).InthefindingsofChaptersFiveandSix,

experiencesofleisure-activitiesperformedandpatternsofsocialising-informalandinformal

POScanbeconceivedasadimensionoflivingheritage,reflectiveofmaterialculture,social

normsandvaluesshapedbygender,religionandclimate(UNESCO,2010).Patternsofoutdoor

sociabilityareintangibleheritagepracticesthatareshapedbythemigrants’identities(ibid).

Theconceptoftransculturalurbanismoutlinedinthisresearchcouldsupportcontinuing

differentculturalpracticespostmigration,whileprotectingthelocalculture.

7.2.5Visibilityofdifference:Opportunitiesandapprehensions

Bahrainhasahighlyethnicallydiversepopulation,andthisdiversityisreflectedintheopen

spaces.Theanalysisshowedageneralpositiveperceptiontowardsdiversityamongstmigrants

andlocalusers,whichisshapedbythehistorical,geographicalandculturalcharacteristicsof

theresearchcontextandauthenticallyreflectthehybridityofthecity.Asexploredinthe

previouschapter,exposuretothevisibilityofothersinPOSmotivatedpeopletosocially

engagewiththecrowdandexplorethecommonalitiesineithersocialpositionsorpatternsof

usethatbridgeotherculturaldifferences(Wessendorf,2014aand2014b).Inacountrylike

Bahrain,amigrantcanalsoretaintheiranonymity(PowellandRishbeth,2012)whilstbeing

partofthecrowd(e.g.FaizainBabAl-Bahrain),whilethecosmopolitanliferemindsAdamof

hiscountryMalaysia.Thevisibilityofculturalgroupshasalsopromotedtransculturalbonding

innewplaces(Putnam,2000).Likewise,socialsensoryqualities(Neal,2015)ofbeingdifferent

orinfamiliarculturalgroupscouldpromotefeelingsofintegration,convivialityand

egalitarianisminsharingspaceswithothers(asexploredinthego-alongwithFaiza,theSyrian

sistersandMaysa).

HybridityanddiversityinBahrain(Al-Rasheed,2005;Dayaratne,2008)providerichsensory

experiencesthatevoketransculturalmemoriesandemotionalhybridity.Bahrainisaculturally

hybridcountrybecauseofthelonghistoryofmigrationtothispartoftheworld.Theargument

isthathybridityinthesocialandphysicalurbanfabricinBahrainisvisible;inBabAl-Bahrain

particularly,thishybridityhasbecomepartoftheheritage.ThedistinctivenessinBabAl-

Bahrainarisesfromtheavailabilityoftraditionalfoodandwaresfromdifferentcountries,and

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intheharmoniouscoexistenceofthemosques,templesandchurches.Therefore,theideaof

thememoryinthissitebecomesmorenuanced,complexandinclusive.Here,thefindings

showthatthepermeability(RishbethandPowell,2013)inBabal-Bahraincontextandthe

visibilityofdifferentactivities,functionsandfoodoutletsatthesametimeandplacesupports

theengagementofdifferentpractices.Thisdiversityrespondstodifferentperceptions,

provideschoicesfordissimilarusersandpromotesasenseofbelonging.

Inthefindings,culturalpracticesarenotonlyshapedbyreligionororigin,butalsobyother

culturaldifferencessuchaslengthofresidence,socio-economiclevel,mobility,workinghours,

andfamilycommitments(Vertovec,2007b;ByrneandWolch,2009;AgyemanandErickson,

2012;PowellandRishbeth,2012).Theaffordancesoftheplacewithsocio-spatial-temporal

dimensionsandsensoryqualitiesalsoshapethesepractices(ByrneandWolch,2009;Powell

andRishbeth,2012).TheanalysisinChapterFivedescribedhowthedailyandseasonal

patternsofusecouldbeshapedbynuancesofdifferencessuchasfamilyresponsibility,

workinghours,perceptionsandoptionsofleisureandavailabilityofcar.Asaresultofthe

selectedfieldworkmethodsandtheanalysis,thesevariableswerehighlightedinthefindings,

forexample,withtheBalochifatherinHunainiyahPark,theSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden,

theIndianworkerinBabAl-BahrainandtheBulgarianresidentinAmwaj.Theobservation

supportedtheanalysisoftheinterviewsinexploringtheaffordancesofplaces.

ThesedifferencesandaffordancescouldalsobebarriersforusingPOS(ByrneandWolch,

2009;PowellandRishbeth,2012)andaffectsocialwellbeing.Physicalandsocialbarriersinthe

researchcontextsuchasweather,gendermixorlocationaldisadvantagescouldalsobethe

strugglesforadaptationandtransculturalpractices(Hou,2013).ChapterFivealsoshowedthat

thespatial,seasonalanddailypatternsofusecouldbeinfluencedbythebarriersofcultural

differences.Withtheconcernsoftransferencebetweendifferentenvironmentsandcultures

intransculturalcities,culturaldifferencescouldcreatebarrierstobeingoutdoorsandsharing

thespacewithothers,whichshouldbeconsideredintransculturalcitieswithsocialjustice.

7.2.6Movingtowardsauthenticbelongingintransculturalcities

Asenseoflocalbelongingisrevealedintheparticipants’storiesdemonstratinghowin

particularplaces,participantsfeltlikean‘insider’andathome.InvestigatingPOSin

transculturalcontexts,usingethnographicandqualitativeapproachesoffieldobservationand

interviewsintheselectedcasestudies,emphasisesthepotentialvaluesofoutdoorcityspaces

andmulti-sensoryqualitiesinpromotingasenseofbelongingamongstmigrants(Rishbethand

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Finney,2006).TheevocativequalitiesofPOSandtransculturalmemoriesdevelopedsensesof

belongingandmeaningfulattachmentsforthemigrantusers(GhoshandWang,2003;

Armstrong,2004;RishbethandPowell,2013).Beingabletospendtimeoutdoorspost

migrationhasthepotentialtosupportemotionalattachmentanddevelopbelongingand

adaptationwithinanewplace(Peters,2010;RishbethandPowell,2013)evenifthemigrants

aretemporaryworkers.

Whilebeingoutdoors,insouq,parksorgardensorinothernewlyinitiatedurbandistricts,

migrantscanexplorefurtherplaceaffordancestoengageintheirculturalpracticewherein

theybegintofeelathome.Culturaltransformation,adaptationandtheabilityofcontinuing

culturalpractices(beingoutdoorsandsocialising)havepromotedasenseofattachment,

confidence,meaningfulnostalgiaandfamiliarity.Aspacethatreflectsahybridsenseof

identityandafeelingofbeingwelcomeandadaptingintoatransnationalcontextcanpromote

anauthenticsenseofbelonging.

7.3Theoriesofconvivialityandencounteracrossdifferences

Thetheoryofconvivialityandeverydaymulticulturalismhasemergedasacounter-narrative

foranxietiesrelatedtodiversity,andfocusesonhowpeoplemanageculturaldifferencesin

theireverydayencounters(WiseandVelayutham,2009;Nealetal.,2013).Withinthedebate

onromanticisedaccountsofconvivialityandcivility,studiesonconvivialityandgeographiesof

encounterputmoreemphasisonconsideringtheeffectivenessoftheconvivialencounters

(Valentine,2008;Noble,2013;Wilson,2016).Hence,thisresearchfocusesontherelationship

betweenconvivialityandencountersintransculturalcitiesandhowbothconvivialityandthe

qualitiesofeverydayencounterscansupporteachother.Withintheoriesofconvivialityand

everydayencounters,thissectiondiscussesthecontributiontotwoareasoftheoryaround

meaningfulencountersandextendingthepositivebenefitsofencountersacrossdifferences

beyondthemomentsofencountersinrelationtosocialusesandvaluesofPOS.

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7.3.1MeaningsofeverydayconvivialityinPOS

7.3.1.1Wellbeingandinclusivity

Inframingunderstandingsofwellbeingamongurbandwellers,itisimportanttoconsiderhow

socialencountersaresupported,theroleofPOSinpromotingthisandhowtranscultural

discoursescanreflecttheunderstandingofthenuancesofmeanings.POSareimportantfor

individualwellbeing(Loukaitou-Sideris,1995;Dunnetetal.,2002;RishbethandFinney,2006;

Cattelletal.,2008;ByrneandWolch,2009;RegionalPublicHealth,2010;WardThompson,

2011)alongsidesocialbenefits(Putnam,2000;MeanandTims,2005;Lownsbroughand

Beunderman,2007;Peters2010;Thwaitesetal.,2011)andpsychologicalbenefits(Kaplan,

1995;Thwaitesetal.,2005;OttossonandGrahn,2005;Grahn,andStigsdotter,2010).

Accordingtotheresearchfindings,asexploredbyusingqualitativemethods,thenuancesof

themeaningsofmundaneencountersarecomplexandinvisiblereflectingdifferent

individual’sperceptionsandidentities;theirimportance,however,shouldnotbeignoredas

thesemeaningsarerelevanttoanindividual’swellbeing.

EncountersinPOS(i.e.parksandgardens,pedestrianised,andinformalPOS)holdsignificant

meanings,(sensesoffamily,friendships,neighbourliness,familiarity,solidarities,belonging

andtransculturalbonding).Thesemeaningsappearedimportantparticularlyamongmigrants

withsmallersocialnetworksasnarratedbyShahrazad,MaysaandHalainChapterSix.Someof

thesemeaningsarerelevanttotransculturalpractices.Affordancesforoutdoorsociability

connectmigrantswithhomeandmaintaintheirculturalpractices,whichcanalsopromote

wellbeingaswellassupporttransculturaladaptationanddevelopasenseofbelonging(Cattell

etal.,2008,Rishbeth2013).Outdoorsocialactivitiesalsoexposethemtomulti-sensory

qualitiesandexperiences(visual,non-visualandsocial)asdiscussedaboveinSection7.2and

provideopportunitiesfortransculturalbelonging.Recallingchildhoodmemoriesand

memoriesofhomesocialleisureexperienceshavedeepmeaningsandpromotemental

restorationforindividuals(Lowetal.,2005;RishbethandFinny,2006;WardThompson,2007;

Pink,2008;Ingold,2012),evenforthetemporarymigrantworkers.Thesememoriesare

interpersonaldimensions(ScannellandGifford,2010),whichrequiredin-depthqualitative

methodstobeexplored.InordertosupportconvivialityinPOSintransculturalcities,itis

importanttoconsider,withinclusivity,thenuancesofmeaningsofencounterswithregardto

socialbenefitsandwellbeing.

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Itisalsoimportanttounderstandconvivialityatasocietylevel(ValentineandSadgrove,2012)

asacollectivemeaning.Socialising,gathering,greetingstrangersonthewayandsharingfood

aresignificantcodesinIslamicculture.Busystreetareascanberestorative(Cattelletal.,

2008),which,inthisresearch,reflectsbacktotheotherwarmcountries,inwhichdaily

socialisingisvisibleinstreets.TraditionalBahrainicoffeehouses,forexample,addavisible

convivialatmospheretothelocalurbanspaces.Greenspacesalsohaveimportantrecreational

valuesformanyusers.

7.3.1.2Egalitarianpracticesofoutdoorleisure

Incomparisontoindoorspaces,usingoutdoorspacesforleisurecanbedescribedasa

democraticandelectivepractice(Nealetal.,2015).InPOS,userschoosetorepeattheirvisits

tothese‘micro-publicspaces’withthepresenceofdiversity.Itistheconceptofchoosingto

sharethespacesamongdiverseothersandconductingdifferentleisureactivitieswiththe

presenceofothersandwiththepotentialofencounters.Theresearchsuggeststhatthereisa

relationalprocessbetweensocialpracticesandincreasingpossibilitiesofencounter,contact

andproximity(Gilroy,2004;Nealetal.,2015).Itwasalsoapparentinthedatacollectedby

conductingon-siteinterviewsandspendingtimeinthedifferentselectedcasestudiesthatthe

visiblequalitiesandalternativesofPOShelpinformpeople,includingnewcomers,oftherange

ofactivitiesandpatternsofusethatcanbepursuedinthesespacesandthechoicestheyhave

spatiallyandtemporallywhichsupportprovidinginclusivecities(GhoshandWang,2003;

PowellandRishbeth,2012;Wessendorf,2014aand2014b;Nealetal.,2015).

Consideringtheconcept‘leisure-pleasureassociations’inparksandgardensforsupporting

meaningfulencounters(Nealetal.,2015,p.473),thefindingsofChaptersFiveandSix

indicatedthatweshouldnotassumethatinBahraintheparksaretheonlyleisureplaces,

manypeoplealsoenjoybeingonstreetsforleisure.Thoughstreetsareconsiderednecessary

places(Nealetal.,2015),thenecessaryactivitiesinmundaneopenspacesprovide

opportunitiesforeverydaysocialencountersandcasualinteractions.Supportingleisure

activitiesinstreetswouldfurthersupportmeaningfulencounters.Hence,formalandinformal

POSinBahrainappearassitesforeverydayencountersandconviviality.Asianmigrantworkers

crowdinBabAl-Bahrainsquareandthesouqintheirleisuretimewhilsttheymightnotfeel

welcomeinapubliclocalgarden.BabAl-Bahrainsiteappearsfamiliartothemandprovides

opportunitiesforthemtomeetpeoplefromtheirhomecountry.Thislocationalsoinvokes

memoriesforthosemigrantswhofindsimilaritiestospacesintheirhomecountrywithregard

toitsphysicalform,socialfabricandtheavailabilityoffamiliarfoodandgoods.

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7.3.2POSasconnectiveconvivialitysites:cross-culturalsocialbenefits

ThissectiondemonstrateshowencountersinPOSrelatetothebroadersocialbenefitsofPOS

andhowPOScouldbeconnectivespacesthatpromotethecross–culturalconviviality.

Mobilising,scalingupandextendingencounters(Valentine,2008;Nealetal.,2016;Wilson,

2016)arerelevanttotheconceptofsocialcapitalandsocialsupportforpeopletopromote

theircollectiveefficiency(Putnam,2000;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007).Valentineand

Sadgrove(2012)arguethatunderstandingthemeaningsofencountershastobeinrelationto

spatio-temporalexperiencesandhowsuchencounterscouldhavealastingeffect,e.g.in

relationtomemoriesorvalues.Wilson(2016)arguesthatratherthanonlythinkingabout

meaningfulencountersaschangeinanindividual’svalueorwiderbelief,wemayconsiderthe

conceptofmobilisationandrelocationoftheeffect.Extendedencountersarealsolinkedto

theconceptofscalingupandmobilisingencountersinrelationtohowatemporalencounter

translatesbeyonditsmoment(Nealetal.,2016).

7.3.2.1WaysinwhichqualitiesofPOScansupportmeaningfulencounters

Theoverlappingofspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseandculturalpractices,asinvestigated

inChaptersFiveandSix,providesopportunitiesforarangeofinteractions:fleeting

spontaneousinteractions,positivesocialexchangesandacknowledgementsbetweendiverse

users.SharingspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseinPOSinrepeatedmannersmaintained

theregularencountersinwhichpeoplehavebecomeacquainted(Cattelletal.,2008;Nealet

al.,2015)suchasintheexamplesofShahrazadandtheforeigncoachinArad,theSyrian

sistersinKhalifaGarden,andthegroupofwomeninHunainiyah.SharingPOSandeveryday

patternsofusewithothersdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatpeoplebuildsustained

relationshipsbeyondthespace,thoughtheresearchexploressuchexamples;butitdoesmean

thattheyacceptcontinualusageofaplacewiththepresenceofothers,ormaybethattheir

activitieshavebecomelinkedwithorrelyoneachother.Comparingtheresearchfindingswith

thatofNealetal.(2015,p.472),theyassertthatthe“socialaffinitiesaffordedbysharinga

park”generate“deeperform[s]ofencounter”thoughwithoutinteraction.

ConductingresearchonPOSextendsthefocusonmaterialityandcritiquestherelationship

betweensocialandphysicalaffordancesandtheactivitiesandculturalpracticesinPOSthat

supportencounters.Here,theaffordancesofthespacesfordifferentspatialandtemporal

activitiescouldbedeterminedbyconductingethnographicpracticesandsupportingthe

interviewswithobservationfromalandscapearchitectureperspective.Usingcasestudy

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methodandconductingtheresearchindifferentformalandinformalspatialtypologiesofPOS

alsohelpedinexploringtherelationshipbetweensocialandphysicalaffordances.Itwasalso

possibletounderstandhowdifferenttypologiesandsocialfunctionsandactivitiesindifferent

sitescouldsupportdifferentleisurepractices,stimulatememoriesandthehistoryofplaces

andshapespatiallyandtemporallydifferentpracticespostmigration,whichpromote

adaptationandtransculturalpractices.

BoththespatialandphysicalqualitiesofPOS,infrastructureandalliedfacilitiesareimportant

inmaintainingandfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoors.Theprovisionoffacilities

andlongopeninghoursalsosupportregularuse,particularlyiftheyarerespondingtoand

meetingtheusers’motivationandvalues.Forexample,walkingorjoggingneartheseainArad

atdawnwaspossibleonlybecausetheareaisprovidedwithaproperwalkwaytrackand

securityguardsandtheParkisopen24hoursaday.Hunainiyahisauniquenaturaldesert

locationthatattractsmanyusers,butpeoplevisitthelocationrepeatedlybecausethespaceis

providedwithaparkandfacilitiessuchaspicnicpods,benches,asportsfield,walkway,

playground,parkingareaandtoiletsthatsupportusers’diverseactivities.

ThevaluesandmeaningsofsocialencounterscouldbeextendedinPOSthroughlinking

differentoccasionalactivitiesandeventsthatarerelatedtemporallywithdifferenttimesof

theday,daysoftheweekandseasons,evenifthesocialencountersarerepeatedinthesame

openspace.Thisdynamicandtemporalpatternsofusedrawontheconceptof‘temporalityof

thelandscape’,‘taskscape’andrelatedactivities(Ingold,2000).Designandmanagementof

thesespaceshavevitalrolesinprovidingthespacesfortheseeventsandsupportingregular

use.POS,asconnectiveanddynamicspaces,supporttheargumentthatrepeatedencounters

withdifferentotherslinksocialconnectionbeyondthemomentsoftheencounters(Wilson,

2016;Nealetal.,2016).Peoplestillneedtohaveoptionsandaccessibilitytomovewithinthe

city.Aspectsofmobilitythereforemustbeconsideredinunderstandingconnectivityincities.

IncreasingPOSindifferentlocationswithinthecitiesalsosupportsconviviality.Hence,

planning,designandmanagementpracticehasasignificantrolewithinthedebateofextended

encounters.

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7.3.2.2Intersectionofgenderandmigration:Socialsupportformigrantwomenandmale

migrantworkersinuseofpublicspace

Socialsupportforwomen:Parksandgardens,inthefindings,appearedtobetheonlyoutdoor

leisurespacesforsomewomentosocialiseandhaveopportunitiestoestablishrapportwith

otherwomen,sustaintheirsocialrelationsandextendtheirsocialnetworks.Thebuildingof

strongrelationshipsinPOSwasapparentamongstlessmobilewomen.Womenwere

exchangingtheirtelephonenumberstocontinuetheircontactswithinaparkorgardenor

beyond.Thevalueofbuildingsustainedrelationshipsorextendedencountershastobea

fundamentalconsiderationofpractitionersinthefieldofprovidingPOS.However,

intersectionalitiesofgendermatterheregiventhatthewomenarefromdifferentethnicities.

ThereisareservationinArab-Islamicculturetohavecontactwithstrangersoftheopposite

gender.ThefindingsfromChapterSix,however,exploredthattherewasacollectivetendency

inarranginggatheringsindifferentparksandgardensandtensionswithregardtoprivacyor

mixed-genderedspacesdidnotappearandusersspatiallymanagetheirseatingaccordingto

theirpreferencesandrespectothersevenoncrowdeddays.

Socialsupportformalemigrantworkers:POSsupportaffectiveencounterswithcollective

socialbenefitsaswellassocialsupportsforindividuals,includingtemporarymarginalisedmale

workers.ManymigrantlabourersinBahrainarelivinginstressfulsituations,i.e.,inpoor

neighbourhoods,awayfromfamilies,inharshworkingconditions,withlowwagesandatthe

bottomofthesocialhierarchy(Gardner,2010a).TheresultsinChapterSixshowedhowthe

crowdsinparksandgardenspromotedafamilyatmosphereforlonemigrantworkers(Bynon

andRishbeth,2015)asmentionedbyNazir,Maysa,HalaandShahrazadandotherparticipants

intheon-siteshortinterviews.POSalsoencouragedwalkingenthusiasts(includinglone

migrants)whochoosetogowhereothersaresharingthesameactivitytofeelmotivated(Neal

etal.,2015).ChapterSixalsodemonstratedhowthroughwalkingoutdoorsandmovingin

betweenspacessupportmigrantsinbecomingfamiliarwithlocalspacesandexploreniches

wheretheyfeelcomfortable(PowellandRishbeth,2012).MigrantsandBahrainisboth

highlightedthesenseofbelongingandcohesionthroughexchangingacknowledgmentsand

fleetingencounters(KareeminBabAl-BahrainandtheJordanianparticipantinthePearling

Trailsite).InBahrain,asmanymigrantsaretemporarycontractworkersorhaveshortstay

status,suchfleetingencounters,whichcouldbedescribedas‘lightconviviality’(Nealetal.,

2013),areimportantforthesemigrants.

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Withthesocialandculturaldynamicsofpopulationintransculturalcities,thefluiditypatterns

ofsociabilityinPOSinBahrainprovidearichmediumfor‘temporaryorlooseconnection’(The

YoungFoundation,2012)andsupporttheconceptof‘temporarysolidarity’and‘temporary

community’(Wilson,2011;Nealetal.,2015).

7.3.2.3Towardssociallyresponsivespaces

SocialsupportinPOSamongdiversepopulationscouldbelinkedtosocialcapital(Putnam,

2000;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007;Cattelletal.,2008;Peters,2010),whichsupports

convivialityandextendedmeaningfulencounters(Nealetal.,2016).POSareastagefor

fleetingandincidentalinteractions.Withthedebateonromanticisedaccountsofconviviality

andcivility(Valentine,2008;Noble,2013),ChapterSixrevealedevidenceswheretheeveryday

civilitiesof‘friendliness’,‘togetherness'and‘altruism’insharingfacilities,givingway,giving

foodandtakingcareofanother’schildinadiversecontextareproductiveinsupporting

meaningfulencounters(WiseandVelayutham,2009).Thisresearchfoundthatlong-term

meaningscouldalsobegeneratedwithasenseofsociallyresponsivespaces.

However,thereisasmallbutsignificantdistinctionbetweencivilityandconviviality(as

discussedbyValantine(2008)Noble(2013)inSection2.3.2)aswellasbetweensociabilityand

convivialityasfurthershapedbythefindingsofChapterSix.Withculturaldifferences,

sociabilitycouldbeexpresseddifferentlyunderculturalcodes,andoneroleoftheresearcher

inthefieldistounderstandhowthesecodesarereceivedbydifferentparticipants.For

example,inKhalifaGarden,aBahrainimothersaidthatherlittledaughterlikestoplayonthe

swingsinthegarden,butshesaidthattheSyrianandYeminichildrenplaythereallthetime

andterritorialisetheplaygroundfortheirrelatives.Shedid,however,rememberthatonone

occasionverypoliteIndianparentsmadesurethattheirchildrenallowedotherchildrento

play.Themotherdidnotforgetthatmomentand,toher,thiswasaveryresponsibleact.Faiza

alsohadthesamepointofviewregardingtheterritorialityoftheplayground,butshehad

broughtwithherabadmintonsetandaballsothatherchildrendidnotfeelupsetwhenthe

playequipmentwasoccupied.WhatFaizadidisnegotiationinusinginformalactivitiesinstead

oftheformalprovidedandalsointroducesasenseofsocialresponsibility.Fortheconceptof

convivialitytobebetterenactedhere,moreplaygroundoptionsandalternativestohavea

sociallyresponsiveenvironmentshouldbeprovided;thisistheresponsibilityoftheproviders.

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7.4ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOS:Complexityoftransculturalcities

Thequestionsthatarisearehowthetransculturalcomplexityisreflectedineverydaysocial

encounters,andhowculturaldifferencesintransculturalphenomenashapethecomplexities

forconvivialityinPOS.Thestudiesontransculturalcitiesrecommendlookingatnuancesof

everydayencounterstounderstandmoreaboutcomplexities(Hou,2013;Lung-Amam,2013).

Inthisresearch,supportedbytheoriesofconviviality(Gilroy,2004;WiseandVelayutham,

2009;Nealetal.,2013;Noble,2013;Wessendorf,2014b),investigatingtherealityofeveryday

socialrelationsinpublicspacesexploresapositiveperspectiveoflivingtogetherindiversity

thatcanmediateculturaldifferences.Thediversityofthepopulationisreflectedinthe

diversityofusersinformalandinformalPOSinBahrain.Thiscontextdiffersfromother

countrieswherethemigrantsandminoritiesareseentobeexcludedfromsomePOS,whilstin

thisresearchcontext;themajorityoftheusersinurbanformalandinformalspacesare

migrants(Elsheshtawy,2006;Gardner,2010b;JarachandSpeece,2013).Inthecontextof

Bahrainthisalsopresentschallenges.

7.4.1Parentingandlitteringinpublic:Culturaldifferencesandsocialresponsibility

Thefindingsrevealedfromtheanalysisoftheinterviewtranscriptsshowthatformsof

conflictsatmicro-scale,namelyparentingandcleanliness,havebecomeamatterofethical

obligationwithregardtopublicspaces(Lofland,1989;Valentine,2008;Noble,2013;

Wessendorf,2014).Inthefindings,usersstressedtheneedformoredutyofcareinpublic

spacesevenamongpeoplewithsharedArabculturesandreligion.Forinstance,though

cleanlinessisacommonIslamicmanner,someArabmigrantshavebeenjudgedfor

irresponsiblebehaviouroflittering.Thisshowsthatthoughcleanlinessisamoralvalue,itis

notshapedcollectivelybyculturalgroups;butitisshapedbyculturaldifferencesin

transculturalcitiesandintersectionality.Yet,thosepeoplewholittervaluetheseparksand

gardensandhaveahighsenseofattachmenttothesespaces.Litteringcanbeseenas‘outof

place’behaviour(Cresswell,1996;Lieberman,1996;Manzo,2003;Sofoulisetal.,2008;Yatmo,

2008;Campkin,2013),butthisassumptionmayfailtoconsiderthatcleanlinessisculturaland

contextdependent(Lewicka,2011).Thereisalsonoclearcorrelationbetweenasenseof

belongingandpro-environmentalbehaviours,suchascleanlinessandtakingcareoftheplace

(Uzzelletal.,2002;Lewicka,2011).

230

Similarly,fromtheanalysisinthepreviouschapter,allowingchildrentoplayinthegardenwith

otherchildrenandsiblingswithoutdirectadultsupervisionwasaparentingstyleorculture

(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015)thatwasshapedbydifferentperceptions(Byrneand

Wolch,2009)ofsafetyandtrustinbeinginapublicplace.However,theseparentswere

criticisedorjudgedfornothavingastrongsenseofparentalresponsibilityorforbeingcareless

parents.Itiscommonthatparentsandtheirchild’sbehavioursinpubliccanfacedisapproval

fromotherparents,e.g.inplaygrounds(Wilson,2013;Brown,2013;Babuc,2015).These

judgmentsareformedduetodifferentculturalexpectations,andhence,practicesand

responsibilitiesofparentingcannotbedivorcedfrominterculturaldialogues(Phillipsetal.,

2014).Parentingisadynamicculturalpracticeanddifferswithageoftheparentsandchildren,

educationlevelororigin(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015).

TheseculturalpracticesofparentingandcleanlinessinoutdoorspacesinBahrainarenot

shapedbymigrants’originorethnicityorbyclassandincomebracket,butbycultural

differencesregardingsocialresponsibilitiesinpublicspaces.Hence,socialresponsibility

appearedasanothervariableintransculturalcities.Thesevariablesandintersectionalitiesof

gender,age,economicandeducationopportunities,mobility,lifepattern,workinghours,

familyresponsibility,schoolcommitmentandavailabilityofsocialsupport(Vertovec,2007a;

AgyemanandErickson,2012)arealsosocialbarriersintransculturalcities(Hou,2013).

Inthefindings,conflictsemergedbecauseofdifferencesinculturalexpectationsinpublic

spacesregardingparentingandcleanliness.Althoughsuchconflictsappeartrivialinthe

interculturaldiscourses,theychallengesocialencounterandcross-culturalinteractionin

transculturalcities.Someparentingandcleanlinessissueswerejudgedinrelationtothe

predominantlylowsocio-economicmigrantusers,whichcouldbeinterpretedasperpetuating

prejudice.However,evidencesinthisresearchfromon-siteandin-depthinterviewsshowed

thatvarietiesofpracticesappearedacrossandamongdifferentsocialandculturalgroups,

whichsometimescreateinterculturalconflicts.Forexample,someusersfeelalienatedand

choosetoavoidcertainplacesterritorialisedwithdominantbehaviours.Interviewsrevealed

thatfeelingsofestrangementandculturalalienationarenotonlyexperiencedbymigrantsand

newcomers(Section2.2.5),butcanalsobefeltbythereceivingcommunity(duetothecultural

differences).PeoplejudgingothersiscommonineverydayuseofPOS,butitbecomesa

problemwhenconvivialityandinclusivityinthesespacesischallenged.Someoftheseconflicts

alsohappenbetweendifferentrestorativeperceptionswhensomeusersarelookingfora

moresanitisedandlesscomplexenvironmentandothersarelookingformorevibrantplaces.

Theoutcomeoftheseconflictswithregardtodifferentpracticesleadstotemporalorspatial

231

withdrawal,whichcouldbesortofnegotiationsbutcouldalsoreducetheopportunitiesfor

encounters.

Momentsoftransgressionandconvivialityinpublicspacesareevidenceoffluidity,hybridity

andsocialtransformation.ForWiesemann(2012),thesemomentsshowhowsuchexperiences

canleadtore-thinkingfixednotionstowardsothers.Wilson(2016)explainsmomentsof

convivialityincludeconflictordisharmonywhenthefeelingsorevenexpectationsof

differencesarenotconsideredorunderstood(ibid).However,Wilson(2016)arguesthat

mobilisingtheeffectsandmeaningsofencounterscouldhappenwitheitherpositiveor

negativeencounters.Understandingtensionsatmicrolevelisvitalwithconcernsofscalingup,

generalisingandmobilisingencounters(Valentine,2008;Wilson2016).Forthisreason,there

isthepotentialthatminorconflictsescalatetoinformanti-migrationpoliciesorpoliciesthat

limitthedevelopmentofculturaldiversityanddifferentheritages.

Itisvitalforprofessionalsandscholarsinthefieldoflandscapearchitecturenottoignoresuch

conflicts,howeverminororirrelevanttothephysicalstructureofthespace.Withescalating

conflicts,POScouldlosetheirpositivesocialvalues.Abetterunderstandingoftemporaland

spatialqualitiesinPOSisneededalongwithaconsiderationofthediverseusersandvalues

andmundaneconflicts.Mundaneconflictscouldreinforcesegregationbetweengroupsof

differentbackgrounds,suchascountryoforiginorpoorandrichifscaledup.Therefore,this

needstobebetterrelatedtotheprofessionalpracticeandwillbediscussedinChapterEightin

relationtothefindingsfromtheexpertinterviews.

7.4.2OpportunitiesfornegotiationinPOSsupportconviviality

Themundaneconflictsasdiscussedabove,however,werenotpubliclyexpressedandpeople

ingeneralappearedhospitableacrossdifferencesintheireverydayrelations.RashidinKhalifa

Gardensaid,“Theymightcomplainamongstthemselvesandonlyavoidgoingtothatgardenat

certaintimes,buttheydon’tfacetheotherusersanddon’tinterruptthem”.Thefindingsalso

showotherevidencesofspatio-temporalnegotiationinsharingPOS,forexample,mixed-

genderedsharingofparksandgardens,ordifferentethnicitiesandperceptionsinplaying

sportsintheprovidedsportsyards.Inthefirstexample,thetendencyorvalueofrespecting

women’sprivacywascollectivelyclearbetweenusersand,inthesecondexample,therewasa

prioragreementbasedonadirectcommunicationanddialoguebetweentheusersinusing

sportareas.Boththeseexamplesweresupportedbythedesignandmanagementaffordances

oftheparksandgardens.Thissupportsotherstudiesonnegotiationandshowthatuserscan

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stillmanagetheirsocialrelationsandsupportconvivialityinPOStosomeextent(Noussiaand

Lyons,2009;WiseandVelayutham,2009;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Hou,2013;Nealand

Vincent,2013;Nealetal.,2015;Wilson,2016;Nealetal.,2016).

ByexploringthewaysinwhichtransculturalsocialconflictsinPOSatmicro-levelarerelated

notonlytothephysicalcontextbutalsotothevisibilityofdifferentculturalpractices,this

researchhighlightstheimportanceofconsideringmundanepracticeswithindebatesonsocio-

spatialityandtensions(Amin2008,Valentine,2008).Byunderstandingandobservingthecase

studylocationsfromalandscapearchitectureperspective,itwaspossibletoarguethat

conflictsinthefindingsappearedinreasonablywell-designed,facilitatedandmaintainedparks

andgardenswithdiverseactivities.Forexample,KhalifaGarden,HunainiyahParkandArad

ParkarehighqualityPOSingoodlocationsandvaluedbymanyusers.Fromtheethnographic

practicesofcombiningbothfieldobservationandinterviewsatdifferenttimesofthedayand

daysoftheweek,itwasrevealedthatthesespaceswereaccessibletolowsocio-economic

migrantfamilieswhofeelwelcometousethesespacesfortheirleisureactivities,butthere

wereaggravationsandconflicts.

Providingachoiceofactivitiesandspacesandopportunitiesfornegotiationand

communicationallsupportthesocialandculturaldynamicsandthusthoughtfulplanning,

designandmanagementinPOScanhelpavoidconflicts.Multi-interculturalsituationswith

socialandculturaldynamicswillalwayshavesomeconflictsintermsofdifferentcultural

expectations,which“canbemoreclearlyunderstoodthroughtheparticularthanthrough

broadgeneralisations”(Rishbeth,2014,p.102).Hence,socialjusticeneedstobeconsideredin

theprovisionandregulationofPOSwithconcernsforwellbeing,socialandphysicalbarriers

andculturaldifferencesintransculturalcitiesaswillbediscussedfurtherinthenextchapter.

Therelevantquestionsthatareconsideredinthenextchapterunderthescope(and

responsibility)ofprofessionalpracticearehowdowedefinewhatisacceptableandwhatis

not,thatis,whatarethesocialresponsibilitiesforbeinginapublicspace,andhowcanthese

responsibilitiesbecommunicatedtodifferentculturesandyetmaintaininginclusivity?

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7.5Conclusion

Thisresearchconstructsanargumentthatwhenlookingatconvivialityincontemporarycities

suchasinBahrain,weneedtounderstandthephenomenaoftransculturalcities,andthat

publicopenspacesareimportantsitesforconviviality,partlyduetothevisibilityofcultural

differencesandsocialdynamics.Theliteraturereviewdiscussedtherelevanttheoreticalareas

andthediscussioninthischapterelaboratedhowthefindingssupportandextendtheexisting

bodyofknowledgebylookingatanewcontextwithinanArab-Islamicculture,aridclimateand

adistinguishingpatternoftemporarymigration.Theresearchisthefirstintheregionthat

specificallyexplorestheroleofthebuiltenvironmentinpromotingasenseofbelongingina

newplacefortemporaryandshortstaymigrantsanditsroleinsupportingtheiradaptation

andintegration.

Theresearchexaminestheoverlapsbetweenconviviality,transculturalcitiesandPOSand

explorestheideathatconvivialityandtransculturalpracticesareinterrelatedandcanbe

mutuallysupportive.Thefindingsshowthattransculturalpracticesandprocessesareabout

transformation,adaptation,hybridityandcross-culturalinteraction(Hou,2013,p.4-7),which

alsosupportstheviewofValentine(2008,p.333-334)thatmeaningfulencountersand

convivialityshouldincludeculturalexchangeandsocialtransformation.ManagementofPOS

shouldtaketheapproachofsupportinganinclusiverecognitionofdifferentactivitiesinwhich

culturaldifferencecanbeexpressed.Thefindingshighlightthatthevisibilityofdifference

alongwithmigrantscontinuingtheirleisurepracticesandpatternsofsociabilityinPOS

supportsthedevelopmentofauthenticbelongingintransculturalcities.

Theresearchrevealsdifferentexamplesofmeaningfulencountersdevelopedfromthe

affordancesforbeingvisibleoutdoorsandsharingaspace,anactivityoramomentwith

others.Theroleofdesignalsoappearedpredominantlyinusers’perceptionandexperiences

ofPOS:thewell-designedpavementandsittingareasinAndaluswereuniquecomparedto

otherplaces,thedesignofthelawnwithtopographyanditsvastnessinKhalifaGarden,the

ambienceofthelagoon-sidewiththewalkwayandseatingareas,thepavementandbenches

inBlock-338andinthePearlingTrailsitewithitsartisticfeatures.Userswereveryconscious

aboutthequalitiesoftheselandscapeelementsaswellasthemaintenancerequiredinPOSto

facilitatetheiruse.TheaffordabilityandaccessibilityofPOSareessential.Freeentrytoparks

andgardenswashighlyvalued,evenbythemiddleclassandtheegalitarianismoftheseating

areaswasalsoavalued,especiallyinplaceswheremostofthechairsbelongtotherestaurants

234

andcafés.Thisresearchexaminedhowthespatialandphysicalqualitiesofaspacecanbring

diversepeopletogethersothattheycanexplorecommonalitiesandbridgedifferences.

Investigatingtheoverlapsbetweenconviviality,transculturalcitiesandPOSalsoexploresthe

complexitiesforconvivialityinPOSthatarosefromthecomplexityoftransculturalcities.The

abovediscussionshowsthatthevisibilityofdiversityinsharingtheuseofPOSisnotalways

positiveandplacingdifferentgroupsinthesamephysicalspacecanreinforceconflictswith

regardtoculturaldifferences.Parentingandcleanlinessappearedinthefindingsascultural

differencesintransculturaldiscourses.Theseculturaldifferencesshapepatternofuseinparks

andgardens(ByrneandWolch,2009)andalsocreateconflictsandmisunderstandingswiththe

differentculturalexpectations.Parentingandcleanlinessarecomprehendedundersocial

responsibilityinpublicspacesandethicsofcare(Barnes,2012;LowandIveson,2016).Hence,

alongwithculturaldifferencesandaspectsofsocio-spatialusesandvaluesofPOS,ethicaland

moraldimensionsneedtobeconsideredintheoriesandpracticeoftransculturalcitiesto

supportconviviality.Socialjusticeandtheimplicationforpractice(LowandIveson,2016)will

beaddressedinthenextchapter.

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ChapterEight:ContributiontoDevelopingPractice

8.1Introduction

Thischapteraddressesthethirdaimoftheresearch,whichistoidentifythepotentialof

landscapeplanninganddesignpracticeforsupportingconvivialityintransculturalpublic

spaces.Thischapterwillspecificallyanalysehowthefindingsofthefieldworkmayhavethe

potentialtoinformandimpactfuturepractice.Onemeansofconductingthisanalysiswillbe

toexaminethefindingsoftheon-siteandparticipantinterviewsincomparisontothe

perspectives,valuesandpracticesasrevealedintheinterviewswithexperts(Section8.2).

Subsequently,IwilluseLowandIveson’s(2016)SocialJusticeandPublicSpacesFrameworkto

explorethepotentialforamoreforwardthinkingandinclusiveapproachtoPOSin

interculturalcities.Thefindingsanddiscussionofthefirstandsecondaims(ChaptersFive,Six

andSeven)haveaddressedsomeculturallyappropriatepragmaticexamplesinpublicopen

spaces(POS)thatsupportconvivialityacrossdifferencesand,inthischapter,thesefindingsare

embeddedinaninformedunderstandingofthePOSpoliciesinBahrain.

Priortodiscussingthecurrentpolicies,Ire-visitthemaintenetofthisresearchinrelationto

theprofessionalpracticeofPOS:Whytheoriesandpracticesoftransculturalurbanismare

fundamentalforprofessionalsinthefieldofbuiltenvironmentinBahrain.Theconceptof

transculturalurbanismdoesnotimposeacommonculturetobesharedbydiverseusers.The

focusofthisresearchishowtosupportdiversityandsociabilityinPOSandreducetheroutine

tensions.Theinterculturalapproachis“basedonsharedfundamentalvalues,respectfor

commonheritageandculturaldiversityaswellasrespectfortheequaldignityofevery

individual”(CouncilofEurope,2008,p.4).Thisstatementcanbeimportantforprofessional

remitsinthebuiltenvironmentwithinthecontextsofadiversepopulationtopromotesocial

equityandrespectinPOS.

TheresearchhasaddressedhowBahrainfitswithinstudiesoftransculturalcities,whilstits

culture,climateandpatternofmigrationaremarkedlydifferentfromtheWesterncountries,

wheremostoftheexistingstudiesarecentred.Thenon-Bahrainitemporarymigrantsarethe

majorityofthepopulation;butduetotheirtemporarymigrantstatus,thepoliciesof

integrationandinterculturalinteractionsdevelopedinEuropeandNorthAmericamaynot

236

appearrelevanttothecontext.However,itdoesnotmeanthattheprofessionalsinthefieldof

builtenvironmentshoulddisregardinclusivityanddiversityinPOS.Urbanplannersand

landscapearchitectsneedtobeawarethatthemigrants’righttousetheavailablePOSshould

bemaintainedeventhoughtheirstatusis‘temporary’.Hence,itisimportanttogroundthe

discussionoftransculturalurbanismintherealityofthecurrentpractice.Withinthe

methodologicalframework,practitioners’perspectivesweresoughtoutintheformofeight

interviewswithkeyindividualswiththepurposeofgaininganoverviewandinsightinto

policiesandstrategiesforprovidingandregulatingPOSinBahrain.Table8.1belowisa

summaryoftheconductedexpertinterviewmethod(formoredetail,seeChapterThree–

Section3.5.3).

ExpertinterviewmethodSemi-structuredin-depthinterview

Justificationofthemethodused Participantsandtimescale

• Triangulatethefindingsandprovideacollaborativeanalyticallenswhichaddsaprofessionalperspectiveandvoicetotheresearch.

• Testtherelevanceoffindingsforpracticeandshapealandscapearchitecturalspecificitytotheresearchoutcomes,whichframesthefindingsfromtheothermethods.

• Provideabroadunderstandingofthepoliciesandgatheradditionaldataandfurtherunderstandingofthehistoricalandcontemporarycontext.

HeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquities

Architect.NouraAl-Sayeh 16.09.14

MaintenanceandOperationEngineerofParksandGardensinManamaMunicipality

EngineerFatemaHamza

20.01.15

ChiefofUrbanObservatoryinUrbanPlanningDepartment

ArchitectWafaSharif 29.12.15

DirectorofPropertiesandParks

LandscapeArchitectZuhairAl-Dallal

06.01.1607.01.16

GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsandVicePresidentoftheFriendsGroupsoftheCapitalGardens

Mr.MohammedAl-A’ali 11.01.16

FounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpacenon-profitcommunityorganisation

ArtistBayanAl-Baker 14.01.16

Paediatric,MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomenandPresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceAgainstChildren.

Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahroos

21.01.16

Attorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpublicinternationallaw

Dr.AhmedFarhan 24.01.16

Table8.1Summaryoftheexpertinterviewmethod.

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8.2Comparingfindingsfromfieldworkandexpertinterviews

ThissectionframesthefindingsfromChaptersFive,SixandSeveninrelationtotheexpert

interviews,whichsignificantlycontributetolinkingtheorywithpractice.Theexpertinterviews

arecomparedtothefindingsfromtheethnographicmethodstoidentifycorrelationsand

contradictions.Fourtopicsemergedfromthecomparison:

1. RecognitionofhowdiversityshapesthepracticeofoutdoorrecreationinBahrainPOS

(Section8.2.1).

2. UnderstandingbarrierstoaccessforusingPOSinBahrain(Section8.2.2).

3. IdentifyinginterculturalconflictsintheuseofPOSinBahrain(Section8.2.3).

4. Ideasofhowtodevelopinclusivemanagementpractice(Section8.2.4).

Undereachofthesefourareas,Isetoutthesummarypointsunderthreeheadings:expert

interviewfindings,ethnographicfieldworkfindingsandcomparisonbetweenthese.

8.2.1 Recognition of how diversity shapes the practice of outdoor recreation in

BahrainPOS

8.2.1.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings

1. Ingeneral,alltheexpertintervieweescommentedonthenatureofsocialmixing

betweenlocalandmigrantsinpubliclifeinBahrainandtheimportanceofPOSin

Bahrainforsocialinteraction.

2. Currentpracticeusuallyfollowsaprincipleofstandardisationoftheoutdoor

recreationactivitiesthatmeetfamilyneeds.

3. However,therearelimitationsinprofessionalpracticeinunderstandingtheeveryday

livesofpeoplefromdiversebackgrounds,andhowdemographicchangeincity

residentsisreflectedinthediversityinpublicspaces.

4. Therearealsolimitationsinprofessionalpracticescurrentunderstandingwithregard

tosocialinteractionacrossdifference.

238

8.2.1.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork

1. ThediversityofpopulationinBahrainisreflectedintheopenspaceswheredifferent

practicesandpatternsofusearevisible.

2. LeisureandrecreationactivitiesarecommonmotivationsforusingPOS,thisincludes

migrants,indicatingthattheprovisionofPOSsupportsadaptationandintegrationof

newresidents.

3. Asenseoflocalbelongingandbeingwelcomedisrevealedintheparticipants’stories,

demonstratinghowinparticularplaces,participantsfeltlikeaninsiderand‘athome’.

Oftentheseemotionsreflectmigrants’identities,pastmemoriesandthehistoryof

places.

4. Sociability,visibilityofdiversityandthecordialatmosphereinsharedspacesarehighly

valuedbyusers.

8.2.1.3Comparison

1. Thereisagapbetweenpracticeandthefieldworkfindingsbecauseculturaldiversityis

notconsideredinpracticebutappearedsignificantintheanalysisanddiscussionof

theethnographicfindings.

2. Althoughthereislimitationinpracticeaboutconsideringdiversityandsocial

interactioninthecurrentprojects,usersrecognisethisdiversityandbothusersand

expertsvaluediversityandsociabilityinBahrain.

3. Therearestandardsinpracticeregardingtheprovisionofactivities,butethnography

showsaffordancesinPOSfordiverserecreationalactivitieswhichpromoteadaptation

andasenseofbelonging

4. Someusergroups’needsarenotprioritised,includingthoseofmigrants.Current

designstandardsofparksandgardensarenotreflectingcontemporaryneedsof

superdiversepopulationandculturaldifferences.

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8.2.2UnderstandingbarrierstoaccessforusingPOSinBahrain


1. ThereisabroadunderstandingthatBahrainhasalowquantityofurbanPOSand

thesespacesareunevenlydistributedacrossthecity.

2. Inmanycases,walkabilityqualityinBahrainisnotformallyconsideredinpractice,

eventhough,theimportanceofwalkabilitycanbeseeninsomeprojects.Astrategic

approachthathasbeensuccessfulinBahrainisthepedestrianisedstreetswith

walkabilityintheheritagesite,inBlock-338andintheprivateinvestments.

3. PlanningstandardscategorisePOSasparksandgardensaccordingtotheirdifferent

sizes.Communitygardens(orneighbourhoodgardens)aresmall-sizedgardensand

serveasmallerpopulationandarelocatedwithinresidentialareas,whilstthenational

parksservealargerpopulationtowhichtheusersmustdrive.

4. Thesizeoftheparkdeterminesthenumberofprovidedactivitiesandthestandards

withinplanningregulationsonprovidingactivitiesinfluencedesignandmanagement.

5. RegulationsofPOSareassignedatmanagementlevelwhichdefinetherestricted

activities(includingleisureandrecreationalactivities).Inpublicparksandgardens,

theseregulations,forexample,areeitherintheformofnoticeboardsorassigning

entryfeesandwomen-onlydays.


1. Practicesofsharedpatternsofuseacrossdiversityprevail;yet,culturalvariablesand

differencescanbebarriersforusingoraccessingPOS,withpossiblenegativeimpacts

onwellbeingframedbytheunderstandingsofsocialjustice.

2. Culturaldifferencesandintersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatusand

migrants’generationandidentitiesshapethepatternsofusingaswellasnotusing

POS.Forexample,differencesoflifepatterns,familyresponsibility,workinghoursand

accessibilitytoprivatetransportcouldhaveimpactonaccessibilitytoPOS.Similarly,

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gender-dominantlocations(e.g.maleinBabAl-Bahrain)andsocio-economicspecific

spaces(e.g.Amwaj)arebarriers,shapedbyculturaldifferences,toinclusivePOS.

3. Certainregulationsandpracticesappearedasbarriersandhaveanimpactontheuse

ofPOS(regulationssuchasremovingbenches,providingphysicalbarriersandfences

andopeninghours).Someoftheseregulationsaretocontrolcertainbehaviours(i.e.

lackofparentalcontrolandlittering).

4. Designandmanagementapproachesinformedbyprinciplesofsocialjusticeneedto

bethoughtfullyconsideredintransculturalpublicspacesthroughunderstanding

affordancesandtheappropriatenessofspacesforuserswithdifferentcultural

practices.

8.2.2.3Comparison

1. Thecurrentpracticestandardsdidnotacknowledgeorconsiderthenuancesof

culturaldifferencessuchastheexperiencesofwomen,peoplewhodonotdriveor

havelongworkinghours.Yet,inethnographicfindings,suchdifferencesshapethe

barriersaswellasspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseofbothformalandinformal

POS.Forexample,womenandfamiliesvaluespaciousparksandgardenswithawide

rangeoffacilitiesfortheirextendedandlargegatherings,butthisisanissuefor

womenwhodonotdrive.Theplanningstandardsshowthatlargeparksareprovided

withawiderangeofrecreationalactivitiesbutthesespacescanonlybereached

primarilybydrivingasalsoexplainedintheexpertinterviews.

2. SmallPOS(includingsmallneighbourhoodgardens)havefewerrecreationalactivities,

whichpresentssomelimitationsinrespondingtodifferentpatternsofuseandcultural

practices.Thislimitationwouldhaveimpactonsocialjusticeincertainlocationssuch

asincongestedneighbourhoodsmostlyresidedinbymigrantworkersandlow-income

families(withlimitedaccessibilitytoprivatetransportand/orlongworkinghours)as

appearedintheBabAl-Bahrain,oldMuharraqandHunainiyahcontexts.

3. Theethnographyalsounderlinedthatcertainregulationsarebarrierstousingpublic

spacesforpeopleofcertainmigrantidentities,genderand/orincome;however,the

expertswerenotawareoftheimpactcertainregulationshaveontheinclusivityof

publicspacesandservices.

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4. AnotherdisparityisthatthestandardcategorisationsofPOSonlyincludeparksand

gardens,buttheselectedstudiesincludeavarietyofimportant(formalandinformal)

POSandthecollecteddatafoundthateachtypologyhassignificantvaluesandusesfor

peoplewithculturaldifferences.LeisureactivitiesintheinformalPOSraisequestions

abouttheaccessibility,affordability,sufficiencyandconveniencesoftheformal

providedPOSinBahrainfordifferentpeoplewithvariedworkinghoursandmobilityor

specificculturalneeds(ethnic,ageorgender).Informedbysocialjusticeand

wellbeing,theseinformalspacesneedtobethoughtfullyconsideredinpracticeto

supportinclusivityintransculturalBahrainwithdifferentspatialleisurespecificities

anddifferentbarrierstobeingoutdoors.

5. Thereisasimilarityinthecollecteddataaboutwalkabilityhavingasignificantvalue,

butthisisnotconsideredformallyinpractice.Streets(suchasBabAl-Bahrainand

Block-338)thatsupportwalkabilityand/orsitabilityarevaluedfortheiraffordances

forbeingoutdoors;particularlyforpeoplewithabusylifestyle,longworkinghoursor

withoutaccesstoprivatetransport.Theexpertinterviewsexploredsomeinitiativesin

professionalpracticebystakeholderssuchasurbanplanning,municipality,cultural

authority,privateinvestmentsandcommunityinvolvementinprovidingcreative

spacessuchasBlock-338,historicalsitesandAmwaj.Theseinitiativessupported

diversepatternsofleisureandrecreationalactivities,andthisgoodpracticecouldbe

extended.

8.2.3IdentifyinginterculturalconflictsintheuseofPOSinBahrain


1. Theprovisionofpublicparksispartofthepublicservices(includingchildren’s

benefits)andistheresponsibilityofthecountry’sorganisations.

2. Differentusers’behaviours,intensityofuseandpractices(i.e.litteringandmisuse)

affectsmanagementproceduresassomeparksandgardensneedmoremaintenance.

3. Actionsaretakeninmanagementtoreduceconflicts(security,instructionboards,

lockingtoilets,eliminatingseating,assigningfees,women-only,assigningfeesfor

under20’s);however,theyarenotalwayseffectiveinresolvingthem.

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1. ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOSindicatethecomplexityofnegotiatingeverydaylifein

transculturalcitieswithregardtodifferentexpectationsofsocialresponsibilitiesand

ethicsofcareinparentingandcleanlinessinpublicspaces.

2. Parentingandlitteringinparksandgardensappearasminorconflictsfromdifferent

culturalexpectationsregardingsocialresponsibilityandethicsofcarewheninpublic.

Theseconflictsweremostlynotrelatedtothespatialqualitiesandphysical

characteristics.Someoftheseconflictswerefoundinrelativelywell-maintainedand

designedformalgreenspaces.Inspecificlocations,publicresponsestothese

differencesdoposeapotentialchallengetoconvivialityandcanexacerbatesocial

divides.

3. Inresponsetosomeofthese‘minor’conflicts,someuserswithdrawtemporally(adapt

theirtimesofvisiting)orspatially(choosenottovisit)specificlocations.Thiscanbe

alliedtothepatternsofnegotiationinrespondingtodifferentculturalexpectations.

4. Withdrawalcanalsocreatesegregationandlimittheongoingpotentialforsocial

encounteracrossdifferences.

5. Securityandregulationspractices(tocontrolcertainbehaviours)arenoteffectivein

dealingwithinterculturalconflictsinlocalpublicspaces.

8.2.3.3Comparison

1. Mundaneconflictsofparentingandcleanlinessresultfromdifferentcultural

expectationswithregardtosocialresponsibilityinpublic.Suchconflictsaresometimes

raisedbecausebothusersandpracticelackanunderstandingofculturaldifferences,

particularlyregardingtheintersectionalitiesandnuances.

2. Regulatingspaces(forexamplebywomen-onlydaysorassigningfees)toreduce

conflictsmeansexcludingpeoplewithculturaldifferences(byage,incomeandgender)

fromenteringparksandgardens.Theethnographybroadlyshowsthatinmost

situations,userscan,spatiallyandtemporally,manageandnegotiatetheuseofPOS

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withdifferentexpectations;however,boththeusersandexpertsfoundthatthe

currentregulationsarenoteffectiveindealingwithconflicts.

3. Withincreasingculturaldifferences,thereisalackinunderstandingtheresponsibility

ofprovidingsociallyinclusiveandresponsivespaces.Tosupportbetterunderstanding

ofcommonpracticesinPOSandtosupporttheresolutionofconflictsinsomekey

locationsstakeholdersinvolvedinPOSmanagementneedtoengagemorewithlocal

communities(particularlymigrantswithbarriers).Themanagementneedstobepro-

activebytakingarelationalratherthanaregulatoryapproach.

8.2.4Ideasofhowtodevelopinclusivemanagementpractice


1. Theroleofdesignandmanagementisimportantinincreasingactivitiesorwalkability,

andconsideringcontemporaryneedsinlocalPOSincludinghistoricalsitesandurban

parks.Openspaceprovidershavearoletoprovidehighstandardpublicservicesthat

respectfamilyneeds.

2. Itisimportanttoelevatepeople’sfeelingofresponsibilitytowardsowningandsharing

publicspaceswithothers.

3. ThereispotentialformoretemporaryinterventionsinmanagementofPOS,including

atculturalandheritagesites,byintegratingelementsandconceptsofcontemporary

urbandesign(suchasmicro-POS,walkability,waterbodiesandmicroclimate).

4. Theroleofcommunity(suchasFriendsGroups)couldbeeffectiveindealingwith

misusethroughinitiatingadirectcontactbetweenusersandstakeholders.


1. Spatialqualities,physicalcharacteristicsandfacilitatedeventswithchoicesofhowto

engagearecentraltoharmonyinsharingspacesandpatternsofuse.

2. Heritagesitesintheselectedcasestudiesactassignificanttransculturalsitesfor

migrantleisurepracticesandpatternsofoutdoorsocialising.

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3. IncreasingspatialandtemporalrecreationalactivitiesinPOS,withintegrationand

intersectionoftheseactivities,provideschoicesforbeingoutdoorsandsupports

informalencountersandpositiveformsofnegotiations.

4. Long-termmeaningsofsocialinclusivitycanbegeneratedinsociallyresponsive

outdoorspaces,despite(andsometimesbecauseof)theoftentemporalityand

fleetingnatureofmostencounters.

5. Involvementofthecommunityandlocalresidentsinmanagementofspaces,

increasingtheauthorityandengagementofthewardensinPOSandintroducingfines

insteadoffeesaresomerecommendationsfromtheuserstodealwithconflicts

regardingparentingandlitteringinpublicasthecurrentregulatorypracticesarenot

effective.

8.2.4.3Comparison

1. Theroleofdesigninprovidingharmonywasseenintheethnography,butthis

connectionbetweenthebuiltenvironmentandinterculturalconvivialitywasnot

mentionedbytheexperts.

2. WhilemanagementpracticesinPOSuseregulationtocontrolconflictsthesecreated

exclusionsthatchallengedconviviality,intheethnographicfindings,thespatialdesign

andmanagementqualitiessupportsocialinclusivityandthatishighlyvaluedbyusers.

3. Thefindingsshowsimilarityinsomeoftheideasthatsupportinclusivity:increasing

activities(eveninhistoricalspaces),pedestrianisingspaces,facilitatingoutdoorspaces,

temporalurbandesigninterventionsandcommunityinvolvement.

TheroleofdesignandmanagementofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacrossdifferences

appearedtobeimportantinthecomparison,evensothisroleiscurrentlyunderestimated.In

thissection,theexpertinterviewswerecomparedtothefindingsfromtheethnographic

methodstoidentifycorrelationsandcontradictions:wheretheysupportedorelaborated,and

wheretherewereconflictsordiscrepancies.Theethnographicfindingsexplainedtheroleof

practiceinsupportingpositivesocialencountersintransculturalspaces.Intheexpert

interviews,thesignificantroleofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSwasnot

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highlighted,butthefindingsfromethnographictoolsshowedexamplesofwheredesignand

managementofPOSsupportedinteractionacrossdifferences.

Accordingly,thereareareasofdiscrepanciesbetweentheethnographicfindingsandpractice

thatprevailedinthecomparisonwithregardtoconsideringculturaldifferencesinthe

provisionofPOS;however,landscapearchitectureplanning,designandmanagementcanplay

fundamentalroleinfillingthesegaps.

Thefirstgapthatappearedsignificantinthecomparisonisthattheexpertinterviewsstated

thatculturaldiversityandintegrationarenotconsideredinplanning,designandmanagement

ofPOS.However,theethnographicfindingshighlightedhowformalgreenspaceshavea

significantroleinsupportingintegration,migrants’wellbeing,adaptationandmeaningful

encountersandalsotopromoteasenseofbelonging.

ThesecondgapisthatthepracticelimitedPOStoparksandgardens,whiletheethnographic

findingsalsoprovidedevidenceofoutdoorleisurepracticesandrecreationsininformalPOS

andurbanstreetscapes.Theaffordancesofthesespacessupportdifferentleisureactivities,

sociabilityandrecreationalpracticesforusersfromdifferentsocialandculturalgroups.The

importanceofeverydayopenspacestosupportsocialactivitiesandpromoteasenseof

belongingacrossdifferencesappearedsignificantintheanalysisanddiscussionofthefindings.

Thethirdgapisregardinguserswithoutaccesstocars,whichprevailedthroughethnography,

butwasnotmentionedintheexpertinterviews.Thisalsoshowsthatculturaldifferences

shapeaccessibilitytoparksandgardensbutthisisnotfullyconsideredinpractice.

Thefourthgapinthecomparisonshowsalackofunderstandingculturaldifferencesthat

shapedifferentexpectationsregardingthesocialresponsibilityofparentingandcleanliness

whichreflectstheassigningofexclusionstrategiesforpeopleofdifferentages,incomeand

genderfromenteringparksandgardens.Adistinctfindinghereisthatinclusivityandthe

publicnessofPOSshouldnotbeunderstoodonlyunderpoliticalforceswithinthepublic

spherebutalsowithinthesocialandculturaldynamics.

Theroleofprofessionalsinthefieldofoutdoorbuiltenvironmentcanbefurtheremphasised.

Outdoorspacesarecentraltofosteringfeelingsofcitizenshipandnationalsentimentsina

multi-ethnicsociety.TheresearchfindingsexploredthatbeingoutdoorsinBahrainand

exposedtosociallifeanddiverseculturalpracticesappeartobeanimportantaspectof

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migrants’wellbeing,integrationandadaptationwiththeabilitytocontinuehomecultural

practices.TheresearchalsoexploredthatconvivialityandsocialmixityisvisibleinPOS

supportedbydifferentpatternsofoutdoorsociabilityinthecitieswithevidenceofmeaningful

encounters.Bahrainiscurrentlytryingtoendorseemotionalfeelingsofcitizenshipand

belonginginschoolsamongstdiversecultures,andmyresearchsuggeststhatPOS,particularly

parksandgardensshouldbeanintegralpartofthisagenda(Alexanderetal.,2007).The

societyinBahrainwillcontinuetobediverse,anddiversityinBahrainismorecomplexthan

definingthepopulationsimplyintermsofBahrainiandnon-Bahrainimigrantworkers,asboth

arefromdiverseorigins,generationsandsocio-economiclevels.Interculturalexchangesand

wideningsocialnetworkscanalsohelptodevelopsocialcapital(Putnam,2000)forwhich

reasonintegrationandsocialinteractionsinPOSshouldnotbeignored.Hence,practitionersin

thefieldofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSneedtounderstandtheirprimerolein

promotingasenseofbelongingacrossdifferences.

Theresearch,however,alsorevealedsomeunderlyingtensions.Withincreasingcultural

differencesandvariables,thesemundaneconflictswouldchallengesocialencountersandthe

socialvaluesofPOS;therefore,theyshouldnotbeignoredbyprofessionalpracticeofPOS

thoughrelevanttothesocialandculturaldifferencesandnotphysicalqualities.Thoughthese

tensionsmayappeartrivial,theycouldnegativelyreflectoncross-culturalexchangesand

couldtransferbetweengenerationsifnotthoughtfullyconsidered.Ignoringoralackof

understandingofculturaldifferencesinprovisionorregulationofPOSalsoleadstothe

implementationofpoliciesthatexcludeandsegregate(forexamplewomen-onlydaysor

assigningfees),whichcontradicttheconceptsofwellbeingandinclusivity.Itisnotunderthe

scopeofprofessionalpracticeoftheoutdoorbuilt-environmenttoregulateanddefinewhat

theacceptedculturalpracticesareandarenot,butitistheirresponsibilitytomeetdifferent

expectationsabouttheparadigmsofbothleisurepracticesandsocialresponsibilityinpublic

spaces.Planning,designandmanagementappeartoplayafundamentalroleindealingwith

transculturaldifferences,butthishastobethroughinclusivityandchoicesandwithout

exclusionpractices.Outdoorspacesneedtobewelcomingformigrantsfromdifferent

economicranksasforthesepeoplethespacesneedtobeanimportantdestinationintheir

leisuretime.

Thegapsthatemergedhighlighttheroleofprofessionalsinthefieldofbuiltenvironmentin

supportingtransculturalpracticesinpublicspaces.Thiscomparisonwillbeusedintherestof

thischaptertocontributetodevelopingpracticeintheprofessionalfieldwithregardtothe

socialjusticeandpublicspacesframework(LowandIveson,2016),whichwillbediscussedin

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thischapter.Thesocialjusticeframeworkwouldbeappropriateinsupportingtheprofessional

roleinrespondingtodifferentculturalexpectations.Theinformationcollectedfromtheexpert

interviews(summarisedinChapterThree,Section3.5.3,Table3.4)isfurtherintegratedinto

thediscussioninthischapter,whichsituatesthisframeworkinBahrainandallowsabroad

understandingofthecurrentpracticeandintroduceswaystoimprovetheprocessofproviding

POS.Thefindingsofthischapterwouldinformplanning,designandmanagementofPOSwith

asocialjusticecommitmenttosupportconvivialityandtransculturalurbanismapproaches

specifictoGCCandMiddleEasterncountriesandpresentoptionsforfuturedevelopment.

8.3OverviewoftheSocialJusticeandPublicSpacesframework

Inthisstudy,Iadoptthesocialjusticeandpublicspacesframework(LowandIveson,2016)to

developananalyticalbasethatallowsabroadunderstandingofthecurrentpracticeof

providingandregulatingPOSinBahrain.Thisframework,whichhasbeendevelopedwithina

socialgeographydiscipline,couldalsobevitalforprofessionalpracticeinthebuilt

environmentandtransculturalcitiesinthattopresentoptionsforfuturedevelopmentto

supportconvivialityinasuperdiversepopulation.Thediscoursesontransculturalcities

supportdemocracy,inclusivityandcross-culturallearningandcallformorestudiesto

understandandmediatethecomplexitiesincities.LowandIveson,(2016)statethatwhen

some“identitiesandwaysofbeinginthecityareunfairlydenigratedorstigmatized,justiceis

fundamentallyamatterofstatusandhasaninter-subjectivedimension”(p.18)andtheyadd

thatequalityinsuchsituationscouldmeandeprecatingthequalitiesofsomeculturalpatterns

andvalues.Fainstein(2005)arguesthatitisunacceptabletodealwithdifferencesequally,

especiallywhenthefundamentalsofhealthandwellbeingaretobenegotiated.Ratherthe

implementationofjusticeisthekeyconcept(ibid).Thesocialjusticeframeworkcouldalsobe

helpfulindealingwithsmallconflictsrelevanttoculturaldifferencesastheconceptofequality

mightnotbeenoughtopromoteinclusivityinreceivingthebenefitsofPOS(LowandIveson,

2016,p.18).Theresearchfindsthat,intransculturalspaces,thesocialconflictscouldbe

escalatedfromculturaldifferencesatmicro-level.Besides,intheresearchfindings,the

mundaneconflictsappearedrelevanttodifferentperceptionsofsocialresponsibilityand

ethicsofcareinpublicspaces;hence,anethicaldimensionofthe‘justcity’frameworkis

requiredtobeexplicitlyintegratedintothetransculturalpracticewithrespecttopublicopen

space(LowandIveson,2016).

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Theframeworkhasbeendesignedtoevaluatetheprovisionandregulationofurbanpublic

spaceswithissuesrelevanttofivepropositions:Justiceindistributionofpublicspaces(Section

8.4),recognitionofdiversity(Section8.5),socialrelationinpublicspaces(Section8.6),carefor

peopleandrepairoftheenvironment(Section8.7)andtheprocessofdecision-making

(Section8.8).LowandIveson(2016)drewtheframeworkprimarilyontheNorthAmerican

urbancontextandthisresearchisanopportunitytotesttheframeworkinanother.This

frameworkdevelopstheconceptofsocialjusticetoamorepracticallevelthatcanbe

implementedinpublicspacesincitieswithdiversityanddifference(ibid,p.12andp.28).

Hence,thisframeworkcouldbeusedasabasisforassessingtheimplicationforpracticeof

transculturalurbanismforplanning,designandmanagementofPOSinBahrain.Theoutcomes

fromtheexpertinterviewsassummarisedinChapterThree(Section3.5.3,Table3.4)are

furtherembeddedwithinthisframework,whichpositionsthisframeworkinBahrainand

allowsacomprehensiveinsightintothecurrentpracticeandpresentswaystoimprovethe

processofprovidingPOS.

8.4PropositionOne:Publicspaceanddistributivejustice

ThisfirstpropositionisabouttheinequalityandspatialinjusticeinthedistributionofPOS,

whichisrelevantfirsttothedistributionofpublicspacesacrossthewiderurbanenvironment

andlocationaldisadvantagesandsecondtotheaccessibilityandaffordabilityofPOS(Lowand

Iveson,2016).Locationaldisadvantage“demandsattentiontotheprovisionofpublicspace

acrossametropolitanarea,andposesquestionsaboutthedistributionofresourcesrequiredto

provideandmaintainpublicspaceacrossthecity”(ibid,p.17).Intermsofaccessibilityand

affordability,“thematterofaccesstopublicspaceisnotonlyoneofprovisionandlocation,but

alsooneofdesignandgovernance”andmainly“theaccessibilityofthosepublicspacesto

urbanpopulationsregardlessof[people]wealth”(ibid,p.17).

Intransculturalcities,culturaldifferencesofmobility,socio-economicandlifepatterncouldbe

socialandphysicalbarrierstoaccessibilitytoPOS.CitiesinBahrain,similartoothercitiesin

theMiddleEastandNorthAfrica,witnessspatialvariations:old,congestedandnewlow

density,andlocationaladvantagesanddisadvantagesalongsideurbantourismdevelopment

(Ben-Hamouche,2004;Elsheshtawy,2008;Steiner,2012;Ben-Hamouche,2013;Beaugrand,

2014;Rizzo,2014).Thissectiondiscusseshowwithanunderstandingofthisproposition,POS

canbedistributedtoensureinclusivityinBahrain.Theselectedcasestudyareasincludea

widerangeofPOS(formalandinformal),indifferentcitieswithdiversesurroundingcontexts

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andpopulationratios.RespondingtothefindingsinChaptersFiveandSix,thedatashowsa

richpatternofuseofformalandinformalPOSwithdifferentleisuremotivations.Different

culturalleisurepracticesinthesespacesaresupportedbyaffordanceofspacesorqualitiesof

designandmanagementthatsupporttheseactivitiesaswashighlightedintheprevious

chapter.

LeisureactivitiesintheinformalPOSraisequestionsabouttheaccessibility,affordability,

sufficiencyandconveniencesoftheformalandprovidedPOSinBahrainfordifferentpeople

withvariousworkinghoursandmobilityorspecificculturalneeds(ethnic,ageorgender).For

example,familieswerehavingpicnicsontheroadsideintheAradBayAreaoncrowdeddaysat

thepark;thiscouldbebecausewomenandfamiliesnegotiatespatiallyforprivacy.Thiscould

alsomeanthatgreatercapacitiesofparksandgardens,bothintheirsizesandnumbers,are

requiredtobeabletoaccommodatemorepeople.Afurtherexampleisthemigrantmale

workerswhowereseenrelaxingandgatheringonthegroundofsomesidewalksand

roundabouts.Thiscouldbebecausetherearenoprovidedoutdoorleisurespaceswherethe

singlemigrantmaleworkersfeelwelcometogatherandsocialise.Hence,migrantsmayneed

facilitatedspaceswheretheiroutdoorleisurepracticesarelegitimised.Childrenwerealso

seenplayingonthebusyroadsbecausetheseroadsaretheonlyaffordancesforplaywhere

theylive;accessibleoutdoorspacesneedtobeprovidedforthechildrentoplaysafely.Poorer

migrantsappeartobelessfamiliarwiththealternativeparksandgardens,andhavesignificant

constraintstoaccessingarangeofplacesduetoalackofprivatetransportandlongworking

hours(NazirinChapterFive).

RegardingthecurrentprofessionalpracticeintheprovisionofPOS,theUrbanPlanning

DepartmentintheMinistryoftheWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrbanPlanning

(MWMAUP)followsprescribedstandards(Table8.2)forparksandgardensasdescribedbythe

Table8.2PlanningstandardsforparksandgardensinBahrain(MWMAUP,2015).

250

expertinterviewee,theChiefofUrbanObservatoryinUrbanPlanningDepartment.The

standarddoesnotdetailtypologiesofPOSandonlyincludescommunityparksandnational

parkswithinaCultureandRecreationZone.MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrban

Planning(2012)declaresthatthecurrentstandardsareverylowintermsofsizeandthe

numberofparksandgardens(Table8.3).FiguresfromtheMinistryshowthat36%of

householdsinBahraindonotuseparksduetothisdeficiency(MinistryofMunicipalityAffairs

andUrbanPlanning,2012).TheMinistryfurtherstatesthatthereisnoqualitativedataofthe

currentsituationofusers’needsandvalues(ibid).Thesefiguresindicateaseriouslackoflocal

greenspaceresourcesascommonlyfoundinotherGCCcountries(Hashem,2015;Addas,

2015).

Table8.3SizeandnumberofparksandgardensinBahraincomparedtoothercountries(MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning,2012).

251

Accordingtoexpertinterviews,thereisalimitationinthecurrentcategoriesofPOS,whichis

alsoreflectedinthedesignandmanagementofthesespacesandareseenasnotbeing

responsivetocontemporaryneeds.InthereportprovidedbyMinistryofMunicipalityAffairs

andUrbanPlanning(2012),itshowsthattheMinistry’sgeneralstandardsforactivitiesina

parkoragardeninBahrainisthattherehastobe50%greeneryandtheremainingspace

shouldincludeanumberoffacilitiesaccordingtothespaceavailable,suchaswalking/jogging

track,playgroundseitherwithoutdoororindoorplayarea,sittingarea,adultssportarea

(couldbepitches,basketballcourts),waterbodies(pond/lake)orakiosk.Accordingtothe

expertinterviewee,theDirectorofPropertiesandParks,thesizeoftheparkdeterminesthe

numberoftheprovidedactivities,however,healsoelaboratedthattherestrictionsinplanning

regulationsonprovidingnewactivities(suchasrestaurantsorcafés)influencesdesignand

management.Heemphasisedtheneedforbettercooperationbetweenplanning,

managementanddesign.

Thedatafromthego-alongandon-siteshortinterviewsshowedthatwhenuserswanttogoto

aparkorgarden,theyusuallytraveltothelargeronesthataccommodatemoreusesand

peoplecanundertakedifferentactivitiesandenjoymoresocialencounters.Anumberof

studiesalsoagreewithOlmsted’sconceptthatlargecityparksarevaluedassocially

integrativespaces(e.g.Chiesura,2004;Lowetal.,2005;Sofoulisetal.,2008).TheChiefof

UrbanObservatoryalsostatedthatdistributingactivitiessupportsocialinteraction,andinher

perceptionthisistheroleofdesignandmanagement.

Thecurrentstandardtypologiesmightnotbeenoughifweconsiderculturaldifferences,for

examplepeoplewithoutcars.IntheprofessionalinterviewwiththeDirectorofPropertiesand

Parks,hesaidthatthecommunitygardens(orneighbourhoodgardens)aresmall-sized

gardensandserveasmallerpopulationandarelocatedwithinresidentialareas,whilstthe

nationalparksservealargerpopulationwhichtheusersmustdriveto.Thecomparison

illustratesthatintheexpertinterviews,thefactthatnotallpeopledriveorownacarisnot

reflectedon,whenitisafactorwhichshapestheiraccessibilitytoPOS;whiletheimportance

ofconsideringdifferencesandcontemporaryneedsishighlightedbythoseexpert

interviewees.

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Supportingwalkabilityincitiesisaspatialjusticeapproachwithculturaldifferences(Agyeman,

2013).Itisnotalwayspracticaltousecarsformobility;andbesidesthesocialequity,

environmentalconcernsofdrivingmustbeconsideredaspartofabroaderecologicalstrategy

forBahrain.Duetothespecificitiesofcardominanceandclimate,inBahrain,thereisneedfor

sufficientinfrastructuresuchasparking;itisanimportantstrategicdecisiontoaccommodate

theneedsofnon-carowners(Kent,2007),commonlymigrantworkers,alongsideaddressing

pollutionconcerns.Similartowalking,thecitiesarenotsafeorconvenientforbicycleriders,

althoughitisverycommonformigrantworkerstouseabicycleastheirtransportationmeans.

In2016,apolicywasenforcedtomaketheuseofhelmetandbicyclelightsmandatorybutstill

muchneedtobedonetoensuresafecycling.Fromalandscapearchitectureperspective,

providinglanesforcyclists,wherepossible,isvital;however,thismightbedifficultto

implementintheexistingurbanspaces.Relevanttothisresearch,tofurthersupport

integrationacrossdifferentgroupsofresidents,providingcyclinglanesisessentialbecauseit

notonlydisplaysconsiderationtowardtheneedsofmigrantworkersbutalsoencourages

otherresidentstousebicyclesforenvironmentalandhealthconcerns.Encouragingdifferent

socialgroupstowalk,usepublictransportorbicyclesreducethedisparitiesandsegregation

betweendifferentclasses.

Whilethescarcityoflandduetotheneedforhousingandurbandevelopmentisalsoa

challengeforpractitionersintermsofprovisionanddistributionofPOSinBahrain,astrategic

approachthathasbeensuccessfulinBahrainisthepedestrianisedstreets(Block-338,Pearling

Trail,BabAl-BahrainSouq).Both,theDirectorofPropertiesandParksandtheChiefofUrban

Observatory,forexample,highlightedthesignificancesofBlock-338andAmwaj-lagoonas

successfulPOS.TheHeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquities

alsotalkedabouttheurbandesigninthehistoricalheritageurbanspaces.Thesignificance

abouttheselectedcasestudiesisthesepedestrianisedstreetsaremundanespacesbut

facilitatedwithqualitiesofwalkabilityandsitabilitypublicly.

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Withaffordancesinsomemundanespaces,thefindingsshowthesignificantvalueofthese

spacesinBahrain,especiallyforpeopleofdifferentmobilityabilities(i.e.withoutacar)orwith

busylivesandroutinesandlongworkinghours.Manyparticipantsspokeabouttheir

experiencesofstrolling,lingeringandenjoyingsociallifeinthesespaces.Residentstalked

abouttheaccessibilityduringdifferenttimesoftheday:forawomaninawheelchairtoenjoy

Figures8.1Theresidentsprovidetheirownbenches,sofasandplants.Similarly, Figure (e) (Rios, 2009) is in Dubai and is a typical informalsettingintheGulfcities.

a

b

cd

e

254

themorningsunorforworkersatnightaftertheirlongworkinghours.Someoftheseinformal

urbanopenspaceswereinpoorconditionalthoughpeopleenjoybeingoutdoors,strolling,

socialisinginfrontofthemosque,theirshopsandhouses,onvacantlandandonstreet

cornersandalsochildrenenjoyplaying.NazirandFaizamentionedthattheyuseparksand

gardensasalternativesbecausetheroadsinfrontoftheirhousesareonlyforvehiculartraffic,

whichshowstheimportanceofthesidewalks,asalsoassertedbyKim(2015).Ordinaryand

informalPOS,e.g.cornersandsidewalks,withtheirsignificantvaluesintheMiddleEastand

NorthAfrica(Ben-Hamouche,2013;Addas,2015;Alabdulla,2017)needtobeconsideredin

professionalpracticeinhotandhumidregions.Landscapedesignelementsandmicroclimate

shouldalsobeconsideredininformalPOSalongwithsocialjusticeinconsideringqualitiesand

affordability.Directparticipationofthepublicintheseinformalsmall-scalespacessupportsa

long-termscope(Ben-Hamouche,2013).

However,IwouldarguethateverydayPOSshouldnotbeconsideredasalternativestoparks

andgardensasbothhavedistinctivevaluesforwellbeing.DiverseandcreativetypesofPOS

(Cattelletal.,2008;Francis,2011)arerequiredtofacilitatetemporalandspatialpatternsof

useinBahrain.ThecollecteddatafoundthateachofthedifferenttypologiesofPOSiswith

significantvaluesanduses.Theparksandgardensarevaluediftheyarespaciousand

accommodatearangeoffacilities,whileastreetinaneighbourhoodisalsovaluedforits

walkabilityandeverydaysociability.Fromthefieldwork,thepedestrianisedspacesin

MuharraqandBlock-338areactive,thoughsmallandcongested;however,streetscannotbe

seenasreplacementsforgreenspaces.Thoughstreets,andinparticularpedestrianstreets,do

haverecreationalvalues,theyshouldnotbequantifiedascontributingtothegreenspace

provisioninthecity.DuetothesocialandculturaldynamicsinBahrain,along-termstrategy

forland-usethataddressesthedefectsinquantityandsomeinequalitiesindistributionofPOS

isneededtoeaseconflictsofdifferenceandtosystematicallyconsiderandrespondtothe

migrants’needs.Thisstrategywouldalsosupporturbantourismdevelopmentstrategies.As

partoftourismdevelopmentstrategiesinGCCcountries,Alraouf(2010)arguesthatthe

practiceofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSneedstoincorporatethecultural

diversityofthepopulation.

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8.5PropositionTwo:Recognitionofdiversity

Unjustrecognitionofdiversityaddresses“thesystematicdevaluingandstigmatizationofsome

urbanidentitiesandwaysoflifeincities”(LowandIveson,2016,p18).Thispropositionis

concernedwiththose“claimsforrecognitionthatseektoaddressinstitutionalizedpatternsof

culturalvaluewhichgiveaparticulargroupasubordinatestatusinrelationtoothers”(ibid).In

relationtopublicspaces,recognitionfocusesonthepatternsofuseandbehavioursthatare

entrenchedintheprovisionandregulationprocessandoutcome(ibid).

Initially,Iexploredtherecognitioninrelationtopeople’sperspectives.Inthefindings,

diversityprevailedineverydaypractices,andamongthepeople,includingmigrants,valuethis

diversity.InBahrain,withitscomplexityoftransculturalcitiesandintersectionalityofcultural

variables,undeniably,therearedivisionsinrelationtosocio-economiclevels,educationand

socialpositionanddifferentmigrants’statusandgeneration;theseallshapedlifepatternsin

cities.Therespondentsinthefindingscategorisedsomepracticesassecondclass,forexample,

walkingandusingbusesareconsideredasonlymigrantworkers’practices.

Complexityintransculturalcitiesalsoshapespatternsofuseandbehaviours,whichare

concernsofrecognitioninthisproposition.Inthefindings,parksandgardensinBahrainare

preferredleisuredestinationsformigrantworkersandmigrantfamiliesoflowsocio-economic

positions,butduringtheethnographicpracticessomeusersexpresstheirfeelingsof

aggravationandalienationwithdifferentculturalpracticesandsocialbehavioursofthe

majorityusers(asrevealedintheinterviews).InChapterSix,particularpracticesregarding

cleanlinessandparentingwerejudgedbysomeparticipantsastransgressivebehavioursin

differentparksandgardens,butmoreparticularlyinKhalifaGarden.Thoseparticipantsstated

thatmanyavoidtheGardenbecauseofthepresenceofsuchbehaviours.Expertsalsoshared

suchperspectives;anattorneyandexpertinhumanrightsmentionedthatthemisuseinPOSis

shapedbydifferentpatternsofuseandbehaviours;however,hehighlightedtheimportance

ofconsideringtransparencybetweendifferentclassesandculturesinthemanagementofPOS.

Ifthemiddleclassresidentscontinuewithdrawingfromparksandgardens,thenalong-term

consequencewillbethatthesespacesbecomeperceivedasinferior.

Accordingtothisproposition(PropositionTwo),dealingwithsuchconflictsshouldrecognise

thedifferentpatternsofuseandculturalvalues(LowandIveson,2016,p.18)as

misrecognitionmayleadtoexclusionstrategies(Section2.5.2).Thus,inKhalifaGarden,with

thecomplexityfacedbythecurrentpracticeininterpretingandcommunicatingthe

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differences,anentryfeehasbeenintroducedforthefirsttimeinBahrainforapublic

greenspace(Figure8.2).Themunicipalcouncilrepresentativeexplainedthatthedecisionwas

takentoreducethehugenumbersofvisitorstothegardenasthe“numberofvisitorsexceeds

thegarden’scapacity”andsubsequentlytolimit‘unwantedbehaviours’(DTNews,2015).He

alsostatedthattheunwelcomebehavioursweremainlypracticedbysomeof‘theexpat

communities’andsaidthatthe“TheseconductsareunfamiliarandarerejectedintheBahraini

society”.

KhalifaGarden(openedin2012)hadbeendesignedtoahigh-qualitystandardandhasthe

specificationsofanationalpark,butitislocatedinthecentreofaresidentialareamostly

residedbymiddleclassresidents,predominantlyBahraini.Whenthegardenwasopened,the

usersweremostlymigrants’familiesfromotherpoorneighbourhoodsacrossthesurrounding

urbancontext.Overtime,complaintswereraisedtotheMunicipalityBoardmembers

regardingdifferentculturalpracticesintheGardenandasaresultentryfeeswereofficially

introducedin2017.

Inaninterviewwiththeattorneyandexpertinhumanrights,hementionedthattheentryfee

wasinitiallyproposedtotargetonlyusersundertheageof20astheresidentsperceivethatit

isusersinthisagegroupwhomisusetheGarden.Accordingtotheattorney,theresidentsin

theareaofKhalifaGardenfindthatsomeusersmisusetheprovidedactivitiesandasaresult,

theresidentsseektopreventsuchbehaviours.Thisproposeddecisionhighlightsdisparityas

wellasconsensusinthefindingsbetweenexpertinterviewsandethnography.Firstly,this

decision,accordingtotheexpert,addressesthemisuseandcleanlinessaspects.Itisalso

reflectedinsomeofthefindingsofthisresearchthatcleanlinesspracticesaretriggerpoints

Figure8.2Chargingentryfeesproposaltoagarden(DTNews,2015).

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forconflict.Inaddition,thementionedagegroupwillalsoincludechildrenwhichinturncould

pertaintoparentingpractices.Alternatively,itwasalsoseenthattherearenoissuesrevealed

inthefindingsthatarerelativetotheconcernedagegroupsofteenagersoryoungadults.This

disparityappearedeitherbecausethemethodsusedhavesomelimitationincoveringwide

sectorsofthepopulation,forexample,thenon-users;orbecausetheproposeddecisionwas

basedontheexpectationsandopinionsofthedecision-makersandnotonanunderstanding

oftheresonancesofdifferentpatternsofuseandconflicts.Thisdecisionwasonlyaproposed

onebutactionwastakeninFebruary2017toapplyfeesforalluserswithoutage

discrimination.

Twomonthslater,inApril2017,‘women-only’weekenddayswereintroduced,inadditionto

thefeewhichbecameapplicableeverydayoftheweek.Thejustificationforthisdecisionwas:

“Entryfeeshavebeenintroducedbuttroublecontinuesatthepark.Now,wewilltrythe

women-onlydays”(Al-A'ali,2017b).Itcanbeinferredfromthisdecisionthatthereisagender-

mixityprobleminKhalifaGarden,whilemyresearchshowsevidencethatwomenvaluedthe

parksandgardenfortheirpatternsofsociability,whichisanotherdisparityinthecollected

data.Thefindingsshowedevidenceofhowthedesign,managementandchoicesofactivities

supportwomeninconductingtheirsocialactivitiesinparksandgardenswithspatial

negotiationandfamiliaritywithoutbeingintimidated.Thisshowsthattheroleofplanning,

designandmanagementinprovidingsociallyresponsivePOSisunderestimated.Feesand

women-onlyweekendswouldhavenegativeeffectsonthesocialinclusivityofPOSforworkers

andalsoforwomenandchildrenoflow-incomefamilies.

Thesedecisionshavebeentakenafterthefieldworkbutthecontradictionbetweenthe

collecteddataandtheregulationassignedlaterpresentsanareaforfutureresearch.These

decisionswillcreateexclusionandinjusticewithregardtosocialwellbeing.Forexample,

focusingontheimpactofthe‘women-only’weekenddaysontheuserswellbeing,thefindings

previouslyexplainedhowintheweekend,thepublicgardensareimportantformigrantmale

workers.Duringthefieldwork,attheweekend,ImetmaleusersfromIndia,Pakistan,Syria,

Jordan,Nepal,Philippines,YemenandBahrainforwhomKhalifaGardenisimportanteitherfor

gathering,meetingfriends,watchingthecrowds,playingfootball,running,orhavingafamily

daywiththeirwifeandchildrenontheironlydayofffromwork.Thefindingsalsohighlighted

thattherearewomenuserswhodonotdriveandrelyonmalefamilymemberstodrivethem

totheparkorgarden.Thiscannotbecomparedtousingtaxiservices,itisafamilydayout

whichmainlyoccursattheweekendoronthechildren’sschoolholidays.Ifmenarenot

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allowedtogointotheparks,thentheirrolewillbereducedtothatofadriverratherthanthe

outingbeingasocialorfamilyevent.

TheMunicipalBoard1hasalsoproposeddifferentstrategiestodealwithdifferentbehaviours

inPOS(Figure8.3andFigure8.4).

1Asmentionedearlier,inBahrain,theMunicipalBoardplaysavitalroleindecision-making.Themembersoftheboardareelectedbytheresidents.ArchitectWafaSharif,ChiefofUrbanObservatoryinMWMAUP,saidthattheMunicipalBoardmembershaveasignificantrole,butlackplanningexperience.Moreover,itisnotapparentifthemembersoftheMunicipalBoardareresponsivetotheneedsofculturaldiversitytopromotesocialintegrationandequity.

Figure8.4Proposaltobaneatingseedsinpublicparksandgardens(Al-A'ali,2015).

Figure8.3TheMunicipalBoardproposestobanmenfromagarden inBahrain.Thisisfollowingclaimsthatitisbeingmonopolisedbycricket-playingAsiansandSudanesemigrantsplayingloudmusicatnight.Theplan istoallowonlywomenandchildrentoaccessthegardenaspreviouslytheyweretooafraidofbeingharassed,alsothereisnowhereforthemtositandtherearenowplans to hire female-only security guards and increase the height of boundary walls for thisgarden(TradeArabiaNews,2015).

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Thego-alonginterviewsalsorevealedsomeotherdifferentmanagementpracticestodealwith

differentbehavioursandpractices.AccordingtoKareem,thegovernmentenclosedasmall

fountainsquare,popularlyknownastheFishSquare,andrestrictedentrybecauseAsian

migrantworkersusedtogatherthereinlargenumbersandoftenlitteredthespaceandthe

fountain.Duetothebarriers,thisspacehaslostitsvisualappeal.Kareemconsidersthat

imposingfinesorcreatinganawarenessoftheimportanceofmaintainingcleanlinessamongst

themigrantswouldhavebeenamoreeffectivestrategy(Figure8.5).Anotherexclusion

managementpracticeisintheBabAl-Bahrainmall,whereentrytothetoiletsisrestrictedto

certainusersasmentionedbyKareem.Faizaalsoexplainedthatsomeveryusefulbenches

wereremovedfromtheBabAl-Bahrainareaandthatthisactionwasprobablytoprevent

certainpeoplefromsittingandlittering.Inanotherexampleintheselectedcasestudies,

SalmaniyaistheonlyGardenprovidedwithasignposttopreventspitting,wherethecultural

practiceofchewingPaan(arecanut)iscommon.InBabAl-Bahrain,thereisasimilarsign

(Figures8.6onpage260).Excluding‘differently-social’2behavioursmeansnotrespecting

diversity.Ascribingcertainbehaviourstolegalcontrolcouldmeancriminalisingsome

behavioursandthiswillnegativelyaffectsocialinclusivityandwellbeing.

2AtermintroducedbyBynonandRishbeth(2015)

Figure8.5Adouble-fencedroundabouttopreventmisuse.

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Figures8.6Signshavebeenprovidedatcertainsitesinthelanguageoftheintendedmigrantusergroups.

Figure 8.7 A notice board in agarden in two languages.Restrictingactivitiescouldalsobeasource of misrecognition ofdifferent cultural practices andvalues. There are display boardsandsigns inallparkandgarden inBahrain that include a list ofrestricted practices such aslittering, playing football on thegrass, cycling, walking dogs andreminding carers that children aretheir responsibility. Al-Ansari(2009) explains, “This set of rulescould reflect what the ‘designersand managers‘ of the park aimedfor given that aminimumnumberof uses reduces conflict betweentheusers”(p.236).However,someof these restricted activities areinformally accommodated at theedgesoftheparksandgardens;forexample,biking,playingfootballorbarbequing, which at times raiseconcerns for safety. This meansthatthesesignsarenotrecognisingdifferences.

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Therecommendationshapedbythispropositionisthatinordertovalueculturaldiversity,

professionalsinthebuiltenvironmentshouldtakeresponsibilityfordealingwithdifferent

practicesbutwithoutresortingtoexclusions.RecognisingdifferencesintheprovisionofPOS

meanslegitimisingandfacilitatingdifferentoutdoorleisureculturalpractices,providingspatial

choicesandvarietiesofPOStohelppeopletonegotiate,increasingcapacitiesandtheworking

hoursofparksandgardensandalsodealingwithlocationaldisadvantages.Therealsoneedsto

beanunderstandingthat“therecognitionofanygivengroupisneverlikelytobeentirely

straightforward”andthat“activitiesofonegroupmaybeincompatiblewiththeactivitiesof

others,sounlimitedrecognitionforallmaynotbepossible”(LowandIveson,2016,p18).

Recognitioncouldalsoshapesocialencounters.

8.6PropositionThree:Socialinteractionaljustice

LowandIveson(2016)arguethatinteractionaljusticeandrecognitionarerelated,as

“misrecognitionmaytaketheformofrulesconcerningbehaviorinapublicspace(seeabove),butitmayalsohaveaninteractionalcomponent,inwhichmembersofagrouparesubjecttoverbalorphysicalabusewhenoccupyingapublicspaceinaparticularmanner”(p.19).

Throughoutthedataanalysis,IdidnotencounterissuesaboutabuseorprejudiceinPOS,but

itwouldbenaïvetoassumethattheydonotexist.Gardner,(2008)inhisresearchabout

IndiandiasporainBahrain,declaresthatthereareoccasional‘violentundercurrents’in

migrants’everydayencounterswiththecommunity,inwhichmigrantstrytoavoidgettinginto

suchclashes.Similarly,Irfan,theIndianmigrantworkerparticipantinthewalkinginterview,

saidthatIndianmigrantsinBahraintrytoavoidsuchsituations.Usersexpresstheir

aggravationsregardingdifferentperceptionsofresponsibility(parentingandcleanliness),but

suchaggravationsdidnotappeartobepubliclyexpressedandinthefindingsindifferentPOS,

convivialitywassupportedwithaffordancesofthespatialandtemporaldynamicspatternsof

usesandnegotiationinsharingPOS.

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Accordingly,thisproposition:

“focusesmorespecificallyonthenatureofencountersthattakeplaceinpublicspace.Itisthroughsuchencountersthaturbaninhabitantscanestablishnewcollectiveidentificationswithoneanotherthatarenotpremisedonshared‘membership’ofagroup,butonsharedactivitiesandpractices”(LowandIveson,2016,p.19).

SocialinteractioninPOSshouldnotbethoughtofasonly“amatterformoralityormanners”

ofpeople,butalsoaspartofregulationandprovisionofPOS(ibid).Theprofessionalpractice

ofplanning,designandmanagementcanplayacrucialroleinsupportingsocialinteractionand

justicebypromotingspatialandtemporalqualitiesofinteractionthroughtheagendaof

convivialitywithlong-termstrategies(ibid).

ChapterSixexploredtheevidenceofhowspatialqualitiesofPOSwereimportantin

maintainingandfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoorsandthereby,providing

opportunitiesforencounterswithdifferentpeople.Throughthefieldwork,walkabilitywas

alsovaluedforsupportingpatternsofoutdoorsociability.Theprovidedoutdoorrecreational

activitiesarealsoimportantforfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoorsand

providingopportunitiesforencounterswithdiversepeople.Besides,itwasfoundthatthe

formallyorganisedeventsandprogrammes(inbothformalgreenspacesandstreets)have

beenverysuccessfulinsupportingconvivialspaceswithsocialharmonythatenablethe

bridgingofdifferences.

TheexpertshighlightedthatgiventheimportanceofwalkabilityqualityinBahrain,itisnot

formallyconsideredinpractice.Al-Sayeh,HeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityfor

CultureandAntiquities,elaboratedthatinhistoricalsitesintegratingelementsandconceptsof

contemporaryurbandesign(suchaswalkability)appearedsignificantinsupportingsocial

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interaction.Intheexpertinterview,shedescribedtheideasbehind‘sahat’3inthePearlingTrail

project:

“WecreateopenspacesthroughthepathasgatheringpointsbetweenresidentsofMuharraqandvisitorstohavesomeinteractionsatacertainlevel.Theopenspacesareimplementedonthesiteofdemolishedhousesandcanbeaccessedthroughthepath.Theideaofthesahatis:insteadofrenovatingthebuildings,[…]weconsidertheneedsofthecurrentsociety.[…]InMuharraq,thereisashortageofopenspaces,greenspaces,placeswherechildrencanplay.Andthenicethingaboutsahatisthatitisinanhistoricalcity;thesizeofeachopenspaceisaboutthesizeofahouse.Sotheyaremicropublicspaces.Inthesespaceswecreatemicroclimate;thereisawater-cooler,treesheltershade,waterfountain.Theyaresupposedtomakeitacomfortableplaceforpeopletospendsometime”.

‘TheInterventionProject’wasarrangedbytheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquitiesinBabAl-

BahrainSquarebytemporarilypedestrianisingthespace(Figures8.8onpage264).With

respecttothisproject,Al-Sayehexplained:

“Itwasplannedonlyforamonth[…]weshadedthewholeareaandwepedestrianisediteverydaybetween6pmand6amthenextday,whichwasareallybigstrugglewiththetrafficdepartmentbecauseitisoneofthemostimportantstreetsoftheinnerringroadinBahrain;buttheideawasreallytoshowthepotentialofwhatqualitiesyoucouldaddtopublicspace.”

Al-Sayehadded:

“WhatwasmostsuccessfulintheBabAl-Bahraininterventionwasthatwhentheeventswerehappening,therewasaco-useofthespacebydifferentkindsofpeople[…]therewasareallyinterestingmixofpeople-foreignworkers,governmentrepresentatives,architects,[…]Thiswasinterestingandreallyimportant.ItwasstrikingbecausethetalkwasmostlyinEnglishandthediscussionswereaboutarchitecture,aboutaveryspecifictopic,andIthinkabigpartoftheaudiencedidnotunderstandEnglish.ButIthinktheystayedbecauseitwasareallyspecialmomentwherepeoplefromdifferentwalksoflife

3SahatmeansthepublicopenspacesinthePearlingTrail

264

couldbeinaplacetosharethemoment,andIthinkthisiswhatapublicspaceissupposedtoprovide.Itisreallyimportant,IthinkinacountrylikeBahrainwherethereissuchamixofnationalities,itisimportanttoprovidethesekindofplaces.”

Figures8.8‘TheIntervention’isatemporaryprojectheldinBabAl-BahrainSquarein2012(Zakharia,2012aand2012b).TheSquarewaspedestrianised,

shadedandprovidedwithseating.

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Thefieldworkfoundthatthemostcommonlyheldeventsaremarkets.Intheinterviewwith

theartistBayanAl-Baker,thefounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpace(anon-profitprivatespaceto

supportcommunity),sheassertedthatAl-RiwaqhasarrangedanumberofeventsinBlock-338

suchasmarkets,musicconcertsandartshows,andthesebroughttogetherpeopleofdifferent

culturalbackgrounds,socio-economicgroupsandpoliticalviews.ThestreetinBlock-338was

temporallyarrangedwithextrabenchesandfacilities(Figure8.9below).

Thesuccessoftheseeventswasalsorelevanttotheaffordancesofthedesignandthespatial

qualities.Theconceptoftacticalurbanismisusedintheseeventstosupportthetemporary

eventsandcreatevibrancy.Tacticalurbanismmeansimplementingtemporarychangestothe

cities’builtenvironmentwiththeintentionofincreasinglocaloutdoorgatheringplaces(Silva,

2016).Thenotionisthatwithlong-termimplementationplans,itisdifficultforplannersto

respondtolocalsocialandeconomicchanges;hence,temporaryinterventionsarethewayto

makeimprovementstocitiesandalsopromotepublicengagements(ibid).Anexampleof

tacticalurbanismisthe‘PlayingOut’schemeenactedintheUKandCanada,whichfacilitates

beingoutdoorsandsafebytemporarilypedestrianisingthestreetsandallowingchildrento

playoutdoors(PlayingOut,2016).AnotherprimeexampleistheNYCPlazaProgramme.The

Figure8.9ThepictureshowstheconceptoftacticalurbanisminBlock-338createdbyAl-Riwaqforamarketeventin2012.

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programmehasbeenintroducedtoensurethatqualityPOScouldbeaccessedwithinwalking

distancebyallresidents,andaspartofthis,atemporaryplazaprogrammewasintroduced.

Whyte(1980)alsofoundthateventsinPOSareoccasionsthatsupportsocialinteraction.

Eventssuchasconcertsorperformances,bigorsmall,cancreatetriangulationbetweenusers

(Whyte,1980).POShavetobeclearlydesigned,managedandprogrammedwitheventstobe

used,accessedandenjoyedacrossdifferentsectorsofthepopulation.

Arrangingoccasionalattractionsandeventsontheedgesofmigrants’locationscouldpromote

inclusion(Sennett,2006).Thisappearstobeatheoreticalcontribution,butBahrainhasmade

acreativecontributionandthisconcepthasbeenenactedontheground.InMarch2017,the

BahrainNationalQuarrywasopenedtothepublicforthefirsttimeinacollaborationbetween

theBahrainAuthorityforCultureandAntiquitiesandAl-RiwaqArtSpaceforaperformanceof

the‘NocturneforPitOrchestra’(GulfNews,2017).Theconceptbehindthisevent,whichwas

arrangedoutdoors,wastoensuretheintegrationofallclassesinsociety.Attheevent,migrant

workerspresentedmusicalpiecesinfluencedbytheirculturalbackgroundsandbytheplaces

theyworkandliveinBahrain.Theorchestraschemereflectedtheimpactofthemigrant

labourhistoryonmusicandcultureinBahrain.ArrangingthisorchestraintheNationalQuarry

wasaninitiativetocreatepubliceventsintheremoteareaswheremigrantworkersare

located.Afurtherobservationisthatthisperformancewasarrangedinanationalspotnear

theTreeofLife,animportantculturalandheritagelocation.Thisrecenteventhasastrong

significancetotherecommendationsofthisresearch,particularlyastwooftheexpert

intervieweesweremembersoftheorganisationsinvolvedincoordinatingthisevent,namely

Al-RiwaqArtSpaceandtheAuthorityforCulture.

Thefieldworkhasalsodemonstratedthateverydayplaces,inparticularparksandgardens,

havetheabilitytosupportpositiveencounters.Interculturalinteractionswerecommonin

everydaysocialencountersinBahrain.Patternsofoutdoorsociabilityanddiversityandthe

cordialatmosphereofbeinginsharedspacesprevailedinthefindingsandwashighlyvalued

bymanyoftheusers.Thefindingsshowevidenceofsociallyresponsivestrategiesthat

recognisediverseneedsandlifepatternsandsupportpatternsofnegotiation,convivialityand

socialencounters,forexample,providingdifferentpublicsportsyards(volleyball,basketball,

footballandcricket)inresponsetodiverseethnicsportingneeds.InHunainiyahPark,spaces

areprovidedforhawkingwhichismainlypractisedbySyrianandYemenifamilies.Accessibility

andlongeropeninghoursofparksandgardensisamanagementsolutionthatpromotes

recognitionanddifferentpatternsoflife.

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Aconsensusbetweenthefindingsfromethnographicpracticesandexpertinterviewswas

revealedconcerningthedistributionofactivitiesandthevalueofwalkabilityqualityin

supportingsocialencounters.Thefindingselaboratedthatthespatialmanagementanddesign

qualitiesinthecasestudiescansupportconvivialityandpositivesocialencountersin

transculturalcities.Theexpertinterviewsprovidedinformationonthepossibilityofformally

designingandmanaginginformalPOSinBahrainaswellasoperatingatacticalurbanism

approachortemporaryintervention,forexample,thepotentialimpactthatlandscape

architecturedesignandmanagementcouldhaveinhistoricalsites.

WilsonandDarling(2016)claimthatoneofthequalitiesofencounteristhatitcanbe

unanticipatedandprovidesasurprisingexposuretodifferencesthataresituatedwithin

personalandcollectivehistories.Myresearchdiscoveredthatgiventhedynamicnatureof

landscapeandsocialisinginoutdoorspacesintransculturalcontexts,theseactsofpersonal

serendipitymaybebettersupportedinplacesthatarefamiliarandsafe,asmentionedfor

examplebytheSyriansisters,theyoungIndianmotherandtheBalochifather.Accordingto

mydataanalysisanddiscussionintheprecedingChapters(Five,SixandSeven),andsupported

bystudiessuchasArmstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth’s(2012),unpredictabilityand

unfamiliaritycandetermigrantsandnewcomersfromusingaspace.Tofosterinclusionandto

sustainencounters,itisimportanttosupportroutineactivitiesinwhichdiverseculturescan

negotiatetheirusewithconfidenceandfamiliarity.

Designandmanagement,supportedbyplanningdecisions,haveadirectroleinpromoting

conviviality,exploringcommonalitiesandextendingmeaningfulencounters.Socialfunctioning

andprovidingdiverseactivitieswithalternativesandsupportingawiderangeofaffordances

mayalsosustaindifferentencounters.POSneedbefacilitatedtolegitimisemultipleformsof

unexpectedsocialencountersandculturalpracticesofsociabilityandbeingoutdoors.These

spaceshavethepotentialtosupportsocialtransformation,whichhappensovertimethrough

acumulativepatternofunpredictableencounters.Therecommendationherealsosupports

therecognitionofdifferences,buttherearealsoconflicts.Ignoringsmallconflictsor

aggravationscannegativelyshapepatternsofencounters.Conflictsofparentingand

cleanlinesshavebeenshapedinthefindingsbydifferentculturalexpectationsandambiguity

withregardtoasenseofsocialresponsibilityanddutyofcare.

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8.7PropositionFour:Repairandcare

Thispropositionislinkedtophilosophicaldiscoursesonethicsofcareanditisaboutdefining

responsibilitiesintermsofcareandrepair(LowandIveson,2016).LowandIveson(2016)

assert,“Caringforothersandparticipatingintherepairoftheenvironmentalsoconstitutean

importantdimensionofsocialjusticeinpublicspace”(p.19).Conceptofcareandrepaircanbe

seenininsignificantactivitiessuchaspickinglitter(ibid)orlookingafterachildinaplayground

whoisleftwithoutsupervision.However,asinferredfromthefindingsanddiscussionchapter,

peoplearejudgingothers’behavioursbasedondifferentexpectationsofcleanlinessand

parentingobligations.

Itismyargumentthatignoringthesedifferencesinmoralcodesmayreinforcesegregation

andmayreflectafundamentallackofintegration.AsLowandIveson(2016)state,“public

spacesalsocontinuetobetheobjectoflessspectacular,butnolesssignificant,conflict”than

politicsofpublicsphere(p.10).Theroleofmanagementanddesignisvitalthereforetodeal

withconflictsinbothpublicspacesandthepublicsphere(ibid).

Parentingandcleanlinessappearastrivialtensionsandnotrelevanttothepublicsphere;

however,theycanescalateandsotheyshouldnotbeneglectedatthemicroscale.The

questionsare:Whoshouldpayforthemaintenance?Whoshouldberesponsibleforcleaning

theparkandgardenswithdifferentpatternsofuse?Whoshouldtaketheresponsibilityof

caringforthechildren?Isitinclusivethataccessibilityforchildrenisconditionedbytheaccess

oftheircarers?Isitpossibletoprovideamemberofstafftolookafterunsupervisedchildren?

Thesequestionsarecomplexbutshowhowthequalityofcareandrepairaffectthejusticeand

inclusivityofPOS.

Themaintenanceofparksandgardensisfundedbythegovernmentandtheexpert

intervieweeshighlightedthatsomeparksandgardensneedmoremaintenancethanothers

becauseofdifferentintensityandpatternsofuse.Litteringandvandalismthataccompany

differentpatternsofuseaffecttheprocessofprovidingandmaintainingPOSinBahrainin

differentareasandthecreativityofdesign(FrominterviewswiththeMaintenanceand

OperationEngineerofParksandGardensinManamaMunicipalityandGeneralCoordinatorof

theAssociationofFriendsGroups).TheDirectorofPropertiesandParksaddedthatthereisa

penaltyof10BD(£20)forlitteringontheroadsorbeaches,butthereisnolegislationaimedat

parksandgardens.

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Regardingparenting,thereisnoregulationinBahraintopreventchildrenfrombeing

unattended.Intheexpertinterview,Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahroos,Paediatricianandpresidentof

theArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceagainstChildren,highlightedthatforchildren

playinginparksandgardensisveryimportantfortheirhealthbutshealsomentioned:

“100%childrenofacertainageshouldnotbeleftbythemselves.Childrenyoungerthan6years,childrenagedtwotothreeyearsareseenwalkingaloneontheroads.Childrenyoungerthan6yearsshouldnotbeleftwithoutadultsupervisioninanypublicspace.Thereisnothinginthelawthatstatesthis”.

Dr.Al-Mahroosalsoemphasised:

“Manycasesofsexualabusehappentochildrenintheages8to11frombeingleftunsupervised[...]Ihaveseenmanycaseshappeninpublicparks[...]thishappenswhenthechildrenarewithnosupervision[…]theseattacksneedonlymomentsandthechildisexposedtodanger”.

Hence,itbecomesessentialthatthedesignandmanagementofparksandgardensinBahrain

shouldsupportthecarers’rolewithdifferentexpectationsandperceptions.

Themunicipalitiesrecruitsecurityguards,forexample,KhalifaGardenissupervisedbyten

securityguards(DTNews,2015).Generally,inmostofthegardensandparks,thesecurityand

cleaningarrangementsaremanagedbyprivatecompaniesandfundedbythemunicipality

throughcontracts.TherecruitmentofsecurityguardsinPOSdidnotappearasanexclusion

measureinthecollecteddataastheywereseentobetrusted,werewelcomingandsupported

asenseofsecurity,buttherewasalackofclarityintheirrole.Inthefieldwork,somemigrant

parentsmentionedthattheyconsidereditsafetolettheirchildrenwanderintheparks

becausetherearesecuritymeasures,andtheybelievedthattakingcareofchildren’ssafetyis

partofthesecuritypersonnel’sresponsibility.Similarly,theinterviewsrevealthatmanyusers

expectthatmaintainingcleanlinessisthemanagement’sresponsibility.

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Additionally,someoftheguards(fromdiverseorigins)expressedalackofclarityregarding

theirroleinmanagingtheparksandgardensandtheirfrustrationrelatedtoalaxityin

regulation.AninterviewedsecurityguardofAsianoriginhighlightedtheissueofleaving

childrenbythemselvesundertheresponsibilityofthesecurityguards.Hehadaconcernof

whetherhisjobwastobeachild-minderinthegardenortoguardthespace.

Theresearchhasraiseddifferentinterpretationsandmoraljudgmentsofwhatconstitutes

healthyparentingandcleanlinessinPOS,whattheresponsibilityofthesocietyisforthecivic

good,andhowthedifferentsocialbehavioursareconstructed.Peoplehavedifferentsocial

andenvironmentalbehavioursintakingcareofaplaceandofotherpeople.Somepeople

mightacceptthesebehavioursasrational,whilesomepeopleviewthesebehavioursas

distinctproblems,orevenviolentactions,andhencetheyshouldbeofficiallyregulated.

Accordingtotheinterviewees,thesecurityguardsareusuallymigrantworkerswithnopower.

Amotherproposedthat‘bodybuilders’couldbeappointedfromtheusersorresidentsand

authorisedtomonitororderlinessandpromotesocialbehaviourintheparksandgardens

insteadofsecurityguards.Intervieweesalsosaidthatthelevelofawarenessshouldbea

managementstrategy.TheexpertfromtheUrbanPlanningDepartmentsaid:“The

governmenthasstartedtoincreaseculturalawarenessthroughhavingcampaignsorevents

Figure8.10Theguardsweretakingcareofchildrenwhowereunsupervised.

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forcleaning,beautificationandpaintingwallmurals[…]anddistributingcategorisedrecycling

binsindifferentareas.”Thesecampaignsareusuallyarrangedatasocietalandcollectivelevel,

butconsiderationneedstobegiventothequestionofhowwereflecttheexpectationsofa

diversepopulation.

Someintervieweesalsoproposedissuingfinestodealwithnuisances.Isuggestthatissuing

fines(anddoingsoconsistently)mightbemoreresponsiblethanchargingadmissionfeesthat

canleadtoexclusion.Singapore’spracticeofdealingwithpublicnuisancesandlitteringcould

possiblybeadopted(Chuan,2011).Litteringistakenveryseriously:CCTVsurveillancecameras

areusedtomonitorspaces.Residentsalsohavetheauthoritytotakephotosofpublic

nuisancesandoffendersinthecityandvolunteersaregiventheauthoritytotalkwiththe

litterbugsandissuefines.InSingapore,regulationsregardinglitteringhavebeenimplemented

afterthegovernmentfoundthat‘litter-free’spacesendorsemoraleinthecity(ibid,p.13).The

questionintransculturalcontextsiswhodecideswhatmorallyacceptablebehavioursare.

Bahrainalsoinitiated‘FriendsGroupsofParksandGardens’in2010.Theconceptof‘Friends

Groups’asexplainedbyDunnettetal.(2002)isacommunityinvolvementorganisationthatis

meanttoimprovethequalityofPOSandenrichtheusers’experiences.Mr.MohammedAl-

A’ali(GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsinBahrain)saidthatthe

membersofthegroups(fromresidentsandthefrequentusers)havearoleincleanlinessand

Figure 8.11 A walking track inAndalus Garden. The municipalityalso has experience of educationalpromotions with regard to healthawareness.Theyhavealsoprovidedproper walking tracks withmeasureddistancesignsindifferentparks and gardens with messagesconcerning diabetes and obesity tohelppromotinghealthyactivities inPOS in Bahrain. Though on adifferent and more neutral theme,lessons and successes with regardto health promotion may beinstrumental in tackling issues ofchildcare and littering, but it isimportant first to consider a widerange of perceptions and culturaldifferences to endorse socialjustice,inclusivityandwellbeing.

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preventingvandalism,asthesecurityguardsarenotenough.Hestatedthatin2012and2013,

therewaszerovandalisminsomeparksduethepresenceoftheFriendsGroups.Asdescribed

byAl-A'ali,themembersofFriendsGroupshavealeadingrole,moresothanthesecurity

guards.HesaidthatFriendsGroupsinBahrainwereinitiatedafterconsiderationofAustralia

andAmerica,wheretheyareestablishedduetotheirlonghistoryinvoluntaryservices,while

“wearemuchbehind”.

Al-A’alistatedthattherearesomedifficulties:peopleinBahrainarenotawareoftheconcept

behindtheFriendsGroupstotakecareoftheparksandgardens;thereisashortageof

financialresourcessothatthenumberofmembersisreducing;andsignificantly,themembers

donothaveanylegalauthority.Heexplainedthatthememberstalkwithpeoplebutwithno

clearroleandmanypeopledonotrespond.FriendsGroupsinBahrainrequiremoresupport,

training,andpromotionof‘goodnewsstories’toemphasisetheirsocialroleascommunity

Figure8.12TheprojectofParksFriendsisannouncedinallparksandgardensinBahrain.Theboardsspecifytheconcepts,theobjectivesand

benefitsoftheFriendsGroupsprojects,butalltheboardsareintheArabiclanguage.

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facilitators.AninterestingpointaddedbyAl-A’aliwasthattherearealsoactiveforeign

membersandthattheseforeignersdonotfeelthattheyarestrangersinBahrain.Frequently,

theseFriendsGroupsareoftennotabroadrepresentationofallsectionsofthecommunity;

therefore,theauthoritycouldalsoplayavitalroletoensurethatthedecisionsandactionsare

suitableforthewidevarietyofusers(Dunnettetal.,2002).Extensiveconsultationwithother

userscouldalsobeakeyprincipletoensuretheinclusivityofthebenefits.

ThisresearchaddsaBahrainicontext(andinmanyrespectsabroaderGCCandArabiccontext)

tothedebateonthevitalityofethicsofcareinprovidingandregulatingpublicspaces

(AgyemanandErickson,2012).Ithasbecomecrucialthatcareandrepairintheresearch

contextshouldbeasharedresponsibility,asalsoassertedbyLowandIveson(2016).However,

inaverydiversesociety,itisdifficult,aswithparentingandcleanliness,todecidewhatis

unacceptableandwhatisconsideredanuisance,andhowtocommunicatethesedecisionsas

eitherbeingacommonobligationortheneedtoberegulated,particularlyifthereareconflicts

invaluesandmotivationforuse.

8.8PropositionFive:Proceduraljustice

Thepropositionsuggeststhatsupportingdemocratic,inclusiveandjustpublicspacesand

dealingwithconflictsneedstobethroughaprocessthatsupportsnegotiationand

involvementbetweenauthorityandpeople(LowandIveson,2016,p.22).Theabove

propositionsarediscussedinrelationtotheresponsibilityofprovidersandtheresponsibility

ofpeopletowardtheplaceandusers.LowandIveson(2016)alsoarguethat:

“Publicspaceswillnotbeperceivedasjustifpeoplearesystematicallylocked-outofdecision-makingprocessesthatshapetheiruse—eitherthroughdirectformsofexclusionthatputdecision-makingbehindcloseddoorsorthroughindirectformsofexclusionwheretherulesofparticipationindecision-makingsystematicallyfavoursomegroupsoverothers.”(p.22)

Thisstatementindicatesthattosupportsocialjusticethecommunities’engagementinthe

processesofprovidingandregulatingofPOSisrequired.

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Dr.Farhan,theattorney,claimedthatthelawisnotdesignedtodealwithnuisancesrelatedto

parentingorlitteringinPOSandheassertedthattheseshouldbeundertheresponsibilityof

thespacemanagement.Managementstrategiescanintervenetoallowcertaingroupsto

practisearightortopreventcertaincategoriesfrompracticingspecificbehaviours(Dr.

Farhan),whichmightcreateexclusion.However,theAttorneyassertedthatbeforeactivating

anyregulation,itisnecessaryforthesetobepublishedandpeopleshouldbeawareofthem.

Dr.Al-Mahroos,PaediatricianandPresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolence

againstChildren,furtherstressedthatthereasonbehindanyregulationshouldbeveryclear,

andhereforexample,inrelationtoAl-Mahroos’expertise,“regardingchildren’srightsand

safety”.TheexpertinterviewssupportthecaseofhavingafollowupsysteminPOS.For

example,theAttorneyrecommended,“thereisaneedtoprovidearesponsiblerepresentative

inthespace”.Thesecouldbesomestrategiesthatsupporttheinvolvementofpeopleinthe

processofmanagement;theFriendsGroupsandcommunicationbetweenpractitionersand

usersappearedeffectivetosomeextentaccordingtotheexpertinterviewees,butthe

questionishowtoensureawideconsultationandinclusiveengagement.Whenthedecisions

inplanning,designandmanagementofPOSreflectcertaingroupsandpeople,thisappearsto

givepreferentialtreatmenttoonegroupoveranother,aformoffavouritism.Theanalysisof

thecollecteddatarevealsthatthepracticeoflandscapearchitectureisoftennotcritically

addressingthesesmallconflictsthathaveincreasedwithculturaldifferences.Thiscanleadto

anunjustsituation,resultingintheseactionsbeingignored,excludedorcriminalised.

Throughoutthefindings,thedisparitywasrevealedwhentheexpertsonlytalkedabout

regulationandexclusionmanagementprocedurestocontrolmisuse,whilethefindingsfrom

othermethodsshowexamplesofdesignandmanagementthatsupportinteraction,

negotiationandconvivialityacrossdifferences.Expertinterviewsandotherethnographic

methodsshoweddifferentexclusionstrategiestopreventcertainbehaviours,butsuch

behaviourscontinuewhichmeansthereisnoclarityinunderstandingofdifferentsocial

responsibilitiesandculturalexpectations.

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Inprofessionalpractice,thereshouldbeanunderstandingthatdifferentparentingstylesand

litteringappearfromculturaldifferences;however,theseissuesshouldnotbeignored,but

insteadshouldbeconsideredwithoutexclusionstrategies.POSneedtobeinclusiveandthe

roleofdesignandmanagementneedstobeemphasisedtoprovidesociallyresponsivePOSfor

differentexpectationsandlegitimisingandsupportingdiversepatternsofuseinwhichpeople

feelwelcomeandnotintimidated.Thoughtfulplanning,designandmanagementisrequired

withanunderstandingofculturaldifferencestoalleviatetensions.Socialjusticealsoneedsto

beconsideredintheprovisionandregulationofPOSwithconcernsforwellbeingand

understandingtheculturaldifferencesintransculturalcities.

Inordertofulfilthisresponsibility,“plannersneedculturalcompetencyskillstorecognise,

understand,andengagethisdifference,diversity,andculturalheterogeneityincreativeand

productiveways”(AgyemanandErickson,2012,p.358).Culturalcompetencyasrecommended

inurbanplanningbyAgyemanandErickson(2012)cansupportwiderconsultationand

recognitionofdifferences.Itisvitaltoprovidewideandeffectivecommunicationtoolstodeal

withdifferentculturalexpectationsandmisunderstandings.Conflictscouldberecognisedas

opportunitiesfortransculturalengagementandlearningexperiences(Hou,2013;UNESCO,

2009).Throughculturalliteracy,itispossibletounderstandcontradictoryaspirationsand

meaningsbehinddifferentbehavioursinamulti-culturalcontext(WoodandLandry,2012).It

isimportanttograspthemostusefulmethodineachcontext:storytelling,listening,

interpreting,visualandbodylanguageor“othermoresymbolicornon-verbalmeansof

storytelling”provide,“atool-kitfornegotiationandmediation”whenrequired(Sandercock,

2003b,p.26).Sennett(2013)alsoraisedanimportantpointaboutthesecommunicationtools;

theyaretoolsforcooperation,whichneedmorethanwillingness,theyrequireskillsand

practicesasdoesanyothercraft.

8.9Conclusion

Sandercock(2003a)statesthatthegoalofepistemologyshouldnotmerelybetoidentifythe

constraintsandconflictsthatoverlapdifferencesbutrathertolinktoandreflectonthe

practice.Thisresearchcontributestolinkingtheoryandpracticeandusestheframeworkof

SocialJusticeandPublicSpaces(LowandIveson,2016)asabasisforconsideringthe

implicationforthepracticeoftransculturalurbanisminplanning,designandmanagementof

POStosupportconvivialityacrossdifferences.Theexpertinterviewswereusefulinanalysing

theresearchoutcomewithaprofessionalperspectiveandgroundingthefindingsonlandscape

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architecturepracticeinaBahrainicontext.Theframeworkrecognisedthelinkbetweenthe

outcomesoftheexpertinterviewsandfindingsfromothermethodswithregardtosupporting

equitytobeabletoreceivethebenefitsofPOSwithdifferencesandcomplexityin

transculturalcities.Triangulatingtheethnographywithexpertinterviewshighlightedthegaps

andexploredtheroleofprofessionalpracticeinareasthatwerenotfullyconsideredby

experts.Thefundamentalroleofthesocialjusticeframeworkistofindmorepositive

approachesforprofessionalpractice.

ThediscussionsinthischapterillustratedthattosupportconvivialityinPOS,socialjusticein

thesepublicspaces(andinsocialinteractions)needstobeendorsed(LowandIveson,2016).

Fromthefindings,migrants’experiencesandtransculturalpracticesinPOSsupported

convivialityandencounters;however,recognitionofculturaldifferencesisachallengeto

promotesocialjusticewiththenuancesofperceptionsandexpectationsthatmayconflict.

Parentingandcleanlinessappearedasculturaldifferenceswithregardtosocialresponsibility

andshouldbeconsideredasintegraltothecomplexityofatransculturalcity.Thoughthese

conflictsaremundane,ignoringthemwouldhavewidespreadimplicationsforthevalueof

theseplacesassitesofinterculturalexchange,andalsopossiblydiminishtheirstatuswithin

theBahrainienvironment.Discussionofthefindingsunderthesocialjusticeframework(Low

andIveson,2016)highlightedtheethicalobligationofprofessionalpracticetothebuilt

environment(AgyemanandErickson,2012).Ithasalwaysbeentheroleofthelandscape

designertomaintaintheresponsivenessoftheirdesignanditisstilltheresponsibilityof

landscapearchitectstorespondtodifferentculturalexpectationsinPOSwhenworkingin

transculturalcities(Hou,2013).

Theapproachoftransculturalurbanisminlandscapearchitectureappearsasanecessary

principletosupportconvivialityandinclusivityandtorespondpositivelytoculturaldifferences

inBahrainandtheregion.Oneofthekeyfindingsofthischapteristhatinissuesrelevantto

socialdynamicsandculturalunderstandinginthebuiltenvironment,theroleofplanning,

designandmanagementshouldbeseenasintertwinedandintegrated.Accordingly,to

promoteinclusivityandsupportconviviality,thefindingsstronglyrecommendthecasethat

bothlandscapedesignersandplannersneedtohaveagreaterunderstandingofstrategic

managementduringthesiteplanninganddesignprocess.Managementstrategiesshouldalso

bestudiedwithanunderstandingofsocialequityconcept,distributionofresourcesandvalues

forpublicopenspaces.

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Thisresearchdevelopsasocio-spatialimplicationfortransculturalurbanisminplanning,

designandmanagementofPOSinBahrainwithinthesocialjusticeframeworktosupport

convivialityandpositiveencounters.Recognisingdifferences,maintaininginclusivityand

justiceandsupportingthedynamicsofeverydayusesofPOSwouldsupportthepositive

qualitiesofsocialencountersinPOS.Thekeyrecommendationsare:

1. Legitimisingandfacilitatingtheculturalpracticesforusingoutdoorspacesand

supportingthewidepatternsofsociabilityinbothformalandinformalPOS.

2. Inparksandgardens,supportingtheaffordancesforleisurepractices,legitimising

differentpracticeswheneverpossible,providingspatialchoicesorvariationsand

increasingrecreationalactivitieswouldinformnegotiationandmaintainopportunities

forencounterswithculturaldifferences.SupportingtheaffordancesofPOSfordiverse

patternsofuseisnotmerelyrelatedtoflexibilityorthestandardisationofspaces;but

requiresthoughtfullandscapedesignandmanagementwhichemploysprofessional

understandingandskillsregardinghowactivitiescanoverlapand/orbeseparated

(spatiallyandtemporality)toensurehighqualityexperiencesforallusers.

3. Thepossibilitytochangethespatialfunctionsorlandscapeelementsorincreasing

capacitiesandopeninghoursofparksandgardensshouldbeconsideredunderdesign

andmanagementstrategies.Short-termprojects(tacticalurbanism)canalsobeused

informalandinformalspaces(suchasstreets)giventhesocialandculturaldynamics.

4. Intransculturalcities,theconceptofconvivialityneedstobeconsideredatboththe

microscaleandcityleveltomeetindividualperceptions,forexample,increasingthe

capacitiesofparksandgardensinscaleandnumber,providingvarietiesofPOSwith

inclusivitytorespondtodiverseusersandeffectivelyaddressinglocational

disadvantages(formalandinformal)whilealsoconsideringaccessibility.Equityin

consideringthequalitiesofinformalspacesanddifferentoutdoorculturalleisure

practicesshouldalsobeconsideredascrucialintransculturaltheoriesandpractice.

5. ThequalityofinclusivityofPOSshouldbemaintainedwithinthecomplexityofa

transculturalcity.Thesecomplexitiesareconsideredaspartofthesocialandcultural

barriersforaccessingPOS.Mundaneconflictsarealsoshapedbythecomplexityand

culturaldifferencesintransculturalcities.Theseminorconflictsshouldnotbeignored

andprofessionalpracticeshouldnotallowtheseconflictsandcomplexitiestocreate

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exclusions.Responsivenesstowardsculturaldifferenceshastobeachievedwithout

exclusionorimposinginsensitiveregulations.Planning,designandmanagement

strategiescansupporttransculturalconvivialityinpublicopenspacesandsome

combinationsoftheabove-mentionedpragmaticapproacheswouldworktoacertain

extenttoreducethetensionsorconflicts.Regulationshouldbeproducedonlythrough

effectivetransparentcollaborationandthearticulationandunderstandingof

legitimatedifference.

6. Culturalliteracyandcross-culturallearningtoolsaredevelopedwithinthe

transculturalurbanismapproach.Throughunderstandingtheculturaldifferencein

cities,thecomplexitiescanbealleviatedandopportunitiesfornegotiationsbetween

diverseuserscanbesupported.ExclusionhasbeenenactedinKhalifaGardenwhen

thecurrentpracticefailedinprovidingoptions,whichrequiredwidercommunication

andconsultation.Providingopportunitiesfornegotiationandcommunicationis

importanttoavoidthemisunderstandingofculturaldifferences.Withtranscultural

complexity,itisnotrealisticorappropriatethatlandscapearchitectsandmanagers

shouldhavesoleresponsibilityinsupportingconviviality.Ideally,greenspacesectors

mayworkincollaborationwithlocalgovernancestructuresandcommunity

facilitators.

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ChapterNine:ConclusionandRecommendations

9.1Revisitingthethreevignettes

ChapterOneillustratedvignettesaboutthreepublicspacesinBahrainandalsohighlighted

thatpublicopenspacesintransculturalcitiesreflectarangeofsocial,culturalandpolitical

influences.ThefirstvignettewasaboutthePearlRoundaboutandthepoliticaluprisingsin

2011,whichhighlightedthespatialrelationshipbetweenthepublicsphereandpublicspaces

(GehlandSvarre,2013;LowandIveson,2016).ThesecondvignetteportrayedBabAl-Bahrain

Squareandthecompetitionarrangedin2012todesigntheSquare.Thiscompetitionreceived

accusationsofbeingarepressivetool;thesechargesconcernedtherelationshipbetween

urbandesignapproachesusedinthiscompetitionandthepoliticaleventsof2011.Thethird

vignettewasKhalifaGardenandtheveryrecentdirectiveofassigningentryfeesforthefirst

timeforapublicparkinBahrain.Thisdecisionwastakenbecausethemunicipalitywasina

dilemmaashowtodealwithdifferencesinculturalpracticesthatcreatedconflictsinpatterns

ofuse.ThereisagapinunderstandinghowthesevariousinfluencesshapetheuseofPOSin

Bahrain;thisresearchwasanattempttoaddressthisgap.

Theresearchlookedbeyondtheheadlines.Throughouttheresearchamoredetailed

understandingofdifferentpatternsofuseinPOSandsocial-spatialassociationswasobtained.

ThefieldworkprovidedgroundeddataonhowPOSareused,howpatternsofusearechanged

withculturaldifferencesandwhatPOSmeansformigrants.Thefindingsexploredpositive

meaningsaroundwellbeing,socialsupportandfeelingwelcomeandasharedsenseof

belongingdevelopedfromthemigrants’experiencesinPOSinBahrain.Eventhoughina

differentcontextandwithadifferentpatternofmigration,thesefindingsagreewith

Armstrong(2004),Lowetal.(2005),RishbethandFinney(2006),PetersanddeHaan(2011)

andRishbethandPowell(2013).Thecollecteddataalsoillustratedevidenceofconvivialityand

positiveencountersacrossdifferencesinthecontextofBahrain,whichshowedsimilarities

withotherstudiesonconvivialityindifferentcontexts(WiseandVelayutham,2009and2014;

Wessendorf,2014b;Nealetal.,2015).

ByinvestigatingthePOSatmicroscale,thisresearchgainedanin-depthunderstandingofa

rangeofmundanetensionsandconflictsfromdifferentculturalexpectationsintranscultural

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cities,andparticularlyinKhalifaGardenasnotedinthevignettes.Thoughsuchaggravations

aretrivial,theycouldbemobilisedorescalatedintothepublicsphere.Thedifferencesin

parentingpracticesandcleanlinesslevelsintheGardenhavebeenescalatedleadingto

inclusioninthemedia(newspapers)andanintroductioninBahrainforthechargingoffeesfor

entrytoapublicpark,whichisasocialexclusionpolicy.Theresearchinvestigatedthat

convivialityandtransculturalengagementisnotalwaysstraightforwardandcanexacerbate

prejudice(Valentine,2008).

Themethodsselectedinthisresearchallowedmetoexplorecross-culturalinterpretationsof

theseconflictsandenabledmetoengagewithusers(Sandercock,2000;Agyemanand

Erickson,2012)andtheirculturaldifferencestorecognisethevariousreasonsfordissimilar

practices,toacknowledgedifficultiesandfindpossiblewaysformovingcollectivelytowards

sharedunderstandingsthatwouldsupportdevelopingrecommendationsandstrategies.From

theperceptiveoflandscapearchitecture,throughdesignandmanagementofthespaces,itis

possibletosupportdiverseneedsandengagements.Publicspacesmeanresponsivespacesfor

differentusesandneeds(Dee,2001);withcomplexityintransculturalcities,itisstillthe

responsibilityoflandscapearchitecturetoprovideinclusivespacesregardlessofthe

differences(Hou,2013).

Ashighlightedinthevignettes,thereisarelationshipbetweenPOSandsocialandpolitical

influencesandtheroleoflandscapearchitectureinthisrelationshipneedstobeemphasised

(GehlandSvarre,2013;LowandIveson,2016).Hence,thisresearchlinkedthetheoryof

transculturalcitiesandconvivialityinPOSwithpracticeandaspectsofpolicyand

management.Publicspacesshouldbeegalitarianspacesthatsupportsocialinclusivityand

wellbeingwithconsideringintersectionalityandculturalcomplexityinatransculturalcity,but

whatmightbeappropriatetosomeindividualsmightconflictwithothers.Decisionsmay

reflectcertainviewsofparticulargroupsandthisappearsaformofbiasofonegroupover

another.Thiscomplexitywoulddriveanethicalapproachtobeaddressedasanintegralpart

ofthetheoryandpracticeoftransculturalcities;andwithincreasingnumbersofmigrantsin

theGulfcities,howmighta‘just’citybeprioritisedandimplemented(AgyemanandErickson,

2012,LowandIveson,2016).

Assuggestedinthetitleofthisthesis,urbanopenspacesareimportantsitesforconvivialityin

adiversepopulationcontextsuchasBahrain.Transculturalandconvivialitytogetherinthese

spacesleadtothedevelopmentofflourishingcross-culturalinteractionsandmeaningful

encountersacrossdifferences.ThepublicnessandinclusivityofPOSmaintainthesebenefits

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forthediversesocietywhilstsupportingtheintegrationagenda.Theroleofplanning,design

andmanagementofPOSarefundamentalinthisprocess.

9.2Thekeyfindingsoftheresearchaims

Theprimaryfocusofthisresearchwastounderstandtheroleandpotentialofurbanpublic

openspaces,andinvestigatebywhatmeansthesemightsupporteverydaypositivesocial

encountersacrossdifferenceswithinaBahrainicontext.Inthisresearch,Ifocusedonthree

areasoftheory:Transculturalcities,convivialityandsocialusesandvaluesofpublicopen

spaces.Theresearchfindsthatconviviality,transculturalpracticesandprocessesandsocial

usesandvaluesofPOSareinterrelatedinsupportingmeaningfulencounters.Theresearch

alsodiscoveredthatchallengesforencounterscanemergefromthecomplexityof

transculturalcities.Byconductingtheresearchusinglandscapearchitecturemethodsand

approaches,theresearchfindsthatplanning,designandmanagementcanreflectonand

respondtotheseareasoftheoryandalleviateconflictsandgenerateproductivespacesthat

supportpositivesocialencounter.

AimsoneandtwowereaddressedinbothChaptersFiveandSix,withadiscussionoftheir

contributiontoareasoftheoryinChapterSeven.Thefindingsofthethirdaim,aselaboratedin

ChapterEight,contributetolinkingthedevelopingtheorytothepracticeinordertoinform

planning,designandmanagementofPOSandpresentoptionsforfuturedevelopment.This

researchrecommendsatransculturalurbanismapproachtorespondtoculturaldifferences

andsupporttheconceptofbeingtogetherintransculturalcontexts.Thissectionsummarises

themainfindingsinresponsetotheresearchaims.

9.2.1TheimportanceofPOSfortransculturalprocessanddevelopinganewformof

belonging

Thefirstaimofthisresearchwastounderstandtheeverydayactivities,preferencesand

motivationsforusingPOSinBahrain,withaparticularemphasisontheexperiencesofusers

frommigrantbackgrounds.Themainobjectivesofthefirstaimwereto:

a. Understandhowtheuseofoutdoorspacesisreflectedacrossdifferenttypologiesof

spaces.

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b. Investigatehowtheseusesarereflectedatdifferenttimesofthedayandyear,and

howtheyarereflectedwithintersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatus,

generationandmigrants’identities.

c. AddresshowthehistoryofmigrationshapesthevaluesandpreferencesofusingPOS.

Thekeyfindingsofthefirstaimare:

1. ThefirstoverallkeyfindingunderthisaimemphasisesthattheuseofPOSisa

resourceformigrantsacrossbordersthatmaintainstheirtransculturalconnections.

ThefindingsaddressedtheimportanceofPOSassitesfortransculturalprocessesand

practices,especiallybyconsideringthesocialusesandvaluesofPOS.Leisureactivities

areacommonmotivationforusingPOSintheselectedcasestudies,particularly

amongmigrants,whichreflectsthatPOSsupportsmigrants’experiencesandare

welcomespaceswheremigrantsfeelcomfortable.Theresearchaddressedthat

patternsofoutdoorsociabilityappearedinthefindingsasformsofleisureforusers

withdifferentmigrantbackgroundsandmaintainingthesepatternspostmigration

supportsthetransculturalprocess.Theabovefindingsareinlinewiththeliteratureon

theimportanceoftheoutdoorbuiltenvironmentformigrantsandnewcomers

(Armstrong,2004;Lowetal.,2005;MeanandTims,2005;RishbethandFinney,2006;

Beundermanetal.,2007;Peters,2010;Gehl,2011;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Hou,

2013).

2. Thefindingsfromtheempiricalresearchvalidatetheneedforvariationofoutdoor

affordancesforappropriatedifferentleisureactivitiesandpatternsofsociabilityin

formalandinformalPOSwithdifferenttypes,formsandgeographicallocations,which

supporttheargumentsofByrneandWolch(2009)andPetersanddeHaan(2011)that

outdoorleisureactivitiesarecontextdependentanddifferentleisureactivitieswould

fitindifferentplacesreflectingethnicandculturalidentitiesandaffordancesofplaces.

3. Thisresearchfoundthatintheformalparksandgardensdifferentpatternsofuseare

visible,whichreflectdifferentculturalbackgroundsandmigrantorigins.Thisisalso

emphasisedbythestudiesinWesterncontexts,forexample,theworkofLowetal

(2005)aboutculturaldiversityinpublicparksinNewYork.Thefindingsalsoaddthat

theleisurepracticesinparksandgardensshiftspatiallyandtemporallybetweenday

andnightindifferentseasons.Thesedynamicsdisplaytransculturalpracticesand

aspectsofadaptationparticularlywiththeideaofchangingenvironmentin

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transculturalcities(Hou,2013).Hence,theseformalgreenspacesactasimportant

sitesfortransculturalpracticesandprocessesandindevelopingnewformsof

belonging,whichhighlighttheroleoftheprovidersinsupportingdiversecultural

practicesandadaptation.

4. Thisresearchfindsthaturbanheritagesitesareinclusivespacesandthatprotecting

heritagedoesnotconflictwithtransculturalprocessesandtheadaptationofmigrants.

Allthehistoricalsitesinthecasestudieswereconnectivelocationsforpeopleand

providedsupportwithasenseofbelongingandwelcome.Thefindingsidentifiedthat

patternsofsociabilityindesert,souqandneighbourhoodsreflectdifferentleisure

culturalidentitiesandpractices.Thelocationsappearedasheritagesitesinthefield,

butthesetypologiesandpracticesarenotonlycommontoBahrainisbutarealso

sharedbyvariousmigrantsfromAfrica,theMiddleEastandtheIndiansubcontinent,

wheretherearesimilaritiesinclimate,geography,history,religionorculture.

5. Thesefindingssuggestthat,intransculturalcities,alongsidesocialandcultural

dynamics,ourunderstandingofmemoryandsensoryexperiencesinoutdoorspaces

needstobeinclusiveastheysupportadaptationwithculturaldifferencesand

promotewellbeingasalsoaddressedintheliteratureaboutmigrants’experiencesina

newplacebyGhoshandWang(2003),Armstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth

(2012).Thefindingsexploredthattheoutdoorsocialactivitiesevokememories

throughexposuretodiversesensoryexperiences(visual,non-visualandsocial)ata

micro-scale,whichpromoterestorationvalues.Visibleoutdoorsocialisingactivities

canrecallsimilarexperiencesfromthepastorchildhoodmemories(WardThompson,

2007;Pink,2008;Ingold,2012)remindmigrantsoftheseexperiencesintheirhome

country,evenconnectingacrossdifferenttypologiesofoutdoorspaces.Thesefindings

arereflectingandextendingstudiesontheimportanceofPOSformigrantsand

newcomers(Armstrong,2004;Lowetal.,2005;RishbethandFinney,2006;Cattellet

al.,2008;Peters,2010;PowellandRishbeth,2012).

6. Thefindingssupportthestudiesonwellbeingandstressrestorationinoutdoorspaces

(Kaplan,1995;Korpelaetal.,2001;OttossonandGrahn,2005;Hansmannetal.,2007;

GrahnandStigsdotter,2010;WardThompson,2011;SchwanenandWang,2014).In

commonwithotherresearchinthosetopics,formalgreenspacesandparksand

gardensdidappeartohavesignificantrestorativevalue,butalsorestorationisfound

inanaridenvironmentandabuiltenvironmentaswellasinspacesreflectingheritage

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suchasthesouqinmyfindings.Thiswouldalsoemphasisethesocialdimensionsof

restorativeexperiencesinrelationtospatialconfigurationofurbanopenspaces

(Thwaitesetal.,2005;Thwaitesetal.,2011).Inconceptionsofhealthycitiesand

wellbeing,thisresearchsuggeststhatthedifferentusesandtransculturalpracticesof

outdoorspacesbeyondformalgreenspaceshouldbeconsideredasbeingintegralto

wellbeing.

7. Theresearchalsosupportsthecasethatthevisibilityofdifferencesinasuperdiverse

contextcansupportadaptationandindevelopingasenseofbelongingasspecifiedfor

examplebyWessendorf(2014b),inherstudyaboutconvivialityinsuperdiverse

contextsandbyPowellandRishbeth(2012),intheirstudyabouttherelationshipof

migrants’experiencesandtheoutdoorbuiltenvironment.

8. Thefindingsalsohighlightthattheprocessofshapingandevolvingculturalidentities

anddevelopingnewformsofattachmentsthroughusingoutdoorspacesisnotsimple.

Culturaldifferencessuchasmobility,socio-economic,workinghoursandfamily

responsibilitiesandintersectionalityofage,genderandmigrationwouldalsoshape

thepatternsofuseandnon-useofPOS(ByrneandWolch,2009;Rishbeth,2013).My

researchfindsthatdifferentsensesofsocialresponsibility(parentingandcleanliness)

wouldaddtothesedifferencesandshapetheengagementsofpeopleandcross-

culturalinteractionsintransculturalcities(Hou,2013).Thesedifferencesarebarriers

tobeingoutdoorsandshouldnotbeignoredintheoriesandpracticeoflandscape

architecture,transculturalcitiesandconviviality.

9. ThisresearchisthefirstintheGCCthatdiscernstheroleofthebuiltenvironmentin

promotingemotionalattachmentandasenseofbelongingformigrants,including

temporaryworkersandshortstaymigrantsandsupportingtheiradaptation,

integrationandexperiences.Thisresearchaddsanewcontext,withdistinguished

culture,geographyandclimateandwithdifferentpatternsofmigration,tothe

literatureonmigrantexperiencesinanewplace,forexampleGhoshandWang(2003),

Armstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth(2012).Theresearchisalsoanempirical

contributiontourbanstudiesinGCCthatsupporttheimportanceofinvestigatingPOS

incontemporarycitieswithculturaldiversityandtransformationandalsoemphasises

theimportanceoftheinformalPOS(Al-Ansari,2009;Alraouf,2010;Ben-Hamouche,

2013;Addas,2015;).Thisresearchisalsoanadditiontostudiesofthe‘theevolving

Arabcities’(Elsheshtawy,2008).WhilemoststudiesonGCCcountriesexaminecities

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atthemacrolevel,thecontributionofthisresearchistoinvestigatethenuancesof

everydayspaces.Thevisibilityofmigrantexperiencesandthefluidityofoutdoor

spaceshaveavitalroleinsupportingtransformationofidentitiesandculture,inwhich

hybridityandsocio-spatialassociationsaredeveloped.Therefore,migrantexperiences

inGCCcountriesandtheroleofurbanoutdoorspaceshastobeconsideredinstudies

onculturaltransformationinthesecountries.Theresearchalsochallengesthework

thatdescribesthemigrantexperiencesinGCCasmerelybeingstrangerswithsocial

complications(Gardner,2011);myresearchexploredevidenceofoutdoor

transculturalpractices,beingwelcomeandthesenseofbelonging.

9.2.2ThescopeofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacrossdifferences:Productivesites

forpositiveencounters

Thesecondaimofthisresearchwastoexplorehowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedin

urbanpublicspaceswithinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.Themainobjectives

ofthesecondaimwereto:

a. Explorehoweverydayactivitiessupportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractioninformal

andinformalspaces.

b. Investigatehowconvivialityisshapedwithregardtoculturalandethnicdifferences.

c. Critiquebothsupportiveandproblematicspatio-temporalnegotiationinthe

transculturaluseofPOS.

Thekeyfindingsofthesecondaimare:

1. ThefindingsconfirmthatthesocialvaluesforinteractioninPOSsupportconviviality

andcontributetothebodyofliteratureonsocialcohesion(Lownsbroughand

Beunderman,2007).RegardingsocialbenefitsinPOS(Gehl,2011),thefindings

showedhoweverydaysocialencountersinPOSareimportantforprovidingsocial

supportformigrantwomenandmigrantmaleworkers.Opportunitiesinpublicspaces

forsocialinteractionrepresentsocialvaluestotheusers(MeanandTims,2005;

RishbethandFinney,2006;Cattelletal.,2008).SuchencountersinPOSappearedan

essentialelementforbuildingrelationships,whichalsopromotessocialcapital

(Putnam,2000;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007).Forsomewomen,visitinga

parkisanopportunitytoestablishrapportwithotherwomen,whichprovidescrucial

socialsupportandwellbeingforthosewomen.Inthefindings,theusersbenefitfrom

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socialencountersacrossdifferenceseventhoughsuchencounterswerefleetingor

onlyinvolvedsharingtheleisureoutdoorspace,asalsosupportedbyCattelletal.

(2008),Nealetal.(2015)andTheYoungFoundation(2012).

2. Tosupportmeaningfulcontactsthatpromoteasenseofcommunityandsocialcapital,

the‘electivepractice’ofbeingoutdoorsandleisurepracticesshouldbefacilitated.The

findingsindicatedthattheactivitiesinPOSincreasetheopportunitiesforinteractions

asalsosupportedbyPeters(2010)andNealetal.(2015).Theresearchidentifiesthat

tosupportconviviality,weneedtosupportinclusivityinPOSandtounderstand

particularlytheculturaldifferences.Thesefindingsconfirmthattheegalitarian

principlesofPOSareimportanttosupportconviviality.ItisemphasisedbyNealetal.

(2015)thattheelectivepracticesofleisureactivitiesinparksandgardenssupport

convivialencounters.Thisstudyhighlightsthatinhighlytransculturalcities,itis

especiallyimportanttoacknowledgeandsupportdifferentleisurepractices.The

findingsinthisresearchalsoconfirmthat,eitherinformalorinformalPOS,the

differentleisurepractices,whichreflectdifferentculturalidentities,shouldbe

facilitatedtomaintaintheelectiveanddemocraticqualities.Supportingthe

affordancesfordifferentactivitiesinarangeofspatialtypologies,including

greenspaces,seaordesertedgesorinsouqandstreet,cansupportandgenerate

positivesocialencounters.

3. Usinglandscapearchitectureasalenstoexaminethephysicalandspatialqualitiesof

encountersinthefindingshighlightstherelationshipbetweenconvivialityand

materiality(AskinsandPain,2011).ThespatialqualitiesofPOSinthefindings

appearedimportantinmaintainingandfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeing

outdoorsandhenceprovidingopportunitiesforencounterswithdifferentpeople.

Socialresponsivenessinlandscapearchitecturemeansthatdesignersshouldbeaware

ofthedivergentwayspeopleuseandexperiencelandscapesandthenrespondto

theseinspace(Dee,2001;Thwaites,2001),whichalsosupportsthetranscultural

urbanismapproach(Hou,2013).

4. Thisresearchhighlightstheimportanceofconsideringmundanepracticeswithin

debatesonsocio-spatialityandtensions(Amin2008,Valentine,2008).Abetter

understandingofmundaneconflictsisneededalongsideaconsiderationofthediverse

usersandvalues.

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5. Parentingandlitteringinpublicappearedasmundaneconflictsregardingcultural

differencesandsocialresponsibilityinpublicspacesandethicsofcare,which

challengessocialencounteracrossdifferences.Thisfindingaddstotheliteratureon

complexitiesintransculturalcities(Vertrovec,2007a;Hou,2013)andtotheliterature

oncomplexitiesforconvivialityacrossdifferences(Vertrovec,2007a;Valentine,2008;

Noble,2013;Wessendorf,2014b).

6. Peoplehavedifferentculturalinterpretationsregardingparentingandcleanlinessin

outdoorspacesinBahrainandtheseintegrationsandpracticesarenotshaped

collectivelybyculturalgroups,origin,religion,ethnicityorbyclassandincome

bracket.Inthefindings,usersstressedthedutyofcareinpublicspacesevenamong

peoplewithsharedArabculturesandreligion.Thefindingsfromethnographic

fieldworkalsoshowthatlitteringcannotalwaysbeexplainedbytherelationship

betweenpro-environmentalbehavioursandlevelofattachmentstothespaces(Uzzell

etal.,2002;Lewicka,2011).Parentingjudgmentsareformedduetodifferentcultural

expectations,butparentingcultureorstylealsodifferswiththeageoftheparentsand

children,educationlevelororiginassupportedbyliteratureonparentingculturesand

styles(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015).

7. Althoughsuchconflictsappeartrivialintheinterculturaldiscourses,understanding

tensionsatamicrolevelisvitaltoconcernsofscalingup,generalisingandmobilising

encountersasemphasisedinthestudiesonthegeographiesofencounters(Valentine,

2008;Wilson,2016).Ignoringtheseconflictswouldhavewidespreadimplicationsboth

forthevalueoftheseplacesassitesofinterculturalexchangeandpossiblydiminish

theirstatuswithintheBahrainienvironment.Theoutcomesoftheseconflicts

regardingdifferentpracticesleadtotemporalorspatialwithdrawal,whichboth

challengesocialencountersandcross-culturalinteractionintransculturalcities.

Mundaneconflictscouldreinforcesegregationbetweengroupsofdifferent

backgrounds,suchascountryoforiginorpoorandrichifscaledup.Forthisreason,

thereisthepotentialthatminorconflictsescalatetoinformanti-migrationpoliciesor

policiesthatlimitthedevelopmentofculturaldiversityanddifferentheritages.With

escalatingconflicts,POScouldlosetheirpositivesocialvalues,whichisalsoarelevant

concerninthefieldoflandscapearchitecture.

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8. TosupportconvivialityinPOSintransculturalcities,thespacescanbesocially

responsiveandshouldbeprovidedwithchoicesthatsupportpositivenegotiationto

supportsocialencountersandcross-culturalinteractionsacrossdifferences.

9.2.3Socio-spatialimplicationsfortransculturalurbanisminplanning,designand

managementofPOSwithcommitmenttosocialjusticetosupportconvivialityacross

differences

ThethirdaimwastoidentifythepotentialofplanninganddesignofPOSforsupporting

convivialityintransculturalpublicspaces.Toaccomplishthelastaim,theobjectiveswereto:

a. AddressthecurrentpoliciesforimplementingPOSinBahrain.

b. Identifyculturallyappropriateopportunitiesforsupportingconvivialityinpublicopen

spaces.

c. Analysethecurrentpolicies

d. Informdesignapproachesandpoliciesforplanningandmanagingopenspaces,

specificallywithinMiddleEasternandIslamiccontexts

Thekeyfindingsofthethirdaimare:

1. TheroleofdesignandmanagementofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacross

differencesappearedtobeimportantinthefindings,butthisroleiscurrently

underestimated.ThoughPOSarerecognisedassitesforintegration,thereisalackof

understandingoftheimplicationsofthisforlandscapeplanning,designand

managementprofessionalsasrevealedinthecomparisonbetweenthefindingsfrom

theexpertinterviewsandethnography.Theresearchalsosupportsthenotionthat

POSneedtobemaintainedasconnectivesitesandsupportcross-culturalsocial

benefits.Planning,designandmanagementhaveimportantrolesinsupporting

migrantexperiencesinurbanspacesandpromotingconviviality.

2. Theresearchsupportsthecasethattheaffordancesforbeingoutdoorhaveaprime

roleinsupportingconvivialityinPOS,providingopportunitiesforencountersand

supportingthemigrants’adaptation.BysupportingaffordancesofPOSforawide

rangeofactivitiesandculturalpractices,flexibilityandappropriationanduseof

differenturbanpublicspacesrequiresthoughtfullandscapedesignandmanagement

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whichemploysprofessionalunderstandingandskillstoensurehighquality

experiencesforallusers.

3. Thisresearchfoundthatmeaningfulencounterscouldbegeneratedandconflictscan

bereducedthroughtheuseofthe‘justcity’frameworktoexplicitlyintegratean

ethicaldimensiontothetransculturalpracticewithrespecttopublicopenspaceand

culturaldifferences(LowandIveson,2016),asanalyticallydiscussedinChapterEight.

4. Intransculturalcontexts,peoplewithprofessionalrolesinurbanspacedesignand

managementshouldsharetheresponsibility(AgyemanandErickson,2012)for

supportingconvivialityandalleviatingmundaneconflicts.

5. Thisresearchsuggeststhattosupportconvivialityandtorespondpositivelytocultural

differencesinPOS,introducingtransculturalurbanismintheplanning,designand

managementoflandscapearchitectureappearsasanecessaryapproachinBahrain

andtheregion.SupportinginclusivityinPOS,legitimisingdifferentculturalpractices,

facilitatingtheuseofinformalspaces,supportingnegotiation,andculturalliteracyare

importanttransculturalstrategieswithsocialjusticecommitmentofplanning,design

andmanagementofPOSinBahrainandtheregiontosupportpositiveencounters.

Therealsoneedstobeameanstofacilitatesharedcommitmentsandcollaboration

withotherprofessionalsectors,serviceprovidersandcommunityleaders.

9.3Sociableandintegratedculturallyresponsivepublicspaces:A

frameworkstrategyforplanning,designandmanagementofPOSin

Bahrain

Theresearchdevelopedananalyticalrecommendationframeworkinvolvingimplementation

oftransculturalurbanism(Hou,2013)inpracticewithaspectsofsocialjusticeinpublicspaces

(LowandIveson,2016)tosupportconvivialityinPOS.Theframeworkintegratesplanning,

designandmanagementintoacomprehensiveapproachandsupportsthecasethatplanners

anddesignersshouldhavemanagementskillstoadvocateconvivialityinmoderncities.These

recommendationsarebuiltuponculturalcompetencyresearchapproach(Agyemanand

Erickson,2012)andcriticalevaluationofthefindingswithinasocialjusticeframeworkto

supportconvivialityintransculturalcities.Therecommendationhighlightssocialinclusivity,

justiceandsociability.ConsideringthevaluesofPOSfordiverseusers,POShavetobe

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providedandregulatedtoensureinclusivityandjusticeinreceivingthebenefits.Maintaining

inclusivityandjusticeisaccomplishedthroughsupportingthedynamicsofeverydayuses,

culturalpracticesandpatternsofsociabilityandnotignoringmundaneconflicts.

Responsivenesstowardsculturaldifferenceshastobeachievedwithoutexclusionorimposing

insensitiveregulation.

Theframeworkencapsulateslandscapeatdifferentscales,atcitylevelandcountrylevelas

wellasinthesmalldetailsinplacesthataredesignedfororusedbypeople.Theframeworkis

developedaroundfouritemstopromotesocialinclusivityinPOSwithculturaldifferences:

IncreasingthecapacityofPOS,facilitatingtheinformalPOSandlegitimisingthecultural

practiceofbeingoutdoorsinmundanespaces,supportingdifferentpatternsofsociabilityand

leisurepracticesinparksandgardensandsuggestingeffectivetransparentcollaboratively

producedregulation.Theexpertinterviewsprovidedabasisforfacilitatingcooperationwith

practice.Reconnectingwiththeexpertinterviewees,sharingwiththemtheresearchfindings

andrecommendationsanddrawingupontheirexpertiseisonewaytomoveforwardthe

researchandfindings.

Thesestrategiesarenotonlyanoutcomefrommyownreflection,butalsofromcooperation

betweenexpertsandusersinrelationtotheoreticalframework.Expertperspectivefinely

shapedthesestrategiesinrelationtothecollecteddatafromthefieldworktosupport

people’ssocialvaluesandusesinthesespaces.Therelationshipbetweentheethnographic

findingandtheexpertinterviewswereanalysedwiththesocialjusticeframeworkthatinform

planning,designandmanagementofpublicopenspacesinBahrain.Collaborationcouldalso

bedevelopedthrougharrangingworkshopsontopicsrelevanttosocialinclusion,integration,

convivialityandculturalcompetencyandthemanagementprocessindealingwithcultural

differencesastheseallhaveimplicationsforwellbeing.

9.3.1IncreasingthecapacityofPOS:Reducingpressureandpromotingsocial

inclusivity

1. ImplementingmorePOSofdifferentscalesandtypeswithintheurbancontexts

providesincreasedopportunitiesforpeopletohaveencountersatdifferentpatterns

duringaday.Thiswillgivethemmoreoptionstoexploreandnegotiatewithdifferent

preferences.ThereshouldbeanunderstandingthatdifferenttypesandsizesofPOS

couldhavedifferentcapacities.

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2. Introducingmorelarge-sizedparksandgardensisconsiderednecessarybecauseofthe

highdemandinordertoreducepressureonuseandtoensureinclusivesocial

encounters.Thelargeparksandgardenswithcomparablequalitiesandconditions

shouldbedistributedwithinthecities.

3. ThereshouldbealsoastrategytoincreasethenumberofurbanPOSatacommunity

levelthathaveadistinctqualityandsupporteverydaysocialencounter.Augmenting

thelocalscaleofbelongingmightalsobeimportantinthelongtermforBahraini

culture,whichcontinuestobeethnicallydiverse.However,creativedesigndecisions

arerequiredforthesmallopenspacesintheneighbourhood.Somesmallopenspaces

mightnotbeeffectiveifdesignedaspublicgardens,butpossiblyassmallpublicplazas

withsocial,optionalandnecessaryactivities.

9.3.2Legitimisingtheculturalpracticeofbeingoutdoorinmundanespacesand

supportingeverydaysocialencounters

1. Itisnotalwayspossibletoprovideparksorgardensinsomecongestedareas,butit

mightbepossibletofacilitatethesidewalksorpedestrianisestreetsforuse,whichis

alsoacreativedesignsolutiontodealwithinequalities.Designersneedtounderstand

thevalueofthemundanespacesasaccessibleandinclusiveoutdoorspacesthat

supportsociability.Thesespacescouldbeinfrontofcold-stores(mini-supermarkets),

vegetableshopsandtraditionalbakeriesorinfrontofhousesormosquesinthesouq

orneighbourhood-spaceswhichpeopleareusingfornecessaryactivities.Supporting

theseessentialactivitieswithoptionaldiversionssuchassittingorwaiting(Gehl,2011)

meansprovidingchoicesforbeingoutdoorsandlingering(PowellandRishbeth,2012).

Thereshouldbeprovisionformoreopportunitiesforsittingandstrollinginthese

spacestopromotesharingspacesandencounters,whichcouldbemeaningful.By

supportinglocalmundaneleisurepracticeswithmaterialssuchaslightingpoles,

plantingmaterials,benches,shadeorpavementitwouldpossiblymakethesesettings

moresafeandpleasantaswellaslegitimised.Assigningabudgetforthemanagement

andmaintenanceoftheseinformalspaceswouldalsoenactsocialjusticeinareaswith

locationaldisadvantages.InBabAl-Bahrain,noseatingareasareprovided,sothe

migrantmenoccupythegroundaroundtheroundaboutandpavementsides,despite

theinconvenience.

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2. Theroleofplanning,designandmanagementoftheeverydayspacesshouldnotmean

displacingthelocalusersorsegregation,butinsteadinvolvefacilitatingthespaceinto

socio-spatialexperienceswithoutpractisinganyexclusionstrategies.Forexamplein

Block-338andinSahat,theresidents(mostlymigrants)arenotexcludedfromusing

thenewpedestrianisedculturalandtourismstreetscapes.Thecoffeeshops,

traditionalcafesandfoodoutletsappearedasimportantspatialqualitiesinthesecase

studiesandencouragedpeopletouseoutdoorspacesandcometogether.While

shops,restaurantsandcafesarenotalwaysaffordable,theideaofsharingtheuseof

thepublicbenchesandtheprovidedlandscapeelementsenacttheegalitariannature

inthesespaces,eventhoughnotallareusingthespaceforleisure.Theremightnotbe

adirectsocialinteractionbetweendifferentclasses,butsharingthespacewithjoyand

acceptanceprovidedpositivesocialengagementsandencountersandalsopresented

thechanceforunemployedworkerstofindjobs.

3. Legitimisingthetemporalityofusingurbanspacesisalsoacreativeapproach.Notall

roadsintheneighbourhoodsinBahrainaredesignedwithpavements.Temporarily

pedestrianisingsomeroadsintheneighbourhoodcouldbeacreativesolution,butit

hastobeformallymanaged.Plannersandmanagersshouldalsoconsiderthe

temporalityofusingparkingareas.InBahrain,itisverycommonthatchildrenusethe

parkingareasofthemosquestoplayfootballoutsideoftheprayerhours,whichcould

besupportedbythetacticalurbanismconcept.

4. Arrangingpubliceventsandattractionsinmundanespacesisalsoanapproachthat

canpromoteinclusiveengagementsandinterculturalinteractions.Thefindingsshow

thateventsinformalandinformalspacessuchasmarkets,musicconcerts,andart

galleriesarecommoninBahrain.ThecontextsofBabAl-Bahrain,Block-338andAmwaj

havemostlymigrantresidentsandorganisingeventsintheseareasbridges

differences.Implementingeventsatthebordersofmigrants’accommodationareas

negatesexclusionandsupportsjusticeandsocialencounters.WefindthattheBahrain

NationalQuarryeventonMarch2017hasachievedthis.

5. WalkabilityappearedasanimportantqualityofPOSthatpromotespermeability,

legitimiseslingeringandsupportseverydaysocialencounters.Safetyinthiscontext

representsbeingsecurefromtraffichazardsanditisalsoprovidedthroughthenatural

surveillance.Walkabilitydoesnotnecessarilymeancar-freezones,butmoresafeand

convenientplacestowalk.Walkablespacesmeansprovidingsidewalks,safemeansof

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crossingtheroadsandadditionalbusstops.Ithasalsobecomeessentialfor

practitionerstoconsidersocialequityandinclusivenessinprovidingalternative

transportationmodesofaproperquality.Giventheimportanceattachedtodrivingit

isimportanttoprovideadequateaccessiblecommonparkingaroundthecitiesand

considertheirconnectivitytodifferentcommunalservicesandattractionpointssuch

asreligiousbuildings,parksandgardens.Thisalsoreducesthepracticeofusingthe

pavementforparking.Thehotandhumidweathermakesmanypeopledecidetodrive

thanwalk.However,manymigrantsdonothavecarsanddependuponwalking.

Thereforestreetlandscapedesignandplantscansoftentheharshenvironment

throughprovidingshadeandbencheswhereusersareencouragedtowalkorpause.

ProvidingapropermicroclimateisessentialinBahrainweatherforaformalor

informalPOS.Plantingtreesisusefulforreducingheatanddust,creatingapleasant

microclimateandenvironmentalandvisualqualities.

9.3.3Facilitatingsocialinclusivityinparksandgardensandincreasingactivities

1. Insteadofprohibitingcertainactivitiesinparksandgardens,formalspatialand

temporalalternativesshouldbeprovidedthroughmanagementanddesign.Children

inPOSshouldhavepriorityasifnegativelymanagedthiscandeveloptensionsthat

mayresultthebanningofchildrenfromparksandgardens.Asalternativesto

prohibitingchildrenfromcyclingorplayingonthelawnthedesigncouldconfirmthe

children’srighttoplayinurbanareasandatthesametimeensuretheirrighttobe

safe.Theprovisionofalternativespacesforchildrenwithsufficientplayground,cycling

tracksandspacesforchildrentoplayballreducechildren’sfightsandkeepsthem

activeandsafe.Thefindingsrevealedthatthesportareasinparksandgardensare

onlyprovidedforadultsandthechildrenarenotallowedtoplayonthegrass,leaving

nospaceforchildrentoplayandsotheyusetheroadswithoutheedtosafety.Many

ofthesechildrenaremigrantchildrenwhodonothaveotherprivatealternatives.

However,flexibilitydoesnotmeanallowinguserstolitter,vandaliseortoleave

childrenunattended,butprovidingspatialortemporalalternativesinsteadof

restrictingactivities.

2. Providingfacilitiesthatattractuserswithdifferentlifestylesalsosupports

inclusiveness.Cafesandrestaurantswithoutdoorseatingareascanrespondtothe

diverseculturalgroupswhohavemovedtheiroutdooractivitiestoBlock-338and

Amwaj.Thecollecteddatashowsthatthemajorityofparkusersarefromless

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privilegedclasses(mostlymigrants).Theirintensiveusesanddominantbehaviours

havecreatedafeelingofalienationamongthemiddlestrataofuserswhohavechosen

towithdraw.Therefore,throughdesignandprovisionofactivitiesandelement,the

POScanattractdifferentsocialgroups.

3. Itisnotonlyaboutprovidingvariousactivitiesinwhichtoengage,butalsoabout

developingasenseofcollectivenessandbeinginaplaceamongstothersinarelaxed

andpleasurableenvironment.Thedesignoftheparkandgardenisimportanttoallow

afeelingofcomfort,beingwelcomingandconvenientforalongstay.Aplaceshould

befacilitatedforusewithservices(e.g.,toilets,water,andfoodoutlets,prayer

rooms),provisionofalternativesittingareasonthelawn,picnictablesthatcan

accommodatelargeextendedgatherings,differentmicroclimateeffects,lightingand

durablesurfaces.Therefore,thefamilieswhospendlonghourspicnickingwillnotfeel

outofplaceorunwelcome.Theparksandgardenscouldbemanagedsoastoprovide

equipmentforhiresuchaschildren’sbicyclesandportablechairs.

4. Robustnessindifferentspaces,whichareusedintensively,shouldnotbeignored.The

continuousmaintenanceandcleanlinessisstillpartofmanagementdutiesandshould

notbeneglected.Anydamageandunsafeconditionsintheparkandtoolsshouldbe

repairedorreplaced.Insufficientnumberofelements(suchasbenches,playground

elements,lighting...etc.)shouldbereportedandactionneedstobetakenseriously.

5. Thedesignandmanagementofaspaceneedstoberesponsivetowardsthecarers.

Similarly,thesizeoftheplaygroundshouldbeadequatetoprovidedifferentchoicesof

seatingareasforparentsaccompanyingtheirchildren.Thegardenshavetobe

facilitatedwithrampsandfinishedwithappropriatematerials.Inlargeparks,

distributingtheplaygroundstodifferentareasoftheparkisagoodpractice,buteach

playgroundshouldhavediversetypesofequipment.InKhalifaGarden,the

playgroundsaredistributed,accordingtoage;soamotherwithchildrenofdifferent

agesandpreferencescannotsupervisethemsimultaneously.

6. Openinghoursshouldbeflexibleandresponsivetotheweatherandtopeople’sdaily

patternoflife,workinghours,lifestyle,agesandsocio-economicstatusasinAradBay

Parkwhichisopen24hours.Extendingopeninghourswithflexibilityensures

accessibilitywithresponsetosocialequityandethicsofcare.

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9.3.4Effectivetransparentandcollaborativelyproducedregulation

1. Lastly,thereisalsoaroleforregulationtodealwithconflicts,thoughithastobethe

finalresort.Thisregulationcanbeseenasatroubleshootingschemeandattemptsto

dealwithlitteringandparenting,whichwereprimaryissuesintheresearchfindings.

Workingcollaboratively,theregulationsproducedneedtobeclearandspecifictothe

problemssuchaslitteringandleavingchildrenunattended.Ifanewregulationis

introduced,ithastobeimplementedafterwideconsultation,intercultural

engagementandrespectingandrespondingtoculturaldifferences.Therefore,thereis

aneedforaclearmanagementtooltofamiliariseandupdatetheusersinthesehybrid

spaces,notonlyabouttherulesbutalsoabouttheirrightsinengagementinthe

processofproducingregulations.

2. Theschemeisalsotoavoidsolutionswithatendencyforexclusion,suchasfencesor

fees.Acarefullychosenregulationallowspeopletofeelconfidentandwelcomein

usingthespace.Regulationshouldnotcontradicttheideaofwellbeing,butshould

protectallusers’rightsinenjoyingtheopenspaceswithoutthemfeelingintimidated

orunsafe.Itcouldbeappropriateinsteadofimposingfeesthatfinescouldbesensibly

appliedifthelitteringorparentingissueisrepeatedandaffectsothers’rightinusing

thespace.Themanagementshouldalsoavoidterminologiesandsymbolsthatfocus

oncertainmigrantgroupsorpromotestereotypes;butdealwiththesituationina

cosmopolitanandfluidmanner.

3. Theregulationneedstobedesignedwiththeunderstandingthatasculturechanges;

behavioursalsochange.Someregulationscouldbeshort-termandtargetcertain

prevalentissues.Parksandgardenscouldbezonedwithdifferentregulations

dependingontheactivities.Forexample,Hunainiyahisinthemiddleofthedesert;

therefore,itcouldhaveadifferentlevelofregulation.Itmaynothaveregulation

regardinglitteringifsuchanexplicitlawwillbeassignedinotherareas.These

variationsshouldbedecidedthroughwideconsultation.

4. Introducinginterculturaldialogue(Sandercock,2003a)andafollow-upsystemcould

becostly,butsociallysustainable.Followupdoesnotonlymeanrecruitingsecurity

guardsorpoliceofficers.Representativescouldbeemployednottoissuefinestothe

offenders(wholitterorleavechildrenunattended)orreportmisusebuttohavea

dialoguewiththemsoastoapplyakindofmutualproblemsolving.Theconcept

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behindthedialogueshouldnotaimtodefineacommonculture,buttoprovide

practicaloptionsandsolutions.Userscanrespecttheirlocalcultureandretaintheir

individuality.Hence,migrantsaredealtwithasasourceofknowledgeoftheir

practicestoachieveinterculturalexchange.Theprocessofinterculturaldialoguehelps

tounderstandthemoralreasoningofdifferentculturalpracticestodeterminewhat

escalatesaggravations.Forinstance,frommyresearch,sittingonthelawnand

childrenplayingonthelawnarenottheissues.Theissuesarelitteringand

unsupervisedchildren;butthecurrentmanagementpracticesdonotinterpretthese

issueseffectively.Nevertheless,theresearchcannotconsiderdifferentsolutions

becauseofcontextualdifferencesandthereforetheneedforwiderconsultation.

5. ItispossiblethatthemembersofFriendGroupscouldhavearoleinthisprocess.

Resourcesneedtobegatheredtoprovidetrainingandauthorityforthegroups.They

shouldhaveaclearandestablishedroleasmutualproblemsolvers.The

representativesorFriendGroupsshouldbeawareoftheconnotationsofsocial

equalityandrespectfulnessofdifferentideasandsolutions.Itisveryimportantthat

therepresentativeswhoareidentifiedbelongtodiversesocialgroups.

6. WorkshopscouldbeheldfordecisionmakersonsocialinclusivityinmanagingPOS:

Practitionersinthefield,MunicipalBoardmembersandstakeholderswhoare

involvedindecisionmakingabouttheurbanplanning,designandmanagementofPOS

inBahrainshouldbeencouragedtoattendworkshopstofacilitateandfamiliarise

themselveswiththetopicofsocialinclusion,integrationandthemanagementprocess

indealingwithculturaldifferences.Theyshouldalsobecomefamiliarisedwiththe

socialvaluesofPOSacrossculturaldifferencestogiveeachdecisionasocial

dimension.Thisresearchcouldfacilitatethisimpact.

9.4Scopesforembeddingintopolicyandpracticeinothersectors

Thefindingsofthisresearchextendbeyondacademia.Theresearchexplicitlyembeddedthe

needtoinformpractice.Akeyrecommendationisthatscholarsshouldhaveamoredirectand

activeimpactonprofessionalpracticeindealingwiththecomplexityofPOSdynamics.This

workisasubstantialpieceofresearchwithaclearpotentialtocollaboratewithprofessionals

inthefieldoflandscapearchitecture,andactasaspringboardforotherareas.

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Inlinewiththekeyresearchfindingsonsharedresponsibilitytoensurelong-termoutcomesin

transculturalcities,supportsocialinclusivityandbenefitsinusingPOS,thisresearch

recommendsworkingacrossdifferentprofessionalsectors.Consequently,sincethisresearch

considerswellbeing,educationandculturalheritage,itcouldbeassumedthatthisresearch

wouldhaveimplicationsfordifferentprofessionalsectorsonissuesrelevanttogender,

migrantworkers,publictransportation,education,healthandurbanheritage.Such

collaborationwouldeitherbethroughintersectionalworkwithothersectorsorworkingin

partnershipandjointresearchprojects.Thevariationintheprofessionalbackgroundsofthe

expertsinterviewedalsosupportstheneedforconsultationwithdifferentsectors.

9.4.1Implicationsforthehealthsector

Thescopeofthisresearchistopromotecooperationbetweenacademia,planning,designand

managementofPOSandthehealthsectorinBahraintoendorsetheuseofPOSaspartofthe

mentalwellbeingandhealthagenda.Thekeyfindingshighlightedtheroleofformal

greenspacesinBahrainforhealthandaddressedtheroleofplanning,designandmanagement

forfacilitatinginformalopenspacesfordiverseusers,whichalsohasimplicationsfor

wellbeing.ThehealthsectorinBahrainshouldplayanimportantroleinpromotingtheneed

formoregreenspacesandfacilitatingtheuseofinformalPOSbyincreasingplantsandusing

elementsoflandscapedesign.TheresearchhighlightedtheroleofPOSinpromoting

wellbeing,particularlyamongstwomenandmigrantworkers.Hence,inclusivityand

maintainingpublicaccessibilitytoPOSshouldbeintegraltothehealthagendainBahrain,with

particularemphasisongenderandmigrants.

9.4.2Implicationsforcommunitycapacitybuilding

TheresearchhighlightedtheroleofPOSinbuildingasenseofbelonging,emotionalcitizenship

andattachmentandsupportingintegration,adaptationandsocialcohesionofdifferent

culturesinBahrain.Thisresearchcouldsupporttheeducationalauthority’sroleinthe

integrationagendainschools(Alexanderetal.,2007).Convivialityandsocialencounters

acrossdifferencesintheframeworkofthisresearchemphasisethesocialvalueofPOSgiven

theculturaldifferencesinBahrain.Ithasalsohighlightedtheroleofsocialinteractionand

encountersinPOSforsocialsupportparticularlyamongmigrantwomenandmaleworkersand

thefundamentalroleofPOSforbuildingsocialcapitalinasocietywithdiversity(Putnam,

2000).Hence,thisresearchisalsoimportantforsocialdevelopmentandsupportingsocial

workinBahrain.WorkingwiththeFriendsGroupsofKhalifaGardenisoneapproachto

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promotetheroleofcommunityinvolvementandsocialwork(Dunnettetal.,2002).Theroleof

theFriendsGroupstoworkasfacilitatorsinPOScanalsobeextendedthroughtrainingand

workshopsthatintroduceculturalliteracytoolstohelpwithunderstandingculturaldifferences

andthereasoningofdifferentpracticesandneeds.Inaddition,theopportunityofthe

facilitatorstomakecontactwithpeopleinPOSwouldsupportsocialencounters.

9.4.3Implicationsfortheheritagesector

Theconceptoftransculturalurbanismoutlinedinthisresearchcansupportcontinuing

differentculturalpracticespostmigration,whilstprotectingthelocalculture.Thisresearch

raisestheopportunityforcooperationbetweenheritagesectorsinBahrainandtheplanning,

designandmanagementofPOS.Publicopenspacesandlandscapecharacterisanintegral

aspectofheritage;hence,landscapearchitecturalpracticecanplayavitalroleinachievingthe

agendaofbothconservationandsocialinclusivity.Thisresearchillustratesthatheritagecan

beexplicitlyinclusiveevenduringtimesofhighpopulationchangeandthatheritagecan

provideasenseofbelongingforeveryone,includingnewcomerstothecities.Theprofessional

practiceintheregionneedstoconsiderthatthehistoricallocationsareimportantsites;not

justasrecordsofthepast,butalsotosupportthecontinuityofdifferentculturalpracticesfor

migrantandnon-migrantpopulations.Parksandgardensneedtobespecificallyconsidered

withintheagendaofurbanheritagepolicies,andlandscapearchitecturecanplayanimportant

roleinreconnectinguserstotheirurbanheritagethroughimplementingapproachesof

transculturalurbanism.Heritagelocationsintheregionshouldbeaccessibletodiverse

populationsanddifferentpatternsofuseshouldbefacilitatedandlegitimisedwhenever

possibleintheselocations.Toensuresocialinclusivityandprotectdiverseheritagepracticesin

transculturalurbanspaces,landscapearchitectureplanning,designandmanagementneedto

recognisethatoutdoorleisurepracticesareculturallydefined.Landscapetheoryandpractice

shouldrecognisecontemporarymigrants’outdoorleisurepracticesintheconservationof

heritagelocationsandshouldalsoconsiderdifferentintangibleurbanheritagepracticesin

planning,designandmanagementofbothformalandinformalPOS.Culturalcompetency

couldalsobeconsideredwithinopenspacesandheritageprofessionalpracticetoincorporate

culturaldifferencesandculturalchangesthroughmigration.

9.4.4Implicationsforlandscapearchitectureeducation

Toprepareacompetentandresponsivenewgenerationinthefieldoflandscapearchitecture

indealingwithchallengesandrealityinpubliclifeisanimportantscopeforthelong-term

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outcomesofthisresearch.Thefindingsfromthisresearchcaninformandimprovearangeof

teachingmodulesanddesignstudioswithinthelandscapearchitectureeducationinBahrain.

Culturaldifferencesandmigrationshouldnotdisappearfromthedevelopmentofthecurrent

curriculum.Atransculturalurbanismframeworkwithasocialjusticeagenda(LowandIveson,

2016)andculturalcompetencyprocess(AgyemanandErickson,2012)couldbeembeddedin

theeducationforlandscapearchitecture.Theuseofthisframeworkcanenhancethecurrent

landscapedesigneducationwithnewunderstandingsofinclusivity,positiverecognitionand

culturaldifferencesintheuseofPOS.Thefindingsofthisresearchcanalsoenrichsuchcourses

withgroundeddataaboutthepatternsofuseofPOSinBahrainandtheimportanceof

informalPOSinBahrain.Thisresearchcanalsohaveimplicationfordesigncoursesin

introducingnewmethodologiesforsiteinventoryandanalysistoinvestigatesocio-spatial

dimensions.

9.5Scopeforfutureacademicresearch

OneofthecriticalfindingsofthisresearchistheimportanceofPOStoprovidesocialsupport

forpeoplecommonlymarginalisedfromformalleisureopportunities.Embeddingthetheoryof

convivialityandencounterwithinthesocio-spatialapproachesoftransculturalurbanism

providesanotherpotentialopportunity;thereisthepossibilitytodevelopadeeper

understandingofmigrantworkersandlessmobilewomenintheuseofPOSinBahrain.

InvestigatingtheexperienceofmigrantsinBahrainwouldmeritfurtherresearchproposalsto

extendthedepththroughengagementwiththemoremarginalisedmigrantsinGCCcountries

(Gardner,2010a;GardnerandWatts,2012;Bolleter,2015)andwiththepotentialforusingco-

producedresearch.Consideringtheappropriateethicalandmethodologicalapproach,thereis

scopealsotoworkwithtranslatorstounderstandbetterthehiddenvoicesofthesegroups

regardingtheirsenseofwellbeing,inclusivityandhowthecitiesaresociallyresponsivetotheir

perceptions,giventhetemporarystatusofthesemigrants.Giventhegapinthefindings

betweentherecentdecisionsandtheimportanceofPOSforprovidingsocialsupportfor

women,thereisaneedforfurtherresearchintheseareastosupportthesocialinclusivityof

POS.

ThisresearchalsoprovidesanopportunitytoextendthescopeinternationallywithSilkRoad

cities,GCCcountriesorbeyond.Thereareclearlysharedcharacteristicsbetweencitiesin

BahrainandothercitiesinboththeGulfregionandaroundtheSilkRoutesregardingaspects

ofurbanheritage(Elisseeff,2000;Al-Rasheed,2005;Olimat,2013).Intermsofthe

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implicationsofthisresearchforurbanheritage,thereisarolefornetworkingwiththe

countriesontheSilkRoute(intheMiddleEastandCentralAsia)andGCCcountries,which

providesaninternationalremitforthisresearch.Aspartofdevelopingthisresearch,I

consideredthecurrentresearchdirectionsoftheinternationalagendaandthepotentialfor

collaboration;researchwithSilkCitieshasemergedasakeyone.Ipresentedapaperforthe

SecondSilkCitiesInternationalConferenceattheUniversityCollegeofLondoninJuly2017

withtheconceptofchangingpopulation,protectingurbanheritageandculturalconnection.

TheconceptoftheSilkCities,whichisanindependentacademicandprofessionalinitiative,is

concernedwithcitiesinthecountriesalongthehistoricSilkRoads(SilkCities,2017).The

initiativeofSilkCitiesusesthenarrativeoftheSilkRoadsandfocusesoncross-cultural

exchangeandconnectivity(ibid).LiteratureshowshowBahrainwashistoricallyahubfor

cross-culturalexchangesthroughtrade(Al-Rasheed,2005;Al-Nabi,2012).Therearevalid

opportunitiestodevelopthisresearchwithinacademiafromothercountriesaroundtheSilk

Routes.

9.6Reflectionson(andlimitationsof)thescopeoftheresearchandthe

fieldworkprocess

“Oururbanlandscapeneedsthefantasyandimaginationtotranscendtheunderstandingofplaceandenrichthedepthoffocusthatthedialecticmemoryrecallsinthespaceofthecity.Itrequiresaninnovativeintegrativeapproachofmutualrespectbetweenpeoples,theirgenerationsandtheirenvironment;aKantianredefinitionwherenewlife-stylesandexperiencesinteractwiththeirlandandtimescape”.(Turner,2010,p.211)

DuringthefieldworkinBahrain,Ispentconsiderablelengthsoftimeattheselectedsites,

sitting,walking,takingphotos,listeningtopeopleandobserving.Despitebeingaloneduring

mostoftheethnographicsessions,IdidnotfeelthatIwasalone;Iwaspartofthecrowdin

thesePOS.ThewalkingexperiencesbroughtmeclosertostreetlifeandIbecamefamiliarwith

thepeopleandplaces,thoughwalkingwasdifficultinsomeareas.Duringthesitevisits,

people,withvisibledifferences,appearedequalinthePOS;theyallsharedthepatternsofjoy

ofsocialisingorbeingoutdoors.Inthecollecteddata,theimportanceofPOSfordiverseusers

appearedsignificantandthatpeoplehavedevelopedvariousformsofattachmenttothese

spaces.Similarly,Ifeltattachedtoallmycasestudyareas.Myexperiencesofbeingoutdoors

inthesespacesmeantagreatdealtomeandthepicturesIhavetakenholdpleasant

memoriesofthepeopleinthesespaces.Thesespaceswillcontinuetobeinmyscheduleto

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visitandenjoy.Frommydirectreflectionduringthefieldwork,POSinBahrainareimportant

sitesforconvivialityandtransculturalpracticesandprocesses.Fromaprofessional

perspective,IconsiderthatthequalityofsociallifeinPOSinBahrainhasthepotentialtobe

improvedtosupportinclusivemeaningfulencounters.

9.6.1Professionalperspective

Iworkedasapractitionerinaprivatearchitecturalfirmbeforejoiningacademiaatthe

UniversityofBahrainandsubsequentlypursuedmyMaster’sprogrammeinlandscapedesign

attheUniversityofSheffieldin2002.IntheyearssincemyMarchdegreeandpriortostarting

thePhDprogramme,Icontinuedmyworkinacademiainthearchitecturedepartmentin

BahrainteachinglandscapemodulesanddesignstudiosinwhichIhadtheopportunityto

developthecurriculumforlandscapearchitecture.Theseexperiencesintensifiedmyambition

toimprovethequalityofoutdoorspacesinBahrainforpeople’sbenefitandtofurtherthe

understandingofthesocialaspectsoflandscapearchitectureinBahrain.ThroughoutmyPh.D

studyinlandscapearchitecture,mypreviouscomprehensionaboutdesignlanguage,elements,

tools,skills,andtheimportanceofsiteanalysisandvisualpresentationhasshapedthe

researchprocess.Mypreviousprofessionalexperiencehasalsosupportedmyabilityto

conducttheresearchon-siteindifferentcasestudiesandinanalysingthespatial,locational

andphysicalqualitiesofthesespacesinrelationtothefocusoftheresearch.Conducting

researchwithinthedisciplinesofsociologyandgeographywasthechallengeIwantedto

undertakesothatIwouldgainskillsandknowledge:firstly,indevelopingthequalitativesocial

researchmethodsandethnographyandunderstandingthatpeoplecouldbeasourceof

knowledge,andsecondly,addressingtheimportanceofthesocio-spatialdimensioninthefield

oflandscapearchitecture.Byconductingthisresearch,Ihavealsodevelopedanunderstanding

ofthefundamentalaspectsandimportanceofconsideringthesocialusesandbenefitsofPOS

withinclusivityanddemocracywithawiderimplicationforwellbeing.Asaresultofthe

culturalcomplexityinBahrain,Irecognisethatthisisnoteasyandagreatdealofworkneeds

tobedonetomaintaintheegalitarianqualityofPOSandtounderstandculturaldifferences.

9.6.2Engagingwithnotionsofculturalliteracy

ThediversityandfluidityoftheBahrainiandnon-Bahrainipopulationsalongwiththeir

differentmigrantbackgroundsandgenerations,otherculturaldifferencesandintersectionality

presentthechallengeofunderstandingpeople’sdifferentperceptions.Theselectedmethods,

whichdevelopedfromculturalliteracytools–storytelling,ethnographyandintercultural

302

communicationmethods–helpedmetoovercomethischallenge.Reflectingonthefieldwork,

shorton-siteinterviewsandwalkinginterviewsindicatedthefeasibilityofengagingwith

notionsofculturalliteracyinpracticeandresearchinBahrain.Asexplainedinthe

methodologychapter,Itookthedecisionearlyduringthefieldworktoclearlyevaluatemy

positionthroughouttheresearchandbereflexivetoovercomethechallengeofpowerrelation

inqualitativeresearch.Inthefield,peoplefeelcomfortabletotalkbecauseoftheclarityofmy

position.BeingaBahrainifemaleresearcherfacilitatedconductingtheresearchwithboth

womenandmeninPOS.Conductingtheresearchon-siteandusingopenquestionsand

participantledinterviewsreducedmypowerasaresearcher,whiletheparticipants,including

themigrants,weretheinsiders.Myroleasanoutsiderand/orinsiderwasshiftingthroughout

theresearch,outsiderinunderstandingtheperceptionsandinterpretationsfromthe

participants’perspectiveandinsiderwhenexploringcommunalitywithusers,e.g.havingan

interestintheimportanceofPOSorbeingamother,parent,female,Bahrainiorresidentin

Bahrain,asthediversityonasmallislandalsoprovidedsimilarity.

Conductingtheseon-sitemethodsistimeconsumingandrequiresskillsandtraining.Priorto

andduringthefieldwork,Iattendedmanycoursesandworkshopsandlearnedfromthe

experiencesofmysupervisor.Inaddition,Ihavealsoreadtopicsonthissubject.Myskillshave

beenfurtherdevelopedbypracticingthemethodsandthroughself-evaluation.

Empathy,listening,observing,contextualisingandbeingreflexiveisimportantasitisnot

possibletobetotallyunbiased.Understandingdifferentexperienceswithinsocialandcultural

dynamicsandexploringareasofcommonalities,conflictsandnegotiationswerepossible

throughlisteningtoparticipantsinwhichdifferentstorieswereelicitedandinterpreted.To

achieveawiderconsultation,infutureresearchorinintroducingculturalliteracytoolsinto

practice,recruitingstrategiesforcommunityfacilitatorshavetoincludemembersfromdiverse

backgroundstobeabletointerviewtemporaryworkersandnewcomers,manyofwhomdo

notspeakEnglishorArabic.Theinclusionofmembersfromdiversebackgroundsasfacilitators

alsoincreasestheempathyintheprocess.Irecommendthatdevelopingcross-cultural

learningmethodsandtoolscouldbeanend,butnotameanstoanend.Thisisthestartofa

processthatcanturnintoreality,whichcanprovideanopportunityfordevelopment,

creativityandfurtherresearch.

303

9.6.3Othermethodologicallimitations

Iwasawareofthelimitationsandchallengesinthequalitativeresearchbeforeconducting

suchresearch.Akeychallengeoftheresearchprocesswasoneofcomplexity.Mason(2002)

arguesthatthequalitativeapproachcelebratesrichness,depthandthemulti-dimensionality

oftheresearchsituation,andthatitalsoinvolvesunderstandingitscomplexityanddiversity.

Accordingly,thiscomplexityshapedtheselectionofthedatacollectionmethodsandI

attemptedtoseekmoredetailedandin-depthunderstanding.Forinstance,through

developingmultiplemethods,Icouldcaptureandrecognisethiscomplexitywhilealsomaking

itmanageableandtheprocessachievable.Anotherwaytoachievetheresearchaimswasby

balancingthebroadscopeinterviewswiththein-depthinterviews.Selectingrepresentatives

andparticularcasestudies,whichwerebasedonspecificcriteriaandwithmanageablesizes,

alsomadetheresearchachievable,thoughinevitablyIhavenotbeenabletoreflectthe

experienceofallthediversegroupsthatcomprisetheresidentsofBahrain.

Thebroadscopeethnographicpracticeprovidedopportunitiestointerviewmoreparticipants.

Conductingtheresearchinanumberofformalandinformalspacesandcasestudiesalso

providedaccessibilitytoawidersegmentacrossthesociety;however,theresearchcouldnot

includethenon-users,whichisalsoalimitation.Althoughtheinterviewswereconductedin

duallanguages(ArabicandEnglish),thereweresomeuserswhodidnotspeakeitherofthese

languages,whichcanbeseenasalimitationtotheresearchscope.

Theethnographyfieldworkandfollow-uptripsprovidedrichdataandopportunitiesfor

reflection.IconductedintensivesystematicsitevisitsduringthefieldtripstoensureIvisitedat

differenttimes,days,seasonsandevents.Ialsoarrangedfollowuptripstocovervarious

seasonsandeventswheneverpossible.ThenumberofcasestudiesIselectedmeantIwasnot

abletovisitallthecasestudiesatthesametimeoronthesameday,whichwasafurther

limitationinthescopeofgatheringdata.

PowerrelationandconfirmationbiasarealsochallengesasdescribedinChapterThree.

Participant-ledinterviews,beingreflexiveandunderstandingpositionalitywereconsidered

throughouttheresearchtoovercometheseissues.Similarly,inSection3.5.1.1andSection3.7,

Idescribedhowtheconfirmationbiasinusingqualitativeandethnographicmethodswas

addressedbyanumberoftechniques,suchasbeingreflexivethroughunderstandingmy

position,thecontextandthetime.Therepeatedobservationsandtherecordedfieldnotes

andreflectionsprovidedanopportunitytobereflexiveduringtheobservationanddata

304

analysis.Focusingontheresearchaims,planningthesitevisitsahead,predeterminingthe

ethnographiclocationsandpreparingquestionsbeforegoingtothesiteswerefurtherwaysto

overcomethechallengeofbias.Theinnovativego-alongisasystematicapproachof

ethnographicpracticeandaddedin-depthdatatotheresearch;however,ithadsome

challengessuchasclimateinsummer,walkinginconvenience,beingvisible,culturalsensitivity,

keepingtheinterviewontopicandthenumberofinterviews.Thego-alongmethodwas

designedwithunderstandingofthesechallengesasdescribedinSection3.5.2.Intheanalysis,

Ialsoprimarilyreliedonthecollecteddatafromtheshortandgo-alonginterviews;however,

theobservationswerefundamentalforsupportingtheanalysisandensuringvalidity.Using

multiplemethodsandhavingparticipants’interpretationandpractitioners’perspectiveswere

alsoimportanttovalidatetheresearchfindings.

Throughtheprocessofbeingin‘twoplaces’,BahrainandUK,timewascriticalinarranging

tripsfortheempiricaldatacollection,flexibilityinaccessingdatainBahrainandhaving

increasedengagementwithprofessionalpractice.Somedecisionsandchangeshavebeen

madeinthecountryafterthefieldwork,butbecauseofthetimelineoftheresearch,the

consequenceofthesechangescouldnotbeevaluatedundertheresearchscope,forexample,

assigningfeesforKhalifaGarden,providingnewpublictransit,creatingaformalhawkingarea

inHunainiyahParkforusersandlaunchingLittleIndiainBabAl-BahrainSouq.Intermsof

practice,Icouldnottestandevaluatetheresearchimpactonpracticewithinthetimescaleof

thisresearchprogram.

Timelinessoftheresearchwasalsoconsidered.Thisresearchhasbeenconductedpostthe

2011politicaluprisinginBahrain.Iwasreflexiveduringtheresearchinalsoconsideringhow

thiscouldshapetheresearch.Sincetheseevents,manypoliticaldecisionsinthecountryand

intheGulfhavebeenshaped,andadisparityhasemergedbetweenthepolitical,socialand

culturaldynamicsandpublicspacesinwhichthisresearchwasdeveloped.However,the

collecteddatashowedthatpeopledidnottalkaboutthe2011politicaluprising,exceptabout

thedelaysontheroadsduringdemonstrationsoncertaindays;themundaneculturaland

socialvaluesandconflictsappearedmoresignificantinthedata.Iaminterestedinhow

newdecisionsandcurrentpoliticalchangesmaybereflectedintheuseofPOSinBahrain,and

certainlythereisscopeforextendingtheapproachesandframeworkexploredinthisPhDas

partofamorelongitudinalprocess.

Inshort,thisresearchwasdesignedtoencompassbothabreadthanddepthwithmultiple

casestudysitesandawiderangeofparticipantstoovercometheresearchchallenges.The

305

decisionhadalsobeenmadetobereflexiveandconsidermyposition,contextandtime

throughouttheresearchprocesstoaddressbias.Thereareclearlimitationstotheresearchin

relationtoitsscopeandintheabilitytotestrelevanceforpractice.Theresearchmethodology

wouldbeimprovedifIhadbeenabletoconductmorego-alonginterviews,havemorecase

studysitesorrecruittranslators.Havingafewstakeholdersasanadvisoryboardthroughout

theresearchwouldalsoimprovethemethodologyandincreasetheengagementwith

professionalpractice.Thesewerenotpossibletodogiventhetimescaleoftheresearch,but

wouldbebeneficialtoconsiderinfurtherresearch.

9.7Summaryofthesignificantimpactoftheresearch

Belowarethehighlightsofthepositiveimpactoftheresearchscopeandfindings.

Significanceofscope:

1. Theresearchestablishesastrongbaseconnectingtheoryandpracticeinconsidering

theopportunitiesandaddressingthechallengesofdiversity.

2. Conductingtheresearchwithinthefieldoflandscapearchitectureissignificantin

addressingthegapinunderstandinghowsocialandculturaldynamicsshapetheuseof

publicopenspacesinBahrain.

3. Thisresearchisaformofculturalliteracyandisdesignedtoinformprofessionals,

stakeholdersandpractitionersinthefieldofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS

inBahraininunderstandinghowpopulationdiversityshapestheexperienceof

everydaylife.ThereisscopeforrelevanceandimpactacrossthewiderGulfregion.

4. Usingapproachesandmethodsgroundedinthedisciplineoflandscapearchitecture

andsupportedbyethnographictoolshavebeenshowntobeusefulforunderstanding

socio-spatialprocessanddynamicsinPOS.

5. Theresearchfindsthatlandscapearchitecturecanreflectonandrespondtoareasof

theories(intransculturalcities,convivialityandsocialusesandvaluesofpublicopen

spaces).

Significanceoffindings:

306

1. Theresearchhighlightstheimportantroleoflandscapearchitectureinsupporting

convivialityacrossdifferences.Thisroleiscurrentlyunderestimatedinprofessional

practice.

2. Localheritagesitesareimportantinclusivesitesforsupportingtransculturalprocess

andpromotingasenseofbelonging.Landscapearchitecturehasafundamentalrolein

themanagementandconservationofhistoricalurbanspacesincontextsofdiverse

population.

3. Conflictsandaggravationsplayedoutatthemicro-scaleinPOScanbeindicativeof

mundanetransculturaldifferences,withpotentialtoescalateintootherformsof

exclusionsandsegregations.Landscapearchitecture(specificallymanagement

approaches)hasvitalroletobeproactiveinalleviatingconflictsandgenerating

productivespacesthatsupportpositivesocialencounters.

4. Theresearchprovidesarecommendationforplanning,designandmanagementof

greenspacesandoutdoorrecreationalsitesinBahrainwiththeaimofsupporting

conviviality,inclusivity,integrationandmigrantwellbeing.

5. ThisresearchpointstoopportunitiesforfurtherresearchonthissubjectintheMiddle

Eastorglobally.

307

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329

Appendices

AppendixOneTheethnographiclocationpointsintheselectedcasestudyareasand

theirsurroundingcontexts**Note:Theethnographicpracticeincludesmymovementfromonelocationtoanother,hencethetimeineachlocationis+-5minutesusedforwalkinginbetweenthepointsineachdifferentday.

1 NearplaygroundandsportcourtandgatewayinSalmaneiaGarden5:30–7:00pmon3/9/2014

2 Inagrassedpicnicpodareainfrontofashop7–7:30pmon3/9/2014

3 Inthegatewayareanearthesportcourt,lawnandwalkway5:30–6pmon4/9/2014

4 Inthearcadeseatingarea6:00–6:30pmon4/9/2014

5 Alongamainpathwaynearbybenches6:30-7pmon4/9/2014

6 Inawalkwayandfrontofthesportcourt7-7:30pmon4/9/2014

7 Intheparkingareainfrontofschool10-11amon11/9/2014

8 Intheplazafrontofthegateway11am–12noonon11/9/2014

9 Inthewalkwayandtheelevatedwalkway7:30–8:30amon18/9/2014

10 Intheelevatedwalkway9:30–10:30amon30/10/2014

11 ArcadeArea5:30–6:30pmon5/12/2014

12 Picnicpod6:30-7pmon5/12/2014

1

2

3

6

7

8

11

109

12

54

AndalusandSalmaneiaGardens

330

1 Thecentralpartoftheparknearbytheparkingareaandtheplazawiththefountain12amon22/7/2017

2 Aroundtheplazanearbythewalkwayalongthesea8-9amon11/11/2014

3 Inthepicnicpodnearbytheparking9–10amon11/11/2014

4 Alongtheseaandthewalkwaynearbytheplaza10–11amon11/11/2014

5 Aroundandthroughthepedestrianbridge11am-12noonon11/11/2014

6 Atthestreetinfrontofhomesintheneighborhoodacrossthepedestrianbridge12am-12:30pmon11/11/2014

7 Inagrassedpicnicpod4–4:30pmon5/12/2014

8 Inagrassedpicnicpod4:30–5pmon5/12/2014

9 Inthewalkwayalongthesea9-11amon12/12/2014

2

1

3

45

7

8

9

6

AradBayPark

331

1 Attheridgeintheparkcontext7-8pmon3/10/20142 Infrontofhousesandmosqueattheridgearea2:15–3:15pmon10/10/20143 Nearbythefortattheridgeinthesurroundingcontext10-11am12/10/20144 Frontoftheschoolinthesurroundingcontext11am–12noon12/10/20145 AttheridgesideinfrontofhousesandoutdoorEidPrayarea4-5pmon13/10/20146 Inaplaygroundnearbybenches5-5:30pmon13/10/20147 Inthegrassedpicnicpodnearbyplayground5:30-6pmon13/10/20148 Intheplazaalongthewalkway7–8amon14/10/20149 Intheparkingareaneartheplazaandtheedgeofthepark3:30-4pmon18/10/201410 Inagrassedpicnicpod4-4:30pmon18/10/201411 Intheparkingareanearbybenches10–11pmon20/10/201412 Intheparkingareanearbywalkway7:30–8:30amon27/10/201413 Intheplaygroundnearbygrassedarea4:30–5:30pmon30/10/201414 Inaraisedlargeopenspace5:30–6:30pmon2/11/201415 Theparkingarea5–6pmon6/11/201416 Inapathwaynearbyparkingareaandgrassedspace8:30–9amon10/11/201417 Nearbyparkingarea,gatewayandbenches10–10:30amon10/11/2014

6

1

2

3

4

7

16

10

12

13

14

15

17

5

8

11

9

HunainiyahPark

332

1 Nearvolleyballcourtandtheparkingareainthegateway11-11:30pmon14/7/20142 Aroundswingplayground11:30pm-12midnighton14/7/20143 Inthelawnpicnicpodandwalkway6pmon23/7/20144 Atthelawnpicnicpodarea9–10pmon8/8/20145 Alongthewalkwaynearbyfootballcourt6–7pmon9/8/20146 Inawalkwayjunctionnearfitnessarea7–8pmon9/8/20147 Frontofthemosqueandtheparkingarea2:30-3:30pmon20/8/20148 Outsideoftheentrancesinthesurroundingneighborhood3:30-4:30pmon20/8/20149 Intheplaygroundnearbytheparkingandentrance6-7pmon20/8/201410 Inthelawnarea7-7:30pmon20/8/201411 Intheraisedplaza7:30–8pmon20/8/201412 Playgroundneargateway8-8:30pmon20/8/201413 Inthesurroundingneighborhoodneartheparkingarea2:30-3:30pmon21/8/201414 Atthegateway3:30-4:30pmon21/8/201415 Nearthebasketballcourt7-8amon12/9/201416 Frontofacaféinthesurroundingareaat5pmon19/9/201417 Atthemaingate9-10pmon18/10/201418 Nearbyparkingarea,benchesandwalkway9:30-10pmon18/10/201419 Inthesurroundingneighborhood,infrontoftheschoolandhouses9-10amon20/11/201420 Outsideoftheentrancesinthesurroundingneighborhood10-11amon20/11/201421 Outsideacaféinthesurrounding10pmon30/11/201422 Nearfootballcourt4-4:30pmon1/12/201423 Atthegatewaynearplaygroundandparkingarea4:30-5:30pmon1/12/201424 Nearbyplaza5-6pmon10/12/2014

16

19

21

2

1

10

4 5

6

7

8

9

3

11

13

14

15

17

18

20

23

24

22

12

KhalifaGarden

333

1 Pavedstreetcornerinthesquareareafrontofthemonumentnearbytheroundabout10–10:30amon10/8/2014

2 BehindthemonumentinfrontoftheSouqAvenue10:30-11amon10/8/2014

3 IntheAtrium11am-12noonon10/8/2014

4 Alongthesouqpedesterianisedalleyoutsidetheatrium12noon-12:30pmon10/8/2014

5 Pavedstreetcornerintheparkingareainthesquare10-11amon29/8/2014

6 Alleysinthehistoricalsouqandresidentialareaaroundthesquare11am–1pmon29/8/2014

7 Pavedstreetcornerinthesquareareainfrontofthemonumentnearbytheroundabout10am–11:30amon2/9/2014

8 Inalleysinsouqandresidentialarea11:30am–1pmon2/9/2014

9 Nearbybusstopattheparkingareainfrontofthesquare8-8:30amon5/9/201410 Inthealleyalongatraditionalcafé8:30–9:00amon5/9/2014

11 InalleysinfrontofthetempleandMattam9–9:30amon5/9/201412 InfrontofYateemCommercialCentrealongthewalkway9:30–10amon5/9/201413 Alongthesouqavenue10–10:30amon5/9/2014

14 Pavedstreetcornerintheparkingareainthesquare10:30–11amon5/9/2014

15 Inthealleyalongatraditionalcafé5:30–6:30amon11/10/2014

16 Inthesouqalley10:30–12:30pmon23/10/2014

1

3

4

5

12

8

16

15

9

1013

27

6

11

14

BabAl-Bahraincontext

334

1 Aroundagatewayofthespace,parkingarea,benches,sidewalkandafocalelement11am–12noonon9/9/2014

2 Aroundandendoftheroadofparkingareaandgreenspace12noon-1pmon9/9/20143 Micro-Plazaattheendofapedesterianisedstreetandajunction6-7pmon11/9/20144 Frontofalfrescocafesandparkingarea7-8pmon11/9/20145 Aroundbenchesinapedesterianisedstreetduringanevent8-9pmon12/9/20146 Infrontofalfrescocaféandparking9-10pmon12/9/20147 InapedesterianisedstreetinfrontofAl-Riwaq5:30–6pmon20/10/20148 Inaninnerpedesterianisedstreetinfrontofresidentialbuildingandrestaurants6-6:30

pmon20/10/2014

9 Sidewalkandgreenspace6:30–7pmon20/10/201410 Inapedesterianisedstreet,infrontofalfrescocafes10–11amon30/10/201411 Parkingarea,benchesandsidewalk8–9pmon3/11/201412 Innerpedesterianisedstreetnearbyamicro-plazainfrontofresidentialbuildingand

restaurants9–10pmon3/11/2014

13 Inaparkingarealinkedtomicro-plazaandrestaurants10–11pmon3/11/201414 Infrontofalfrescocafesandparkingarea10:30am–12:30pmon9/11/201415 Inapedesterianisedstreetduringamarketat9:30on14/11/2014

14

15

2

13

4

5

6

7

9

10

11

8

13

12

Block-338

335

1 Inmicro-POSSaha1andalongthesurroundingalleysinfrontofhousesandnearbybenchesandcafes8–9pmon30/12/2014

2 Inmicro-POSSaha2andalongthesurroundingalleysinfrontofhouses10–11pmon2/1/20153 AlongthealleysandinfrontofhousesandnearbybenchesandcafesaroundSaha1andSaha21–

2pmon3/1/20154 AlongthealleysandinfrontofhousesandnearparkingareasaroundSaha28–11amon8/1/20155 AlongthealleysandinfrontofhousesaroundSaha111am–1pmon8/1/2015

5

3

2

1

4

SahatinthePearlingTrail

336

1 Inalargeareawithgrandsteps11pm–12amon22/7/20142 Inaharborinthesurrounding31/10/20144:30–5pm3 Alongthepedesterianisedwalkwayalongthelagoonfromofthealfrescocafes5–8:30pmon

31/10/20144 Inthesurroundingareainfrontofaschool2:30-3:00pmon5/11/20145 Nearthebenchesalongthelagoon8–8:30amon6/11/20146 Infrontofarestaurantoutdoorseating8:30–9:30amon6/11/20147 Ingrassedareawithcircularbenches9:30–10:30on6/11/20148 Outdoorseatingareainfrontoftherestaurantandcafé10:30–11:30on6/11/20149 Grassedareaalongthelagoon11:30am–12pmon6/11/201410 Inasurroundingarea9–10amon7/11/201411 Atalfrescocafé10–11amon7/11/201412 Ataroadjunctionnearbyabridge11am–12pmon10/11/2014

2

4

10

1

3

5

6

7

8

9

11

12Amwaj-lagooncontext

337

AppendixTwo

1GA:Go-alongInterviews,total13with18people,SI:Shortinterviewsonsite,WE:WeekendPilotsitevisits:broadobservation,informaltalks,takingphotosandvisitingdifferentopenspaces.

Cases

FieldworkProcess1Sitevisitsandbroadscopeobservationandinterviews

G.A.total13Date Time Day Occasion

S.I.Total85

BabAlBah

raincon

text

00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits

10/8/2014 10am-12:30pm Sunday 3

9

29/8/2014 10am–1pm Friday WE

2/9/2014 10am–1pm Tuesday

5/9/2014 8–11am Friday WE 5

11/10/2014 5:30–6:30am Saturday WE

15/10/2014 9am–12midday Wednesday Faiza

23/10/201410:30am-12:30pm

Thursday Muharrampreparing 1

24/10/2014 9–10am Friday WE Muharrampreparing Kareem

24/10/2014 9–10pm Friday WE Muharram Irfan

Salm

aneiaGarde

nan

dAn

dalusGarde

ncontext


3/9/2014 5:30–7:30pm Wednesday 2

13

4/9/2014 5:30–7:30pm Thursday 5

11/9/2014 10am–12midday Thursday 3

18/9/2014 7:30–8:30am Thursday 1

30/10/2014 9:30am Tuesday

5/12/2014 5:30–7:00pm Friday WE 2

Shahrazadandherfriends

Block33

8


9/9/2014 11am–1pm Tuesday

7

11/9/2014 6–8pm Thursday 2

12/9/2014 8-10pm Friday WE

20/10/2014 5:30–7:00pm Monday 4

30/10/2014 10–11am Thursday

338

3/11/2014 8–11pm Monday HolidayMuharram

9/11/201410:30am–12:30pm

Sunday 1

14/11/2014 9:30pm Friday WE Market Kh

alifa

Garde

ncontext



14/7/2014 11pm–12am Monday Ramadan

16

23/7/2014 6pm Wednesday RamadanIftartime

8/8/2014 9–10pm Friday WE 2

9/8/2014 6–8pm Saturday WE 6

20/8/2014 2:30-4:30pm Wednesday

20/8/2014 6-8:30pm Wednesday 4

21/8/2014 2:30-4:30pm Thursday 1

12/9/2014 7–8am Friday WE

19/9/2014 5pm Friday WE 1

18/10/2014 9-10pm Saturday WE

20/11/2014 9-11am Thursday

26/11/20148-9:30am

Wednesday Hala

30/11/2014 10pm Sunday

1/12/2014 4:00–6:30pm Monday 2

Rashidandhiswife

4/12/2014 7-9pm Thursday TheSyriansisters

10/12/2014 5-6pm Wednesday Nationalday

celebration

Hun

ainiyahpa

rkcon

text


3/10/2014 7-8pm Friday WE

Heiabeiatradition/PreccedingEidday

11

10/10/2014 2:15–3:15pm Friday WE

12/10/2014 10am-12midday Sunday

13/10/2014 4-6pm Monday 4

14/10/2014 7-8am Tuesday

339

18/10/2014 3:30-4:30pm Saturday WE 3

20/10/2014 10-11pm Monday Rahman

27/10/2014 7:30–8:30am Monday

27/10/2014 4:30–6:30pm Monday 2

30/10/2014 7–9pm Thursday

2/11/2014 9:30am Sunday HolidayMuharaam

6/11/2014 5–6pm Thursday 1

10/11/2014 8:30–10:30am Monday 1 Nazir

Amwaj


22/7/2014 11pm–12am Tuesday Ramadan

11

31/10/2014 4:30–8:30pm Friday WE 6

2/11/20149pm–12

midnightSunday Holiday

Muharaam 1 Samar

5/11/2014 2:30pm Wednesday

6/11/2014 8am–12midday Thursday 4

7/11/2014 9–11am Friday WE

10/11/2014 11am–12pm Monday

Arad

Bay


23/7/2014 Aftermidnight Tuesday Ramadan

12

11/11/2014 8:30am-12:30pm Tuesday 7

AdamLeenMaysa

5/12/2014 4–5pm Friday WE 4

12/12/2014 9-11am Friday WE

5/5/2015Following-

up

3:30–5:30pm Tuesday 1

Saha

t/OldM

uharraq

context

00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits,walkandtalkwithsomeresidents

30/12/2014 8-9pm Tues 2

6

2/1/2015 10-11pm Friday WE Newyear

3/1/2015 1-2pm Sat WE 1

8/1/2015 8am-1pm Thursday 3

340

AppendixThree

ShortOn-siteInterviewQuestionSheet

343

AppendixFour

ListoftheShortOn-siteInterviews[SI]:Fieldnotes

[SI01]InKhalifaGarden-Indianman-Father-Age26/35-5yearsinBahrain(workedalsoinotherGulfcountries)-worksinbusiness-LiveinEastRiffa–Sittingongroundinthemiddleofthelawnwithoutamatwithhiswife,theirchildandafriend,gatheringandwatchingothers-8/8/14Friday9:00pm-Language:English

[SI02] In Khalifa Garden - Syrian woman - Mother - Age 26/35 - 11 and 19 years in Bahrain -Housewife-Live inEastRiffa–Havingagatheringandpicnic inthemiddleofthe lawn,nearthefootpathway,withagroupoffiveSyrianladies,sittinginacirclewithchildrenaroundthemgoingandcomingfromtheplayground-8/8/14Friday9:30pm-Language:Arabic

[SI03] InKhalifaGarden-Yeminiwoman-Mother -Age26/35-9years inBahrain-Housewife -Live in East Riffa – Sitting with her children on the lawn in front of the playground - 9/8/20146:00pmSaturday-Language:Arabic

[SI04]InKhalifaGarden-Pakistaniwoman-Mother-Age26/35-7monthsinBahrain-Housewife- Lives in EastRiffa– In thepicnic areanear football, playgroundandpathway-9/8/14Saturday6:10pm-Language:English

[SI05] In Khalifa garden - Mother - Palestinian origin - Born in Bahrain - Age 36/45 - FamilyPhysician-LiveinRiffa–Walkingexercisewithhersonintheprovidedwalkway-9/8/20146:30pmSaturday-Language:Arabic

[SI06] In Khalifa Garden - A youngwoman fromUganda - Age 20/ 25 - 2 years in Bahrain (AlsoworkedinChina)-Babysitter-LivesRiffa-KidsplaygroundinthesoutheastwithFriendsintheirweekholiday-9/8/14Saturday6:50pm-Language:English

[SI07]InKhalifagarden-Indianman-Age46/55-3yearsinBahrain-Accountantinacompany-LivesinRiffa-Joggingintheprovidedwalkway-9/8/20147pmSaturday-Language:English

[SI08]InKhalifagarden-Bahrainimother-Age36/45-LivesinEastRiffa-Walkingexerciseintheprovidedwalkway-9/8/20147:30pmSaturday-Language:Arabic

[SI09]InBabAlBahrain-BahrainiWoman-Age26/35-Student-LivesinthenorthernofBahrain-Sitting in the atrium in one of the cafés drinking juice looking at the mobile - 10/8/14 Sunday11:00am

[SI10] InBabAlBahrain -Bahrainigrandmother -Age56/65 -Lives inHamadTown-10/8/201411:30amSunday-Language:Arabic

[SI11]InBabAlBahrain-Bahrainimother-Housewife-Age26/35-LivesinSand-10/8/14Sunday12noon

[SI12]InKhalifagarden-Grandfather-Jordanianorigin-Age56/65-40yearsinBahrain-Retired-Lives in Hamad Town - Sitting on a prayer mat with a bottle of water and tea watching hisgranddaughterintheplayground-20/08/20146:30pmWednesday-Language:Arabic

[SI13]InKhalifagarden-Yemenimother-Age20/25-8yearsinBahrain-Housewife-LivesinEastRiffa-Havingapicnicwithherfriendsandtheirkidswereplaying,usingportablechair-20/8/20147:20pmWednesday-Language:Arabic

344

[SI14]InKhalifagarden-IndianFather-Age36/45-6yearsinBahrain-MechanicalEngineer-LivesinRiffa-Sittingonalawnonapicnicmatinthestageareaafterwalkingexercisewithhiswifeandtheirtoddlerdaughterandschoolagedson-20/08/20147:30pmWednesday-Language:English

[SI15] InKhalifagarden -Bahrainimother -Age26/35 -Born inBahrain -Multimedia specialist -Live in Saar - in the playground with her daughters and housemaid - 20/8/32014 8:00 pmWednesday-Language:Arabic

[SI16] In Khalifa garden - Bahraini Father - Age 26/35 - Lives in Riffa - Imet him near the gate,comingforhischildrentoplay-21/08/2014Wednesday

[SI17] In Salmaneia Garden - Indian mother - Age 26/35 - 5.5 years in Bahrain - Nurse in aGovernmental hospital - Live in Salmaneia - Playing with her children - 3/9/32015 6:45 pmWednesday-Language:English

[SI18]InSalmaneiaGarden-Pakistaniwoman-Age26-25yearsinBahrain-freshgraduate-LiveinAdlyia-gatheringwithherfamilyonthelawnandkidsareplaying-notmarriedandhavelittlebrothersandsisters-3/9/320157:00pmWednesday-Language:English

[SI19] InAndalusgarden-Filipinomother -Age36/45 -3years inBahrain -Technician -Lives inArad-JogginginAndalus-4/9/2014-6pmThursday-Language:English

[SI20]InAndalusgarden-ABahrainiFather-Age36/45-BahrainiandborninBahrain-WorksinaTransportationcompany-LivesinManama-SittingintheArcadeoppositetotherestaurants,onthediningchairsundertheshadedarea,withtwomendrinkingteaandsmokingand2-3childrenonbicyclesplayingaround-theirwivesarefromthePhilippines-Thewivesgatheringareinfrontoftheshop-4/9/14-Thursday-6:17pm

[SI21] InAndalusgarden - IndianWoman -Age26/35 -Housewife - Sittingwitha friendon thebenchintheshadedarealookingtowardthelawnsideandthefootballcourt,justfinishedjogging-4/9/14Thursday6:30pm-Language:English

[SI22] InAndalusgarden- Indiananfather -Age56/65 -37years inBahrain -hotelmanagementandadministration-LivesinManama-justfinishwalkingexercise-4/9/2014-6:40pmThursday-Language:English

[SI23] In Andalus garden - Jordanian and Egyptian young women - Age 18/25 - 4 &15 years inBahrain-Students-LiveinManama-Jogging-4/9/20147:00pmThursday-Language:Arabic

[SI24]InBabAl-Bahrain-Bahrainimother-Age26/35-Employeeinaministry-LivesinIsaTown-Inthetraditionalcaféinanalleywaitingtobeseated-5/9/14Friday9:10am

[SI25] InBabAl-Bahrain - Indianman -Age46/55 - 13 years inBahrain (Other countries:Dubai,Oman,Saudi,India)-Worksinaprivatecompany-LivesinJufair-Leisurelywalkinginthesouq-5/9/14Friday9:40amLanguage:English

[SI26]InBabAl-Bahrain-FilipinoMan-Age26/35-2yearsinBahrain-Worksinaprivatecompany- Lives in Muharraq - waiting for friends in front of Yateem Commercial Centre -5/9/14 Friday9:50amLanguage:English

[SI27] InBabAl-Bahrain -Americanmale -Walking inBabAlBahrainSooq -Frequentlyvisits thespace-5/9/14Friday10:20am

[SI28]InBabalBahrain-Bahrainiman-Age70s-Retiredteacher-LiveinMinaSalman-Walking-5/9/201410:30amFriday-Language:Arabic

345

[SI29]AndalusGarden-IndianMan-Busdriver-Outsidethegatesittinginparkingislandontheground (lawn) under the tree with two other drivers of the bus - 11/9/14 Thursday 11:00am -Language:English

[SI30]InSalmaneiaGarden-GroupofIndianandPakistaniworkers-11/9/14Thursday11:15am-Language:MixEnglishandArabic

[SI31]InSalmaneiaGarden-Bahrainimalesecurity-1/9/14Thursday11:30am

[SI32]InBlock-338-Britishwoman-Age46/55-5yearsBahrain-Worksinprivateschool-LiveinHamadTown-Sittingoutsideonthesteps-11/9/20146:30pmThursday-Language:English

[SI33] InBlock338 -Bahraini father -Age26/35 -Works in theMinistryof Interior - Live inRasRuman (Manama) - Strolling outside and smokingwith a friend - 11/9/2014 6:40pm Thursday -Language:Arabic

[SI34]InAndalusGarden-BahrainiMother-Age36/45-Housewife-LiveinNorthareaofBahrain-Jogging-18/9/20148:00amThursday-Language:Arabic

[SI35] In KhalifaGarden - Bahrainiman - Age 20/25 - student - lives in Riffa, 19/09/2014 Friday5:00pm-inAlfrescocafénexttotheGarden

[SI36] In Hunainiyah Park - two men - Arab origin - Age 36/45 - 27 and 19 years in Bahrain -employeeinthegovernment-LiveinEastRiffa-Sittingonabenchwatchingtheirchildrenplaying-13/10/20145pmMonday-Language:Arabic

[SI37] InHunainiyahPark-Syrianwoman-Age18/25-15years inBahrain (Livedalso in Jordan,SaudiandSyria)-LivesinWestRiffauptheridge-a-withherchildreninthelawnareawithoutmatnearthehistoricalbuilding-13/10/2014Monday5:25pm

[SI38]InHunainiyahPark-GroupofYemeniwomen-Age36/45-2yearsinBahrain-LiveinEastRiffa-SittinginthelawnareaandIsawthemprayinginthegarden-13/10/2014Monday5:30pm

[SI39]InHunainiyahPark-Yemenigrandmother-Age36/45-10yearsinBahrain-Housewife-Livein East Riffa - Sitting with a group of 7 - 8 women (from Pakistan and Yemen) on the lawn -13/10/20145:40pmMonday-Language:Arabic

[SI40]InHunainiyahPark-Yemenimother-Age36/45-Housewifeandprivatebusiness(selling)-LivesinEastRiffa-18/10/2014Saturday3:45pm-Language:Arabic

[SI41]InHunainiyahPark-Yemeniwoman-Age26/35-9yearsinBahrain-LivesinRiffaneartheparkabovetheridge-Sittingonthelawnwithherhusbandandchildren-18/10/2014-Saturday-16:05

[SI42] InHunainiyahPark-ThreePakistanismen-Age18/25-8years inBahrain,4yearsand15years-oneborninBahrain-Students-LiveinRiffaandMuharraq-Sittingonthelawnstudying-18/10/2014Saturday4:30pm-Language:English

[SI43] InBlock338-Bahrainifemale-Age20/25-BorninBahrain-employeeintheministryandstudyingMasters-LiveinArad-SittinginAl-Riwaqcafeoutsideandstudying-20/10/20145:40pmMonday-Language:Arabic

[SI44] In Block 338 - Bangladeshi man - Age 30/40s - 20 to 9 years in Bahrain - Unemployedcurrentlywasworkinginarestaurant-LivesinBlock338-Sittingoutsideonprovidedbencheswithhisfriendandchattingandwaitingforjob-20/10/20146pmMonday-Language:English

346

[SI45]InBlock338-Filipinomale-Age36/45-7yearsinBahrain-Worksinarestaurant-LiveinAdlyia (the sameareaof338) - Standingoutside in thepedestrianized streetwithhis friendandchatting20/10/20146:20pmMonday-Language:English

[SI46] In Block 338 - Bangladeshimen Age 20s/30s - 4/3 years in Bahrain -Works in hotel andapartment - Standingoutsidewith friend chattingand takingpictures in the street - 20/10/20146:40pmMonday-Language:English

[SI47] InBabAlBahrain -Bahraini father -Age46/55 - Employer inaprivate company - Lives inRiffa-walking-23/10/201411:30amThursday-Muharrampreparation-Language:Arabic

[SI48]InHunainiyahpark-Pakistanifather-Age36/45-27yearsinBahrain-Police-LiveinWestRiffa-Sittingonabenchandhistwoboysarewalkingaround,chattingandplaying-27/10/20145pmMonday-Language:Arabic

[SI49] InHunainiyahPark-Syrianman-Age36/45-20years inBahrain-working inaministry -LivesinWestRiffa-Playingwithchildren-27/10/2014-Mondayafternoon5:30pm

[SI50]InAmwajlagoon-Bahrainimother-Age26/35-BorninBahrain-Physician-LiveinRiffa-walkinginthelagoonsidewithherhusbandandchildren-31/10/2014-5pm-Friday-Language:Arabic

[SI51]InAmwajlagoon-Indianmother-Age20/26-Housewife-LiveinSaudi-walkingbesidethelagoonwithtwootherwomen-31/10/2014-5:30pm-Friday-Language:English

[SI52]InAmwajlagoon-Yemenimother-Age26/35-livesinBahrainsince2001-Student-LivesinRiffa-Sittingonabenchwithherdaughter-31/10/2014Friday5:45pm

[SI53]InAmwajlagoon-Indianman-Father-Age36/45-7yearsinBahrain-Worksinaprivatecompany-LivesinManama-Walkingalongsidethelagoonwithhiswifeandadaughterinababystroller-31/10/2014Friday6pm-Amwaj

[SI54] InAmwaj lagoon -Saudimale -Age26/35 -Engineer - Live inSaudi -walkingbeside thelagoonwithtwoFilipinosgirls-31/10/2014-6:10pm-Friday-Language:Arabic

[SI55] In Amwaj – Bahraini woman - Age 26/45 - physician - Lives in Manama – Walking withanotherwomanandtheirhusbandsandchildren-31/10/2014Friday6:30pm

[SI56] In Amwaj lagoon - Syrian parents - Age 26 /35 - only the father works - Live in Qallalii(Muharraq)-sittingonabenchbesidethelagoonhavingcoffeeandchatting-6/11/2014-8:30pm-Sunday-Language:Arabic

[SI57]InAmwajlagoon-Indianmale-Age26/35-3yearsinBahrain-Worksinahotel-LiveinQallali(Muharraq)-sittingaloneonachairofoneoftherestaurantsforbreakfastandwaitingforhisfriend-6/11/14-9:00am-Thursday-Language:English

[SI58]InAmwajlagoon-ThreewomenfromSerbiaandItaly-Age36/65-1-2.5yearsInBahrain-HousewivesandOneworksasprivatePianoteacher–LiveinAmwaj-Sittingoutsideonthechairsof the coffee shops looking towards the pathway and the lagoon and they come by walking -6/11/14Thursday11:15am-Language:English

[SI59] InAmwaj lagoon -Bulgarian father -Age46/55 - inBahrain since1998 - Supervisor inbigcompany -Live inAmwaj -byhimselfwalkingalongthe lagoonsideandsittingonthebenches -6/11/14-11:45am-Thursday-Language:English

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[SI60]InHunainiyahPark-Agroupof3femalesandonemalefromItaly,Pakistan,Russia,SudanandBahrain-Age20/25-Twoofthemwork(teacherandinmarketing)therestarestudents-LiveinA’li,Junaibeia,Adleia,Jufair-chattingandswinging-6/11/14Thursday5:30pm

[SI61]InBlock-338-Bahrainiwoman-Age55/65yes-Retired-Lecturerinauniversity-LivesinMalekeia-outdoorsinthecafé-9/11/14Sunday11:30am

[SI62]InHunainiyahpark-Bahrainiwomen-Mothers-Age26/35-Housewives-LiveinRiffaandZallaq-Sittingonabencheatingandchatting-10/11/201410:00amMonday-Language:Arabic

[SI63] InAradBay Pak - Bahrainiman - Age 26/ 35 -Works in theMinistry of Interior - Lives inBusaiteen–justfinishedjogging-11/11/2014-8:30amTuesday-Language:Arabic

[SI64]InAradBayPak–Syrianwoman-Age26/35-4yearsinBahrain-LivesinMuharraq-Sittingonabenchinthemiddleofacircularareaintheopenplazanearthefountain-11/11/14Sunday8:45am

[SI65]InAradBayPak-AmanfromMalaysia-Age36/45-7yearsMalaysia–sittingonabenchonthelawnafterpreparingthepicnicsitting-11/11/14Sunday9:15am-Language:English

[SI66]InAradBayPak-Czechgrandmotherwith2Friends-grandmothersfromCyprusandGreek-Age50s/60s-30yearsinBahrain-LivesinSaarandherfriendsinJufair-walkingtotheircarafterjogginginAradBayPak-11/11/2014-9:45amTuesday-Language:English

[SI67]InAradBayPak–Aman-notBahraini-feedingfishonbridge-Language:English

[SI68]InAradBayPak-Bahrainimother-Age26/35-BorninBahrain-Privatebusiness-LiveinIsatown–Havingasmallbreakfastpartywithherhusbandonabench,themothertookherhusbandfromtheairportandbringhimheredirectly”-11/11/201410:35amTuesday-Language:Arabic

[SI69]InAradBayPak–Britishman-Age46/55-TeacherinBritishCouncil–LivesMuharraq–Onthepedestrianbridgewalkinghomeafterwalkingexercise-11/11/14Sunday11:30am

[SI70]InKhalifaGarden-TwoYemeni-Age18/25-1monthinBahrain-LiveinEastRiffa–sittingonthelawnnexttofootballcourt-1/12/144:20pm

[SI71] In KhalifaGarden - Filipinowoman and her husband is Bahraini - Age 36/45 - 12 years inBahrain-LivesinEastRiffa–Onthebenchnearparkingareaandplayground-1/12/144:40pm

[SI72]InAradBayPak–Egyptianman-Age36/45-worksinspecialeducation-LiveinMuharraq–Havingpicnicwithwifeandchildren-5/12/20144pmFriday-Language:Arabic

[SI73]InAradBayPak-Bahrainimother,borninBahrain,originIran-Age26/35-Teacher-LivesinMuharraq-Withherfamilysittingonthelawnnexttotheplayground-5/12/144:15pm

[SI74] InAradBayPak– Yemeni youngwoman -Age18/25 - Born inBahrain - student - Live inMuharraq-havingpicnicwithrelatives(allYemeniorigin)-5/12/20144:30pmFriday-Language:Arabic

[SI75]InAradBayPak–Yemeniwoman-Age26/35-LiveinBahrain24years-Housewife-LiveinSand-havingpicnicwithrelativesfromMuharraqinwhichmetbychanceinthepark(allYemenioriginsomeborninBahrain)-5/12/20144:45pmFriday-Language:Arabic

[SI76] InAndalusgarden -Egyptian -Age26/35 - Live inBahrain for10years - teachers - Live inManama-twosistershavingpicnicwithhusbandsandkidsatthediningarea-5/12/20146:10pmFriday-Language:Arabic

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[SI77]InAndalusGarden-Fivewomenmothersandgrandmothers,YemeniOrigin-Age20/55-20yearsinBahrain–Housewife-LivesinManamaneartheGardencamebywalking-Gatheringonshadedareaconcretepergola-5/12/146:30pm

[SI78]InthePearlingTrailsite-Pakistaniman-Age26/30-5yearsinBahrain-Sittingoutdoorwithothermen-Worksinanoffice-30/12/20148:15pmSunday-LanguageEnglish

[SI79] InMuharraq site - Jordanian father - Age 36/45 - 15 years in Bahrain - Teacher - Live inMuharraq - Passing by in the alley in Muharraq site - 30/12/2014 8:45pm Sunday - Language:Arabic

[SI80] InMuharraqsite-Bahraini -Age18/25-Born inBahrain-Lives inMuharraq-playingballsoftlyandquietlywithhislittlebrothersinthealleyinfrontofhouse-3/1/20151:15pmSaturday-Language:Arabic

[SI81] InMuharraq site -Bahrainimother -Age46/55 -Housewife - Lives in theareaof the siteMuharraq - the front of her house is being prepared for car use 8/1/15 10:15am Sunday -Language:Arabic

[SI82]InMuharraqsite-Indianfather-Age36/45-20yearinBahrain-tailor-LivesintheareaofthesiteMuharraq-Infrontofhishousewalkinginthealleywithhischild8/1/1511:00amSunday-Language:English

[SI83] InMuharraq site - Bahraini youngman - Age 18 - 25 - Born in Bahrain - Yemeni origin –Student - walking through the open space - Lives in Muharraq - 8/1/2015 11:30am Sunday -Language:Arabic

[SI84] In Arad Bay Pak - Jordanianmother - Age 36 - 45 - 6 years in Bahrain - Her Husband isBahraini -Housewife-Lives inBusaiteen-Picnicking inthe lawnareawithher littledaughters inAradBayPak-5/5/20154:30pm-Tuesday-Language:Arabic

[SI85lp]InAmwaj-Italianinterviewee-Age46/55-20yearsinBahrain-LivesinAmwaj-Sittinginfront of his house with two Ethiopian women smoking shisha - 2/11/2014 - 9:30pm - SundayLanguage:English

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Appendix Five

Go-along Interview: Guideline Questions

PublicOpenSpacesinBahrain:SocialUsesandValues(Topicscoveredinthego-alonginterview)

InthewayDoyoucometothisspacefromyourhouseorwork?Howlongittakesyoutocomehere?Doyoucomebycarorwalk?Inyourwaytothespacewhathappens?Whatdoyousee?Whodoyousee?Whatdifficultiesdoyoufacetocomehere?

Inthespace(stories,activities,likeordon’tlike,memories)Howoftenyoucomehere?Whenyouusuallycomeandatwhattime?(Seasons,days,times,occasions)Usuallyhowlongyoustay?

Whatdoyouseeinthespace?Whatusuallyhappens?Whodoyousee?(Families,individuals,groups,young,old,nationalities,gender)Whatdotheydo?Youopinionaboutwhatyouseeandwhathappens?

Whatyouusuallydocomehere?Withwhomdoyoucome?

Howthespaceisusedatdifferenttimes?

Doyoulikethisplace?Why?Whatdoyoulike?Whatdon’tyoulikeaboutthespace?

Howdoyoufeelinthespace?Whatisthebestpartforyou?(Themostclosestpart)Why?Howyourchildrenuseofthespaceissimilarordifferentthanyourchildhood?HowtheopenspacesnowinBahrainissimilarordifferentthanyourchildhood?Anycertainmemoriesaboutthisspaceoranyother?

Ifyouwanttochangesomethinginthespace,whatyouchange?

SocialroleDoyouexpecttoseesomeoneyouknoworsomeoneyouhaveseenbeforeinthespace?Doestheparkhaveasocialrole?Canyouexplain?Whatsocialinteractionhappensbetweenpeople?Whatconflictshappensinthespace?

Doyouseepeoplefromdifferentoriginsinthespace?Whoismoreoftenusingthespace?(Nationalityororigin-menorwomen–agegroups)Howdoesthisshapesocialinteractionsandfunctions?(Positiveornegative)

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OtherspacesWhereotheropenspacesdoespeopleusuallyuse?Whyandwhen?

Doyouknowthefollowingspaces:andwhatdoyouthinkabout?BabAlBahrainareaandsouqBlock338inAdleiyahKhalifaGardeninRiffaSalmaneiaandAndalusGardensDohatAradAmwajlagoonHunainiyahAreafortandparkOldMuharraq

DemographicandPersonalinformationAgecategory: Doyouhavekids?Doyouwork?Ifyes,whatdoyouwork?Areyoustudent?Ifyes,whatdoyoustudy?InwhichareainBahraindoyoulive?Countryofborn:HowlonghaveyoubeeninBahrain?Nationality?

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AppendixSix

ListoftheGo-alongInterviews[GA]:FieldNotes[GA01]InKhalifaGardencontext-Indianwoman-Singlemother-Worker-Age30s-16yearsinBahrain-LivesinWestRiffa-27/5/2014-5:00pm-Tuesday-Language:English

[GA02]InBabAl-BahrainArea-IndianWoman-Singlemother-Worker-Age30s-16yearsinBahrain-LivesinWestRiffa-15/10/2014-9:00am-Wednesday-Language:English

[GA03]InHunainiyahcontext-Bahrainiman-Student-Age20s-LivesinRiffa-20/10/2014-10:00pm-Monday-Language:Arabic

[GA04]InBabalBahrainArea-Bahrainiman-Father-EmployerinPrivateCompany-Age50s-LivesinRiffa-24/10/2014-9:00am-Friday-Language:Arabic

[GA05]InBabalBahrainArea-Indianman-Workinginanoffice-Age20s-2.5yearsinBahrain-LivesinRiffa-24/10/2014-10:00pm-Friday-Language:English

[GA06]InAmwaj-Bahrainiwomen-student-Age20s-LivesinAmwaj-2/11/2014-9:00pm-Sunday-FormalHoliday-Language:Arabic

[GA07]InHunainiyahPark-Balochiman-Father-Worker-Age40s-10yearsinBahraini-LivesineastRiffa-10/11/2014-9:00am-Monday-Language:Arabic(notaffluent)

[GA08]InAradBayPark-SyrianWoman-Mother-Housewife-Age28-4yearsinBahrain-LivesinBusaiteen(Muharraq)-11/11/2014-9:00am-Sunday-Language:Arabic

[GA09a]InAradBayPark-IndonesianWoman-Airhostess-Age30s-7yearsinBahraini-LivesinManama(Jufair)-11/11/2014-Sunday-9:30am-Language:English

[GA09b]InAradBayPark-Malaysianman-Chefonboard-Age40s-7yearsinBahraini-11/11/2014-LivesinManama-Sunday-9:30am-Language:English

[GA10]InKhalifaGardencontext-Palestinian/SyrianWoman-Mother-Teacher-Age30s-12yearsinBahrain-LivesinRiffa-26/11/2014-9:00am-Wednesday-Language:Arabic

[GA11]InKhalifaGarden-Bahrainiman-Father-Physician-Age30s-LivesinRiffa-30/11/2014-5:30pm-Sunday-Language:Arabic

[GA12]InKhalifaGarden-TwoSyriansisters-Mothers-Housewifeandilliterate-Age30s-20yearsinBahrain-LiveinEastRiffa-4/12/2014-7:00pm-Thursday-Language:Arabic

[GA13]InAndalusGarden-FourBahrainisyoungwomenfriends-employees-Age20s-LiveinManama-5/12/2014-5:30pm-Friday-Language:Arabic

Public Open Spaces in Bahrain - White Rose eTheses Online

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