PublicOpenSpacesinBahrain:ThePotentialforTransculturalConviviality
By:
WafaAl-Madani
AthesissubmittedinpartialfulfilmentoftherequirementsforthedegreeofDoctorofPhilosophy
TheUniversityofSheffieldFacultyofSocialScienceDepartmentofLandscape
June2018
i
Acknowledgments
Iwould like toexpressmy immenseanddeepsenseofgratitudetomysupervisor,Dr.Clare
Rishbeth,forhercontinuedinvaluableguidanceandinspiration.Dr.Rishbethhasencouraged
methroughouttheyearsofthePhDandsupportedmetogrowasanacademicresearcher.I
havealsobeenfortunatetohaveDr.NicolaDempseyasaco-supervisor.Iwouldliketodeeply
thankDr.Dempsey forbeingtherewhenever Ineeded.Thankyoumysupervisors,youhave
alwaystakenyourtimeto,sogenerously,shareyourknowledgeandideaswithme.Iextend
mythanksalsotothestaffinthedepartmentoflandscapeforallthesupporttheyprovided.
IalsoofferaspecialwordofthankstotheUniversityofBahrainforgivingmethisopportunity
tocontinuemystudy in theUniversityofSheffield. Iamverygrateful for the funding Ihave
receivedfromthemformystudy.
I am indebted and very thankful to all my family. Deep thanks to my parents for their
unstintingsupportthroughouttheyearsofmyeducation.Thankyoumysistersandbrothers,I
appreciateallyourhelp,encouragement,andsupport.Mywarmgratitudeandappreciationto
myhusbandEbrahimandmysonsKhalil,TalalandFaisal.ThankyouEbrahimforyoursupport
andyourbeliefinmeandthankyoumychildrenforyourpatienceandmotivationyouoffered
metoaccomplishthiswork.
Finally,thisPhDisdedicatedtomylovelycountry,Bahrain.
iii
Abstract
This research investigated how theories of conviviality, transcultural cities and everyday
encountersinpublicopenspaces(POS)areinterrelated,andexploredthesedynamicsthrough
fieldwork in Bahrain. Throughout its history, Bahrain developed a fluid population ofmulti-
ethnic origin, and the later oil boom has led to a population increase mostly among non-
Bahraini migrant residents, who now account for more than 50% of the population. This
researchusedaqualitativemethodology,integratingobservation,on-siteshortinterviews,in-
depthgo-alonginterviewsandexpertinterviews.TheparticipantsincludedbothBahrainiand
migrant groups from different origins and generations. The intention was to understand
diverse personal interpretations and socio-spatial associations and analyse these alongside
differentpatternsofuseinPOS.Thisresearchfocusedoneightcasestudyareasincludingboth
formal and informal POS in different cities. The findings explored the importance of POS in
Bahrain for transculturalpracticesanddevelopinga senseofbelongingacrossdifferences. It
highlightedhowtheseplacessupportpositivemigrantsexperiences inBahrain.Thevariation
ofcasestudiesaddressedspatialandtemporalaffordancesfordifferentleisureactivitiesand
patternsofoutdoorsociabilityanddemonstratedhowthesereflectdifferentculturalvalues.
Theresearchalso foundthatdifferent transculturalpractices inPOSsupportconvivialityand
meaningful encounters. However, the findings also explored that conflicts arise from the
complexity of cultural differences in transcultural cities. Parenting and littering appeared as
cultural differences regarding social responsibility in public spaces. Although these are
mundaneconflicts,ignoringthemmayhavewidespreadimplicationsbothforthevalueofPOS
and intercultural exchanges within the city. The research engaged theory with practice,
utilising the social justice agenda proposed by Low and Iveson (2016) to shape the
responsibility of professional practice inmaintaining the responsiveness of public spaces in
urbancontextsofculturalcomplexity.Thisresearchsuggeststhattosupportconvivialityand
to respond positively to cultural differences in POS, embedding an understanding of
transculturalurbanisminlandscapearchitectureplanning,designandmanagementcanbean
effectiveandethicalapproachinbothBahrainandthewiderGulfregion.
v
TableofcontentsAcknowledgments i
Abstract iii
ListofTables,FiguresandCaseStudyPortfolios xiii
ChapterOne:Introduction 1
1.1Questioningthe‘public’inopenspace 1
1.2UnderstandingBahrain 4
1.3Transculturalcities 7
1.4Livingwithdifference:Convivialityandencounter 9
1.5Socio-spatialdimension 10
1.6Aimsandobjectives 11
1.7Structureofthethesis 12
ChapterTwo:LiteratureReview 13
2.1Introduction 13
2.2Transculturalcities 13
2.2.1Anemergingdiscourse 13
2.2.2Transnationalmigrationandhybridityincities 16
2.2.3Migrantexperiencesinanewplace 17
2.2.4TransculturalBahrain 19
2.2.4.1HistoricisinghybridityinBahrain 20
2.2.4.2ContemporarymigrationsinBahrain 22
2.2.4.3ComplexitieswithculturaldiversityinBahrain 24
2.2.5Complexitiesintransculturalcities 25
2.3Convivialityandeverydaydiversityinpublicspaces 27
2.3.1Convivialityandencounters 27
2.3.2Meaningfulencounters 30
2.3.2.1Materiality 32
2.3.2.2Temporality 35
2.3.3Hospitality:Amoralvalue 37
2.3.4Conflictswithinconviviality 38
2.4Urbanpublicopenspaces:Socialvaluesanduses 40
2.4.1ActivitiesandculturaldiversityinPOS 40
vi
2.4.2SocialvaluesofPOS 43
2.4.2.1Restorationvalues 43
2.4.2.2Socialcohesion 45
2.4.2.3TheimportanceofPOSfornewmigrants 47
2.4.3Importantroleofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS 48
2.5Framingsocio-spatialimplicationsoftransculturalurbanismwithcommitmenttosocialjusticeinPOS 50
2.5.1Publicspaceanddistributivejustice 51
2.5.2Publicspaceandrecognition 53
2.5.3Publicspace,encounterandinteractionaljustice 55
2.5.4Publicspaceandcareandrepair 57
2.5.5Publicspaceandproceduraljustice 58
2.6Conclusion 60
ChapterThree:MethodologyandMethods 63
3.1Introduction 63
3.2Qualitativeapproach 64
3.3Ethnographicapproach 65
3.4Casestudyapproach 67
3.4.1Selectionofcasestudies 69
3.5Fieldworkmethods 71
3.5.1Broadscope:Fieldobservationandon-siteshortinterviews 74
3.5.1.1Fieldobservation 75
3.5.1.2On-siteshortinterviews 87
3.5.2In-depthethnography:Go-alonginterviews 90
3.5.3Expertinterviews 94
3.5.4Overviewoffieldworkmethods 103
3.6Qualitativedataanalysis 104
3.6.1Organisingandtranscribingofdata 104
3.6.2Coding 105
3.6.3Structuring 106
3.6.4UsingofQDAsoftware 107
3.7Positionalityandreflexivity 108
3.8Ethicalconsideration 110
3.9Conclusion 111
vii
ChapterFour:TheSelectedCaseStudyAreas 113
4.1Introduction 113
4.2PublicopenspacesandurbanforminBahrain 113
4.3Locationoftheselectedcasestudyareas 116
4.4Theportfolioofthecasestudies 118
4.5Conclusion 119
ChapterFive:UnderstandingtheEverydayPatternsofDiversityinPublicOpenSpaces 121
5.1Introduction 121
5.2Formalpublicopenspaces:ParksandGardens 123
5.2.1Users’diversity 123
5.2.2Dailytemporality 125
5.2.3Seasonalpatternsofuse 131
5.2.3.1Climate 131
5.2.3.2Schoolterms 135
5.2.3.3Events 136
5.3Pedestrianisedurbanspaces 137
5.3.1SahatinthePearlingTrail 137
5.3.1.1Users’diversity 138
5.3.1.2Dailytemporality 138
5.3.2.BabAl-BahrainSquareandSouq 141
5.3.2.1Users’diversity 141
5.3.2.2Dailytemporality 143
5.3.3Amwaj-lagoonandBlock-338 145
5.3.3.1Users’diversity 145
5.3.3.2Dailytemporality 146
5.3.4Seasonalpatterninpedestrianisedurbanspaces 153
5.4Informalandincidentalpublicopenspaces 154
5.5Religiousobservances 160
5.5.1Prayertimes 160
5.5.2ThetemporalityofRamadanMonth 161
5.5.3ThetemporalityofEiddays 163
5.5.4Muharram 164
5.6Politicaluprisinginthefield 165
5.7MovementBarriers 166
viii
5.8Multi-sensorypleasuresofsocialisingoutdoors 168
5.9Conclusion 173
ChapterSix:VisibilityofCulturalDifferenceandAffordancesforConviviality 175
6.1Introduction 175
6.2Affordancesoftheresearchcontext 177
6.2.1HybridityandcommonplacediversityinBahrain 177
6.2.2Interculturalsustainedrelations 179
6.3Memoryandtransculturalpractices:SenseofbelonginginPOS 180
6.3.1InBabAl-BahrainSouqandSquare:LittleIndia 180
6.3.2Parksandgardens:like-homedesertpracticesandchildhoodmemories 183
6.4TransculturalbondinginPOS 185
6.5Thevisibilityofbeingoutside:Acknowledgingorjudgingdifferences? 187
6.6Mundanemoraljudgementsinparksandgardens 188
6.6.1Cleanlinessresponsibilities 189
6.6.2Parentingresponsibilitiesandchildren’smanners 191
6.7Affordancesforsociabilityinstreets:Permeabilityandwalkability 195
6.7.1Fromestrangementtofamiliarity 196
6.7.2Neighbourliness 197
6.8Affordancesforsociabilityinparksandgardens:Beingoutdoorandsharedpatternsofuse 200
6.8.1Acquaintanceshipandsharingtemporalities 200
6.8.2Informalsolidaritiesamongfemaleparkusers 202
6.8.3Familyatmosphereforlonemigrants 203
6.8.4Encouraginghealthyactivities 204
6.9Spatio-temporalnegotiationacross-differencesinsharingPOS 205
6.9.1Genderinasharedspace 206
6.9.2Playingsport 210
6.10Conclusion 212
ChapterSeven:ContributiontoDevelopingTheory 215
7.1Introduction 215
7.2Transculturalcitiesandasenseofbelonging:Beingyourselfinanewplace 216
7.2.1Patternsofsociabilitysupportingtransculturalpractices 217
7.2.2Memorytriggersinpubliclandscapes 218
ix
7.2.3Wellbeingandoutdoortransculturalprocess
andpracticesinaridclimate 218
7.2.4Connectingmigrantsandurbanheritageintransculturalcities 219
7.2.5Visibilityofdifference:Opportunitiesandapprehensions 220
7.2.6Movingtowardsauthenticbelongingintransculturalcities 221
7.3Theoriesofconvivialityandencounteracrossdifferences 222
7.3.1MeaningsofeverydayconvivialityinPOS 223
7.3.1.1Wellbeingandinclusivity 223
7.3.1.2Egalitarianpracticesofoutdoorleisure 224
7.3.2POSasconnectiveconvivialitysites:cross-culturalsocialbenefits 225
7.3.2.1WaysinwhichqualitiesofPOScansupportmeaningfulencounters 225
7.3.2.2Intersectionofgenderandmigration:Socialsupportformigrantwomenandmalemigrantworkersinuseofpublicspace 227
7.3.2.3Towardssociallyresponsivespaces 228
7.4ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOS:Complexityoftransculturalcities 229
7.4.1Parentingandlitteringinpublic:Culturaldifferencesandsocialresponsibility 229
7.4.2OpportunitiesfornegotiationinPOSsupportconviviality 231
7.5Conclusion 233
ChapterEight:ContributiontoDevelopingPractice 235
8.1Introduction 235
8.2Comparingfindingsfromfieldworkandexpertinterviews 237
8.2.1RecognitionofhowdiversityshapesthepracticeofoutdoorrecreationinBahrainPOS 237
8.2.1.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings 237
8.2.1.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork 238
8.2.1.3Comparison 238
8.2.2UnderstandingbarrierstoaccessforusingPOSinBahrain 239
8.2.2.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings 239
8.2.2.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork 239
8.2.2.3Comparison 240
8.2.3IdentifyinginterculturalconflictsinuseofPOSinBahrain 241
8.2.3.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings 241
8.2.3.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork 242
8.2.3.3Comparison 242
x
8.2.4Ideasofhowtodevelopinclusivemanagementpractice 243
8.2.4.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings 243
8.2.4.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork 243
8.2.4.3Comparison 244
8.3OverviewoftheSocialJusticeandPublicSpacesframework 247
8.4PropositionOne:Publicspaceanddistributivejustice 248
8.5PropositionTwo:Recognitionofdiversity 255
8.6PropositionThree:Socialinteractionaljustice 261
8.7PropositionFour:Repairandcare 268
8.8PropositionFive:Proceduraljustice 273
8.9Conclusion 275
ChapterNine:ConclusionandRecommendations 279
9.1Revisitingthethreevignettes 279
9.2Thekeyfindingsoftheresearchaims 281
9.2.1TheimportanceofPOSfortransculturalprocessanddevelopinganewformofbelonging 281
9.2.2ThescopeofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacrossdifferences:Productivesitesforpositiveencounters 285
9.2.3Socio-spatialimplicationsfortransculturalurbanisminplanning,designandmanagementofPOSwithcommitmenttosocialjusticetosupportconvivialityacrossdifferences 288
9.3SociableandIntegratedCulturallyResponsivePublicSpaces:Aframeworkstrategyforplanning,designandmanagementofPOSinBahrain 289
9.3.1IncreasingthecapacityofPOS:Reducingpressureandpromotingsocialinclusivity 290
9.3.2Legitimisingtheculturalpracticeofbeingoutdoorinmundanespacesandsupportingeverydaysocialencounters 291
9.3.3Facilitatingsocialinclusivityinparksandgardensandincreasingactivities 293
9.3.4Effectivetransparentandcollaborativelyproducedregulation 295
9.4Scopesforembeddingintopolicyandpracticeinothersectors 296
9.4.1Implicationsforthehealthsector 297
9.4.2Implicationsforcommunitycapacitybuilding 297
9.4.3Implicationsfortheheritagesector 298
9.4.4Implicationsforlandscapearchitectureeducation 298
9.5Scopeforfutureacademicresearch 299
9.6Reflectionson(andlimitationsof)thescopeoftheresearchandthefieldworkprocess 300
9.6.1Professionalperspective 301
xi
9.6.2Engagingwithnotionsofculturalliteracy 301
9.6.3Othermethodologicallimitations 303
9.7Summaryofthesignificantimpactoftheresearch 305
References 307
Appendices 329
AppendixOne:Theethnographiclocationpointsintheselectedcasestudyareas andtheirsurroundingcontexts 329
AppendixTwo:FieldworkProcess 337
AppendixThree:On-siteShortinterviewquestions 340
AppendixFour:ListofOn-siteShortInterviews:Fieldnotes 343
AppendixFive:GuidelineQuestionsforGo-alongInterview 349
AppendixSix:ListofGo-alongInterviews:Fieldnotes 351
xiii
ListofTables,FiguresandCaseStudyPortfolios
ListofTables
Table1.1 Non-BahrainipopulationsinBahrainin2014(Bel-Air,2015). 6Table3.1 Checklistofcriteriainthecasestudyareaselection. 71Table3.2 Summaryoftheconducteddatacollectionmethods. 73Table3.3 Observationpointscategorisedaccordingtothesitespatial
typologiesofPOSintheselectedcasestudyareas. 80Table3.4 Listoftheexpertinterviewsandasummaryofthecoveredtopics. 102Table3.5 Summaryofthefieldworklinkingresearchaimsandmethods. 103Table8.1 Summaryoftheexpertinterviewmethod. 236Table8.2 PlanningstandardsforparksandgardensinBahrain
(MWMAUP,2015). 249Table8.3 Sizeandnumberofparksandgardens
inBahraincomparedtoothercountries(MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning,2012). 250
ListofFigures
Photosaretakenbytheauthorunlessotherwisestated.
Figure1.1 Redaction:Figure1.1removedforconfidentialityreasons (GehlandSvarre,2013). 2
Figures1.2 TheschemeofthefirstwinnerinBABcompetition (MinistryofCulture,2012). 2
Figure1.3 AssigningentryfeesparksinBahrain(Al-A’ali,2017a). 3
Figures1.4 LocationofBahrainwithintheGCCcountries(a). MapofBahrain(SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2011)(b). 4
Figure1.5 PopulationinBahrain(InformationeGovermentAuthority,2017). 5
Figure2.1 FourqualitiesusedbyPPS:spacesareaccessible;peopleareengaged inactivities;thespaceiscomfortableandhasagoodimage; andfinally,itisasociableplace(ProjectforPublicSpaces,2009). 49
Figure3.1 Locationandsignificantcharacteristicsoftheselectedcase studyareas. 70
Figure3.2 Datacollectionmethods. 72
Figure3.3 Researchprocess. 73
xiv
Figure3.4 Fieldnotes,photosandsketchesfromethnographicobservation. 78
Figure3.5 InitiallypredeterminedsamplingpointsinAndalusGarden. 80
Figure3.6 EthnographiclocationpointsinthecontextofAndalusGarden. 81
Figure4.1 BahrainGovernorates(SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2015). 116
Figure4.2 DistributionofBahrainisandnon-Bahrainispopulationin Bahraindistricts(CentralInformaticsOrganization(2011). 117
Figure4.3 LocationofthecasestudyareasontheaerialmapofBahrain (CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013). 118
Figures5.1 Thediversityofusersandeverydaypatternsofuseisvisiblein allparksandgardens,particularlyamongwalkersandrunners. 125
Figures5.2 Morningtimesinparksandgardensarethelessbusywhenuserscanparticipateinactivitiesoftheirchoice(a-c).SunbathingisnotcommoninPOSinBahrainbutcanbeobservedinthemorningduringcoolweather(b). 126
Figures5.3 Studying,workingonlaptops,reading,restingorsleeping
aresomecommonpatternsbymigrantsinparksandgardens, particularlyduringthequietmorninghours. 127
Figure5.4 Agroupofuniversitystudentschosetopreparefortheirexam atHunainiyahParkonabusyFridayafternoon. 128
Figures5.5 Fromthedata,itappearsthattheconceptofhealthandwellbeing influencesthepatternsofuseintheparksandgardens. 129
Figures5.6 Itisafamiliarsighttoseevisitorsinsmallandlargegroups settingoutpicnicmats,foodbasketsandflasks,withsome usersbringingalongradios,boardgames,playingcards, babycotsandchangesofclothingforchildrenandotheritemsthat allowthemtospendfivetoeighthoursawayfromtheirhomes. 130
Figures5.7 Aspacebetweenplantsprovidesprivacyforwomen andiswarminwinter(a).Thegreenridgeisaspatialchoice forafamilyduringlateafternooninthesummer(b). ThegreenplazainKhalifaGardenisanalternativepicnicspot(c). 132
Figures5.8 Alternativesofsittingareas. 134
Figure5.9 Oncrowdeddaysitis‘matonmat’. 135
Figures5.10 Formalandinformaleventsinparksandgardens: DiscoverIslamarrangedbyMuslimmigrantsinBahrainin theparkingareaofAndalus(a);vendinginHunainiyah ParkarrangedbymostlyYemeniwomen(b-d);aformally organisedmarketforthecelebrationofthenationaldayof BahraininKhalifaGarden(e);andaformaleventinAndalus(f). 136
xv
Figures5.11 Thepedestrianisedstreetsandthebenches,whichareprovided, supporteverydaypatternsofuseinthePearlingTrailarea. 139
Figures5.12 Oneofthesahatsites(micro-POS),watergardenandsouqintheareaofthepedestrianisedPearlingTrailProject. 139
Figures5.13 PatternsofusealongthePearlingTrail. 140
Figure5.14 Theflowofmigrantsinoneofthesouqalleysalongthemall. 141
Figure5.15 TheAtriuminthemallactsasattraction pointformiddleclassuserstoBabAl-BahrainArea. 142
Figure5.16 TheSquareonaFridaynightisaleisure urbanspaceformigrantworkers. 144
Figures5.17 Affordancesofthelagoon-sidewithdiverseactivities thatcaterforthedifferentneedsofage-genderintersections. 147
Figures5.18Examplesofpatternsofdiversityanduseatthelagoonarea. 148
Figure5.19 AgroupofPakistaniwomenhavingpicnicatthelagoon-side. 148
Figures5.20 ThedifferentspatialterritoriesatBlock-338provide affordancesfordifferentresidentsandtouristsneedsinthearea. 149
Figures5.21ThestreetcafésinBlock-338. 150
Figures5.22ThepedestrianisedzoneatBlock-338. 151
Figures5.23 Skateboardinganddogwalkinghavebecomepopular activitiesamongbothmigrantsandBahrainisinAmwaj andBlock-338aswellasinotherurbanlocalities. 152
Figure5.24 Theinformalfabriccoversofthealleysproviding shadefortheusersandtheitemsforsell. 153
Figures5.25 Beingoutdoorsisamundanecultural practiceamongstthediversepopulation. 155
Figures5.26 Vendorsandvegetableshops,usuallyoperated bymigrants,providesocialinteractionpointsinstreets. 156
Figures5.27 Insomedeprivedneighbourhoods,theice-creamvan oracornershopcouldbetheonlyprovidedleisure. 156
Figures5.28 Usingthesidewalk,streetcornersandparking islandforrestingandgatheringbymigrantworkers. 157
Figures5.29 Playingfootballorcricketarecommonin informalPOSbyBahrainisandmigrants. 157
Figures5.30 ‘Gahawi’ortraditionalcoffeehousesin streetsareheritageurbanspacesandprovide socialinteractionpointswithinthediversepopulation. 158
xvi
Figure5.31 Theproximityofreligiousinstitutions. 160
Figures5.32 RamadancannonovertheridgeofHunainiyah(a).ArrangingPublicIftarinBabAl-Bahrainusuallyattracts
migrantworkers(Alwasatnews,2015)(b). 162
Figures5.33 Atraditionaleventinthenightthatprecedes ‘EidAl-Adhha’inHunainiyah. 164
Figures5.34 TheurbantemporalityofMuharram. 165
Figures5.35 Atthebusstop,migrantworkersarevisible. 168
Figure5.36 Bahrainiculturehasastrongrelationshipwithpalmtrees, whicharealsovaluedbymigrants. 169
Figure5.37 TherenownedvalleydesertviewfromtheridgeinHunainiyahsite. 170
Figures5.38 ThetopographyoftheridgeinHunainiyahcreatesa substantiveinformalsettingfortheresidentsinthearea andvisitors(a).Socialsettingandrespectingprivacyontheridge(b). 171
Figures6.1 Interculturalsustainedrelationswereobviousinthefieldwork. 179
Figure6.2 ThesouqinBabAl-BahrainislikeanIndianbazaar. 181
Figures6.3 Theparkingareaisthepreferredspatialchoice formaleleisureactivitiesinHunainiyah. 183
Figures6.4 Visiblepatternsofsociabilityinparksandgardensare supportedbytheaffordancesofthedesignandmanagementof theparksandgardensandtheprovidedlandscapeelements. 185
Figures6.5 Hawkingandlitteringhavebeencriticisedbysome participantsinparksandgardens. 190
Figures6.6 Oneofthesharedmotivationsforgoingtotheparksandgardenisforchildrentoplay. 192
Figure6.7 AsianmigrantparentslookingaftertheirchildreninKhalifaGarden. 193
Figure6.8 ChildrenattheboundaryofAradBayPark. 194
Figures6.9 Inthego-alongethnographytheparticipantwasexchanging regardswithpedestriansduringthejourneyoftheinterview. 197
Figures6.10 Workersfromthesurroundingareashavetheirmeal intheirbreakinAndalusandArad. 204
Figures6.11 Thepicturesshowthespatialchoicesandaffordances ofthedesignedlandscapeelementsforwomen; eitherseekingprivacy(a)orbeingvisible(b). 206
xvii
Figures6.12 Amotherpreparingherplaceforsitting(a),afamilywith picnicequipmentwalkingtotheirpicnicspace(b), andagroupofwomenmovingtotheirplaceofgathering(c). 207
Figures6.13 Familiesarrangingfortheirstayintheparksandgardens. 208
Figures6.14 Sportareascreatevibrantinclusivespaceswhereplayersinteract. 210
Figures6.15 Playingbadmintonhasbecomecommoninparksandgardens(a-b). BoysplayingcricketinaprovidedcourtinSalmaniyaGarden(c). 211
Figures8.1 Theresidentsprovidetheirownbenches,sofasandplants. Similarly,Figure(e)(Rios,2009)isinDubaiandisa typicalinformalsettingintheGulfcities. 253
Figure8.2 Chargingentryfeesproposaltoagarden(DTNews,2015). 256
Figure8.3 TheMunicipalBoardproposestobanmen fromagardeninBahrain(TradeArabiaNews,2015). 258
Figure8.4 Proposaltobaneatingseeds inpublicparksandgardens(Al-A'ali,2015). 258
Figure8.5 Adouble-fencedroundabouttopreventmisuse. 259
Figures8.6 Signshavebeenprovidedatcertainsites inthelanguageoftheintendedmigrantusergroups. 260
Figure8.7 Anoticeboardinagardenintwolanguages. 260
Figures8.8 ‘TheIntervention’isatemporaryprojectheldin BabAl-BahrainSquarein2012(Zakharia,2012aand2012b). 264
Figure8.9 Thepictureshowstheconceptoftacticalurbanism inBlock-338createdbyAl-Riwaqforamarketeventin2012. 265
Figure8.10 Theguardsweretakingcareofchildrenwhowereunsupervised. 270
Figure8.11 AwalkingtrackinAndalusGarden. 271
Figure8.12 TheprojectofParksFriendsisannounced inallparksandgardensinBahrain. 272
CaseStudyPortfolios 118
Photosaretakenbytheauthorunlessotherwisestated.
CaseStudyAreaOne:BabAl-BahrainSquareandSouqinManama
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Thescaleoftheroundaboutinthesquare.(MWAMUP,2014a).
xviii
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:TheSquaredoesnotactassquare;itismainlyusedbycars;howeverthe,theroundaboutisfullyoccupiedbymigrantworkers.
Imageb:Thepedestrianavenuethroughthenew-erectedmall.
Imagec:CarparkingbetweentheFHandBabAl-Bahrainsquare.
Imaged:AtraditionalAlleyinBabAl-BahrainArea.
Imagee:Aviewfromthesouqtotheoneoftheharbourtowers.
Imagef:Oneofthesouqalleys.
CaseStudyAreaTwo:AndalusGardeninManama
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
SalmaniyaandAndalusaretwonearbygardensinthisarea.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Andalussiteplan.(MWAMUP,2014b)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:Thepedestrianbridgelinksthetwogardensacrosstheroad
Imageb:AviewtoSalmaniyaGardenfromthebridge
Imagec:WalkingtracksinAndalusGarden
Imaged:ThesittingareawitharcadedesigninAndalusGarden
CaseStudyAreaThree:PedestrianQuarter,Block-338inManama
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:Al-RiwaqArtSpace
Imageb:ViewinBlock-338–Amural
Imagec:ViewinBlock-338–Apedestrianstreet
Imaged:ViewinBlock-338-Alfrescocafé
CaseStudyAreaFour:‘Sahat’inthePearlingTrailProjectinMuharraq
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:AtraditionalalleyinMuharraq
Imageb:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)
Imagec:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)
Imaged:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)
xix
Imagee:Afterimplementingthedesign(Graziani,2012)
Imagef:Duringrestoration
Imageg:Lifepatterninthenight
CaseStudyAreaFive:AradBayParkinMuharraq
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
SitePlan(SupremeCouncilforEnvironment,2014)
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:Oneoftheelevatedpedestrianbridgeslinkingtheparktotheneighbourhood(MWAMUP,2014c).
Imageb:Thewalkwaytrack
Imagec:Thewoodenwalkingbridgeoverthebay.
Imaged:ExamplesofMarinalifeintheprotectedbay
Imagee:ExamplesofMarinalifeintheprotectedbay
CaseStudyAreaSix:Amwaj-lagooninMuharraq
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Amwaj:AnartificialIslandandagatedcommunity.(AmwajIslands,2007)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:Sittingareas
Imageb:Thelagoon
Imagec:Pedestrianpathwaywithrestaurantsandcafé
CaseStudyAreaSeven:KhalifaAl-KubraGardeninRiffa
Locationofthecasestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)
Relativelywell-deignedandlargegarden,aboutthesizeofanationalpark,locatedamidsthouses
Siteplan.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Imagea:Alfrescocafésinthecommercialcentrenexttothegarden
Imageb:Apathwaythroughthegarden
Imagec:Viewtothegardenfromtheridge
Imaged:Aviewoutsidethegardenboundaryshowsthefence
Imagee:Thegreenridge
xx
CaseStudyAreaEight:HunainiyahParkinRiffa
Locationofthestudyarea.(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013)
Annotatedlocationmap.(MWAMUP,2014a)Annotationisaddedbytheauthor.
Siteplan(MWAMUP,2014a)
Imagea:Viewfromtheridgetothegarden.AlongstairfromtheneighbourhoodtotheHunainiyahvalleyisprovidedforthepedestrians.
Imageb:Thepark
Imagec:Thefortoverlookingthepark
Imaged:Migrantsplayingcricketinthepreparedlandsforsport.
1
ChapterOne:Introduction
1.1Questioningthe‘public’inopenspace
ThreepublicspacesinBahrainareeffectivetointroduceasvignettesofhowpublicsphereand
publicspaceareimportanttobeunderstoodinrelationtoeachother.Butfirst,adatestamp.
17December2010isconsideredthebeginningoftheArabuprising(orArabSpring).Asparkin
TunisiaignitedarevolutionthatspreadtootherArabcountries,wherepoliticalassemblies
tookplaceinurbanopenspacessuchasTahrirSquareinEgypt.Sincethen,inanydiscoursesin
thepublicdomainaboutpublicspacesintheArabworld,concernsaredirectedtowardsthe
ArabSpring.LowandIveson(2016)claimthatfromtheArabSpringthereemergedanew
spatialrelationshipbetweenthepublicsphereandpublicspaces.Theroleofurbandesignand
managementinthisrelationshipshouldbeemphasised(ibid).
Inthelast15years,Bahrainhaswitnessedaneraofreformstowardssocio-economic
developmentanddemocracythatallowsthefreedomofexpressionofpublicopinion.In
February2011,protestsinBahraintookplaceatthePearlRoundabout(Figure1.1onpage2),
thoughwithdifferentaimsfromtheArabSpring,toemulatethepoliticaluprisingsthathad
emergedfirstinTunisiaandthenEgypt(Bassiounietal.,2011).Parallelwiththesepolitical
factionsattheRoundabout,therewerenationalassembliesthatwereheldintheopenplaza
oftheAl-FatehGrandMosque,alsotheManamaNationalDialoguewasinitiatedwiththe
intentionofmediatingbetweendifferentgroups.Fromareadingonlandscapesas
‘constitutingconflictingsymbolisms’(Dayaratne,2012,p.2)itcanbeinferredthattheremoval
ofthePearlRoundaboutwastoremoveasymbolofconflictfromthelandscapeofBahrain.
Theplantoremovetheroundaboutcouldalsobeseenasaproposaltoalleviatetraffic
congestioninthearea-thePearlRoundaboutlackedfunctionalaccessibilityasitwasinthe
middleofabusyhighwayjunction1.Therewerealternativenarrativeswhicharguedthatsuch
actionswere“topreventthesitefromfurtheruse”(GehlandSvarre,2013,p.73).Thisvignette
suggeststhatthereisrelationshipbetweentheactivitiesinpublicopenspacesandthepublic
sphere,buttheconceptofpublicnessinthisrelationshipmightnotbeonlyrelevanttothe
1MostgreenurbanspacesintheGulfcountries(suchasroundaboutsandstreetscape)lackfunctionalobjectives(Bolleter,2009).
2
politicaldimensionbutalsotothesocialandculturaldynamics.However,thereislackof
researchoncontemporarypublicspacesintheArabworldandtheirdifferentpatternsofuse.
Figures1.2TheschemeofthefirstwinnerinBABcompetition(MinistryofCulture,2012).
Redaction:Figure1.1removedforconfidentialityreasons(GehlandSvarre,2013).
3
BabAl-BahrainSquareisahistoricalandheritagesite.Itwasthefirstpublicopenspaceinthe
Gulf.ItsnameisderivedfromtheBabAl-Bahrainmonument,whichmeansBahrainGateway.
ThesouqthatisdirectlyaccessedfromthegateisalsoanArabicculturalurbanelement.
Parallelwith2011politicalunrestinBahrain,acompetitionwasheldbytheMinistryofCulture
torethinkthemeaningofcontemporaryurbanspacesintheArabworldthroughare-designof
thisSquare(MinistryofCulture,2012).Thewinningproposal(Figures1.2)recommended
convertingthespaceintoavastwaterbody.Thisconceptisintendedtorepresentthe
transnationalhistoryofthisparticularspace,whichinthepastwastheportthatlinked
Manamaandtheworld,andmorebroadlyofBahrain’smaritimeheritage.However,inseveral
blogs,thechargewasmadethatthepresenceofwaterwasacovertmeansofremovingthe
potentialtoprotestinthisarea,claimingthat‘urbandesignservesastoolofrepressionin
Bahrain’(McEwen,2012).Fromalandscapearchitecturalperspective,thisambiguityand
conflictintheroleofurbanpublicopenspacesinreflectingculturalmeaningsorserving
politicaldemonstrationscouldstemfromalackofunderstandingofthenature,useandvalue
ofthesespacesintheregion.
Parksandgardens’policiesarenotomittedfromthisdynamics.ThethirdvignetteisKhalifa
GardenintheRiffaarea.Assigningentryfeestopublicparksandgardensisawayofexclusion.
ForthefirsttimeinBahrain,anentryfeewasassignedofficially(Figure1.3)toapublicgarden
inFebruary2017(Al-A’ali,2017a).Themunicipalitiesareplanningtoapplyfeestoallpublic
parksandgardensinBahraintocontroldifferentsocialpracticessuchasovercrowding,
lingeringandvandalism(DTNews,2015;DTNews,2017).
Figure1.3AssigningentryfeesparksinBahrain(Al-A’ali,2017a).
4
Thesethreevignettesillustrateagapbetweenthepolitical,culturalandsocialinfluencesand
publicspacesandgeneratequestionsaboutthemanagementofurbanspacesthatposition
thisresearchregardingdecisionsmadeaboutpublicopenspaces(POS)inBahrainwith
differentsocialandculturalvalues.TheseconcernsarisefromthefactthatBahrainhasa
diversepopulaceandthisdiversityisvisibleinurbanopenspaceswithlargemigrant
populations.Theresearchcontextualiseswiththetimeperiodpostthepoliticalunrestofthe
ArabSpring.Thequestioniswhetherthereisaspatialrelationshipbetweenconflictsinthe
publicsphereandpublicspacesorbetweensocialdynamicsonmacro-andmicro-scales.It
alsoreflectshowtheabsenceofculturalgroupsfromparksandgardenscouldaffectinclusion
inthepublicsphere.TheissueishowdifferentculturalpracticesandexpressionsinPOScould
besubjecttosuppressionandrepression,whichcouldadverselyaffectthedifferentculturesin
Bahrain.Thisresearchcouldbeawaytoconnecttheoryandpracticeregardingurbanpublic
spaceandintroduceaconceptualframeworktoinvestigatetheresearchcontextandshape
theresearchquestions.
1.2UnderstandingBahrain
Figures 1.4 Location of Bahrain within theGCC countries (a). Map of Bahrain (SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2011)(b).
5
BahrainisacountrylocatedintheGulfregion(Figures1.4above).Itisthesmalleststateand
theonlyislandintheArabworld.In1981,sixGulfcountries(Kuwait,SaudiArabia,Bahrain,
Qatar,theUnitedArabEmirates,andOman)coalescedtoorganisetheGulfCooperation
Council(GCC)toencompasscultural,socialandeconomiccooperationandprotecttheGulf
identity2intheregion.
Bahrainhasbenefittedfromtheriseinglobaloilpricesandthishasbeenpredominantly
responsibleforanationaleconomicboom.Ithasalsoledtoamassivepopulationincrease
mostlyamongnon-Bahrainitransnationalmigrantresidents,whonowrepresentover50%of
theentirepopulationasillustratedinFigure1.5.“Bahrainisare[themselvesalso]afluid
populationofmulti-ethnicoriginwithnaturallydiverseidentities”(Al-Khalifa,2012,p.58).
Accordingly,theBahrainipopulationhasbecometheminorityamongstmigrantgroups.
Migrantpopulationisalsofluidasitisaffectedbythere-migration.Table1.1(page6)
elucidatesthecurrentmigrantnumbersandtheirorigins,butthepatternofmigrants’
movementischangingwhichcontinuouslyshapesthesefigures.Thetableshowsthatthe
majorityofthemigrantsarecomingfromthesubcontinentandconstitutethemajorityofthe
workforce.Therearealsointer-regionalmigrantsfromdifferentArabcountrieswithdifferent
culturesandsocio-economiclevels,mostofwhomcometoBahrainseekingabetterqualityof
life.ThefiguresalsoshowthataminorityofmigrantscomefromtheUKandothercountries.
AsseenintheTable1.1,themigrantsinBahraincouldeitherhavefamilyornon-familystatus.
Thisshapesthegenderratio;asdemonstratedinthetablemostofthemigrantsaremale
2Bahrainanditsneighbourssharesimilarreligion,language,history,geographicalcontext,customsandtraditions,andeconomicresourcesofoil.
Figure1.5PopulationinBahrain(InformationeGovermentAuthority,2017).
6
workers.EventhoughBahrainisessentiallyanegalitariansocietywithastrongconstitution
thatprotectshumanrightsforallpeople,akintomanyothersocietiesinourglobalisedworld,
thereareclustersofwealthandclustersofpovertyacrossbothcitizensandmigrants.This
majorityandminorityofdifferenttransnationalidentities,socio-economiclevelsandreligions
haveincreaseddiversityinthesociety.
InprovisionandregulationofPOS,theauthorityinBahrainhassparednoeffortinproviding
well-designedandmaintainedgreenopenspacesforpublicuse.Thechallengeiswhetherthe
currentprovisionis‘fitforpurpose’intermsofmeetingtheneedsofacontemporarydiverse
societywiththeirdifferentvaluesandpreferences.Duetotheincreaseinthemigrant
populationinBahrain,thereisaneedtobetterunderstandboththepatternsofsociallifein
everydaypublicopenspace,andtheimplicationsforurbanplanningpractices(Dayaratne,
2008;Alansari,2009;Alraouf,2010;Dayaratne,2012).Alraouf(2010)arguesthatwhen
designingPOSinBahrain,culturaldiversityshouldbethemainconsideration.Inanotherstudy,
Dayaratne(2008and2012)investigatesbotharchitecturalhybridityandtheroleoflandscape
Table1.1Non-BahrainipopulationsinBahrainin2014(Bel-Air,2015).
7
architectureindevelopingfluididentitiesinBahrain,andalsoclaimsthatthesocialfabricis
beingtransformed.Heemphasisestheroleofmigrationinthesechanges.Fromadifferent
perspective,Alansari(2009),investigatingtheimpactofseareclamationpracticeonurban
morphologyandwaterfrontpublicspacesinBahrain,recommendsthatfurtherstudiesonthe
transformationofsocialspacesneedtobecarriedout.
Bahrainispassingthroughaneraofpolitical,socialandeconomictransformation.Accordingly,
substantiveinitiativeswithinthepublicrealmarebeingcarriedout,butthequestionis
whethertheseinitiativesaresociallyresponsiveandwhatthismightentailintheBahrain
context.Thepractitionersinthefieldofbuiltenvironmentintheregionfindthemselves
lackingadequatetoolstoendorsesociallyinclusivespacesindiverseculturalcontextsandthe
relevantliteratureintheMiddleEastisnotwell-established(Bolleter,2009and2015).Hence,
thisresearchisanopportunitytoexaminetheexistingsocialdiversityandcomplexityin
Bahrainusingqualitativemethodsandtoreflectontheprevalentpracticesinlandscape
architectureinBahrain.
Thus,theimpactofthisstudyisexpectedtobesignificant.Theresearchestablishesastrong
baseconnectingtheoryandpracticetoaddresschallengesofincreasingdiversity.The
conceptualframeworkinthisresearchislinkingpracticeandtheorywithintheemerging
discoursesontransculturalcitiesandconvivialityinrelationtosocialusesandvaluesofPOS.
Bahraincancontributetostudiesontransculturalcitiesandtodebatesonconviviality,social
encountersandlivingtogetherindiversity.ResearchonPOSinGulfregionsislimited;the
professionalpracticesinthesecountriesfacesimilarchallengesofdynamicmigrationincities.
Hence,thisresearchmayalsoexpandtheexistingknowledgebaseandleadtofurther
researchinthissubjectintheMiddleEastorglobally.Itisimportanttodistinguishtheroleand
knowledgeoflandscapearchitectureindealingwithsocialandculturaldynamicsandintricate
valuesandpatternsofuse.Thesignificanceofthisresearchisthatitisalsodesignedtoinform
practitionersinthefieldofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSinBahrain.Linkingthis
researchtotheprofessionoflandscapearchitecturemayalsoaddextranoveltyvaluetothe
proposedwork.
1.3Transculturalcities
Thisresearchismorewidelysituatedwithintheemergingfieldoftransculturalcitiesand
landscapearchitecture.Theconceptoftransculturalcitieshasemergedinthe21stcenturydue
8
totherapidandmassivepatternofmigration,fluidpopulationandsuperdiversityinmodern
cities(Hou,2013).Thissuperdiversityisaglobalphenomenonandhasshapedtherecently
emergedbodyofknowledgeinwesterncountries.Theterm‘superdiversity’isintroducedby
Vertovec(2007b)anditemphasisesthecomplexitiesofdiversityratherthanmerelyfocusing
onethnicity.Migrantidentitiescannotbeexcludedfromintersectionalityofmultiple
identities.Gender,religion,educationalbackground,socio-economicandfamilycontexts,
ideologies,race,lengthofresidence,migrantandnon-migrantbackgroundsandlegalstatus
arealsovariablesofdiversityandculturaldifference.Theflowsofmigrationalsoincrease
diversityinmoderncitieswithmigrants’differentheritage,culturalexpressionandlife
practice.Thediscourseontransculturalcitiesalsoprovidesinsightintomigration,belonging
andlandscapeexperiencesandtheprocessofadaptationinrelationtothebuiltenvironment,
memoriesandformationofhybridity(PowellandRishbeth,2012;RishbethandPowell,2013).
People’svaluesarealsoshapedbytheintersectionalityofthesedifferentfactors.This
intersectionalityandsuperdiversityincreasethecomplexitiesincontemporarysocietyand
makegeneralisationofpeople’svaluesverycritical.Inthiscontext,AgyemanandErickson
(2012)prefertheuseofthetermculturaldifferencethanculturaldiversityasthelatteris
mostlyusedwithissuesofrace,thetermculturaldifferenceshapesthecomplexityofdiversity
incontemporarysocietyandraisesissuesrelevanttojustice.
Here,IfindanotherrelevanttimestampthatisadecadeprevioustotheeventsofArabSpring.
Afterthedevastatingeventsof11September2001,theUNESCOUniversalDeclarationon
CulturalDiversitycameasanopportunitytopromoteinterculturaldialogueinsteadof
concentratingontheconflictsbetweencultures(UNESCO,2002).TheDeclarationaimsto
‘preserveculturaldiversity’andto‘preventsegregationinthenameofculturaldifferences’
(ibid,p.3).TheUniversalDeclarationexplicitlystatesthateachindividualmustacknowledge
thepluralityofhisorherownidentitywithinsocietiesthatarethemselvesplural(ibid).
Bahrain,withitsdistinguishedArab-Islamicculture,aridclimateanddynamicpatternof
migrationcouldbeasignificantcontributortothetransculturalcitiesdiscourseandin
preventingsegregationinthenameofculturaldifferences.Bahraincouldcelebratethe
culturaldiversitywhileprotectingthelocalheritageandidentity.Theconcernishowdiversity
shouldbecomprehendedandcommunicated.Elsheshtawy(2008,p.10)assertsthattheGulf
citiesaresiteswheredivisionsaremadevisibleandaregreatlyintensified;however,another
wayofinterpretingthecitieswouldsuggestexploringsomesimilarities,tiesandrepositories
of‘memories’wherespacesareinscribedwithmeaningbytheirusers,whichmakesthe
9
spacesliveableandpleasurable.However,Gardner(2010a)statesthatthereiscritical
marginalisationoftheGulfcitiesinthebodyofresearch,particularlyontransnationalurban
spaces.
Thekeyissuesfortheoryandpracticeinlandscapearchitecturearewhetherthedecisions
madeaboutPOSaresociallyresponsiveandculturallyappropriatefortheindividualswith
multipleidentities,andpeoplecouldcoexistwithcomplexityandvisibilityofcultural
differencesinPOS.POSarealsowithintheagendaofhealth,wellbeingandqualityoflife
(Cattelletal.,2008),whichraisesthesignificanceofsocialinclusivityandtheaccessibilityof
POS.LeisureandrecreationalactivitiesinPOSarealsodimensionsofsuchculturaldifferences
anddifferentpatternsofuse.Theresearchisappropriateintermsofunderstandingthespatial
andtemporalusesofeverydayoutdoorspaceswithinthecontextofdifferenttransnational
identitiesandsocialusesandvalues.
1.4Livingwithdifference:Convivialityandencounter
Thisresearchisalsosituatedwithintheoriesofconvivialityand‘geographiesofencounters’
(WiseandVelayutham,2009;Nealetal.,2013;Wilson,2016).Studiesofconvivialitylookat
everydaypublicspacesfromamicro-scaletounderstandhowpeoplemanagetheirsocial
relationsinrealityandlivetogetherinadiversesociety.Theoryofconvivialityhasemergedas
counter-narrativetoanxietiesaboutmassivediversityincities.Thistheoryhasdeveloped
aroundtheconceptofeverydaydiversityandthatpeopleintheirordinarylivescoexistwith
eachother,whilediversityappearstobeacommonfeatureinpeople’severydayencounters.
Ethnographyhasappearedtobesignificantwheninvestigatingeverydaydiversity.However,
livingwithdiversitycouldalsohavecomplexitiesthataffectencounters(Amin,2002;
Valentine,2008).
Bahrainhasasuperdiversepopulationthathascoexistedthroughoutitshistory.“Bahrainshall
remainthestateofinstitutionsandtheruleoflaw.Itshallalwaysbeahomeforco-existence
andconviviality,andanoasisformoderationandopennessontheworld",HMKingHamad,
KingofBahrainsaid(BahrainNewsAgency,2016).TheattitudetowardsoftheArab-Islamic
worldisalsosignificanttothecontextandshapestherelationshipbetweenthediverse
populationsinBahrain.ThequestionsarehowthecontextofBahraincancontributetothe
emergingtheoryofconvivialityanddebatesaboutculturaldifferencesandpositivesocial
encountersincontemporarysocietiesandhowdesignandmanagementoftheurbanspaces
10
supportconviviality.Theliteraturereviewfoundnostudiesconsideringtherealityofhidden
everydayexperiencesintheGulfurbanareasandoftheordinaryinteractionsofdifferent
communities(Elsheshtawy,2006and2008).
Urbanopenspacesaresitesforsocialencounterswhereculturaldifferencesarevisible.
Ethnographyandstorytellingmethodscanbeusedtoencapsulatetherealitiesandthehidden
storiesthatshapethesocialrelationsinthepublicrealm.Thesemethodsarealsosignificant
contributorstothestudyofthesocio-spatialassociationwithinthetheoryandpracticeof
landscapearchitecture.
1.5Socio-spatialdimension
Thesocio-spatialperspectivecanintegrateapproachesfromdifferentsocialscience
disciplines.Soja(1980)findsthatthesocialprocessshapesspatialityandspatialityshapes
socialprocess.Thissocio-spatialprocess,accordingtoHenriLefebvre,canproduce:perceived
spaces,as“activitiesthroughwhichsocietydevelopsandreproducesitsspatiality”;conceived
spaces,asdefined“byplanners,architects,andotherspecialists”andenduredspaces,inwhich
“usersofspaceexperiencelivedspaceeveryday”(Ronneberger,2008).Socialdimensionhas
alsobeenasignificantsubjectofstudyinurbanplanning,designandmanagement(as
considered,forexample,byJacobs(1961),Whyte(1980)andLynch(1981)).Socio-spatial
urbanismaddresseshowthebuiltenvironmentandsocietyinteractandhowbothofthem
affectandchangeeachotherinanongoingprocess(Madanipour,2014).
Thesocio-spatialprocesscanshapeandbeinfluencedbydifferentpatternsoflifeinurban
spaces.Thiscanalsoleadtosocio-spatialinequalitiesandinjusticeifthesedifferencesarenot
considered(Soja,1980;LowandIveson,2016).Socialandculturaldynamicsanddifferences
(i.e.class,age,ethnicandgender)arealsoimportantconsiderationsinthisassociation.As
partofthat,transculturalcitiesisintegratedwithsocio-spatialurbanism(Hou,2013).Similarly,
sociologicalapproachesforinvestigatingconvivialityandsocialencounterareanintegralpart
ofsocio-spatialdimensions(Nealetal.,2013).
Conductingtheresearchwithinthefieldoflandscapearchitecturecouldbeofsignificant
relevancetothisdiscussion.Landscapearchitecturecasestudymethodisanopportunityto
investigatespatialdesignqualitiesofdifferenttypologiesofPOSfromalandscapearchitecture
perspective.Accordingly,theoryandpracticeoflandscapearchitecturecancontributetothe
11
understandingofnewphysicaldimensionswithinthedefinitionofconvivialityandsocial
encountersacrossculturaldifferences.
1.6Aimsandobjectives
Inthisresearch,Iwillfocusonthreeareasoftheory:Transculturalcities,convivialityandsocial
usesandvaluesofpublicopenspaces.Ascholarlookingatanyofthesethreeareasalsoneeds
toexaminetheoverlapsandinterrelationsbetweenthethreethemes,whichshapethe
researchquestionsofthisstudy.Theinterrelationraisesconcernsabouthowthevisibilityof
differencesinPOSandtheirincreasingcomplexitysupportorposechallengestoconviviality
andmanagingsocialrelationsandwhattheroleofprofessionalpracticeis.
Theprimaryfocusofthisresearchistoinvestigatetheroleandpotentialofurbanpublicopen
spacestosupporteverydaypositivesocialencountersacrossdifferenceswithinaBahraini
context.Therefore,theaimsoftheresearchare:
1. Tounderstandtheeverydayactivities,preferencesandmotivationsforusingPOSin
Bahrain,withaparticularemphasisontheexperiencesofusersfrommigrant
backgrounds.Themainobjectivesofthefirstaimareto:
a. Understandhowtheuseofoutdoorspacesisreflectedacrossdifferenttypologies
ofspaces.
b. Investigatehowtheseusesarereflectedatdifferenttimesofthedayandyear,
andhowtheyarereflectedwithintersectionalitiesingender,socio-economic
status,generationandmigrants’identities.
c. Addresshowthehistoryofmigrationshapesthevaluesandpreferencesofusing
POS.
2. Toexplorehowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublicspaceswithin
thecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.Themainobjectivesofthesecondaim
areto:
a. Explorehoweverydayactivitiessupportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractionin
formalandinformalspaces.
12
b. Investigatehowconvivialityisshapedwithregardtoculturalandethnic
differences.
c. Examinebothsupportiveandproblematicspatio-temporalnegotiationin
transculturaluseofPOS.
3. ToidentifythepotentialofplanninganddesignofPOSforsupportingconvivialityin
transculturalpublicspaces.Toaccomplishthelastaim,theobjectivesareto:
a. AddressthecurrentpoliciesforimplementingPOSinBahrain.
b. Identifyculturallyappropriateopportunitiesforsupportingconvivialityinpublic
openspaces.
c. Analysethecurrentpolicies
d. Informdesignapproachesandpoliciesforplanningandmanagingopenspaces
specificallywithinMiddleEasternandIslamiccontexts.
1.7Structureofthethesis
Thisthesisisstructuredintoninechapters.ChapterTworeviewsanddevelopsthetheoretical
frameworkofthisresearchbydrawingonstudiesfromvariousdisciplinesinrelationto
transculturalpractices,publicoutdoorspacesandconvivialitytoshapetheaimsand
methodologyofthisstudy.Thischapteralsoidentifiescomplexitiesandchallenges,and
overlappingareasbetweentheinvestigatedtheories,whichrequirefurtherresearch.In
ChapterThree,IdescribemyresearchstrategyandmethodsandinChapterFour,Iintroduce
POSinBahrainandselectedcasestudyareas.ChapterFiveandSixpresentthefindingsofthe
firstandsecondaims.InChapterFive,IdescribethepatternofdiversityinPOSintheselected
casestudyareasand,inChapterSix,Iexplorehowsuchdiversityinfluencessocialinteraction.
ChapterSevendiscussesthesefindingsandcontributestothedevelopingtheorythrough
integratingthefindingsandtheliterature.ChapterEightcontributetodevelopingpractice,
whichillustrateaimthree.InChapterEight,Iarguethatwithinthetransculturalmoderncities,
thepracticeofplanning,designandmanagementinlandscapearchitectureshouldbe
intrinsicallyconnectedtosocialjustice.Finally,ChapterNinereflectsontheresearchfindings
andproposesscopesforfutureresearch.
13
ChapterTwo:LiteratureReview
2.1Introduction
Thischapterprovidesthetheoreticalframeworkandshapestheaimsandmethodologyofthis
study.Themainfocusoftheresearchistoexplorethepotentialofurbanopenspacesin
Bahraintosupportpositivesocialencountersinanincreasinglydiversepopulation.Todothis
requiresreferencetoarangeofdisciplinaryfields,includinggeography,sociology,landscape
architectureandurbanstudies.Thischapterexploresaframeworkforresearchenquiry
shapedbythreeinterdisciplinaryareas:transculturalcitiesdiscourses,theoriesofconviviality
andtheprofessionalfieldofpublicopenspaces.
Thischapterisdividedintofoursections.Thefirstsectionreviewsrelevantliteratureon
transculturalcitiesandexplorestherelevanceforcontemporaryBahrain.Thediscourseof
transculturalcitiesinvestigatessocialdynamicsandculturaltransformationandhowthisleads
toincreasedcomplexityincities.Thefollowingsectionreviewsthetheoriesofconviviality,
whichfocusonstudyingeverydaysocialencountersatmicro-level.Thirdly,thischapter
articulatesthesocialusesandvaluesofeverydayoutdoorspaces.Thechapteralso
investigatestheoverlapsbetweentheseinterdisciplinaryareas.Theseoverlapsraiseconcerns
abouthowthevisibilityofdifferencesinpublicopenspacesandincreasingcomplexitypose
challengestomanagingsocialrelationsinthepublicrealmandtheroleofprofessional
practice.Thefourthsectionintroducestransculturalurbanismasarelevantandtimely
approachforaddressingthesechallenges.Finally,thechapterconcludesbyframingthe
researchaimsandmethodologythatarederivedfromtheliteraturereview.
2.2Transculturalcities
2.2.1Anemergingdiscourse
Thissectionisabriefoverviewofthedevelopmentofdifferentnotionsexpressedaround
culturaldiversityincities.Thesectionclarifiesthedifferencesbetweenthetermstranscultural,
multiculturalandinterculturalapproaches,andalongside,itdescribeswhytransculturalisthe
termchoseninthisresearch.
14
Inthelasttwodecades,geographers,urbantheoristandpractitionershavestrivedtoportray
atransculturalcityinitsentirety(Manzo,2013).Hou(2013,p.4)linkstheterm‘transcultural’
tothe21stcenturyphenomenonofculturalhybridityandfluididentityinanurbancontext,
whichisbecominganincreasinglyrelevantphenomenon.Hestatesthatthediscourseon
transculturalcitieshasemergedasaresultoftheneedforadeeperunderstandingoftoday’s
urbansettingwithcomplexityof‘culturaldynamics’and‘cross-culturalinteractions’(p.7).
Manzo(2013)discussestransculturalcitiesasplacesthatare‘morethanmulticultural’in
identity,stating:
“Itisaplacethatprovidesopportunitiesnotonlyforthespatialexpressionofmultipleculturalidentities,butmoreimportantly,totraversedifferentworldviewsandenablenewculturalencountersandspatialpracticestoemerge”(p.135).
Multiculturalismdevelopedasanofficialpolicyinthe1970sinCanadaandAustraliawhere
theirmulti-ethnicpopulationhasgrownwithincreasingmigrationandsettlement(Angand
Stratton,2006).Concernsforinclusionofethnicgroupswithinanationalculturespurredthese
governmentstoimplementthemulticulturalismpolicy(ibid).Themainprincipleofthe
multiculturalismpolicyistoachieveequalityamongethnicgroups(Hou,2013).Nevertheless,
suchapolicyfailedtoincludecertainminorityormigrantgroupsandcentredsolelyonethnic
diversitydevoidoftheculturaldynamicsincontemporarysocieties(Vertovec,2007a).
AccordingtoSandercock’s(2000and2003a)researchclosetothebeginningofthe21st
century,theconceptofmulticulturalismshouldbedevelopedfurtherwithanintercultural
approach,inwhichinterculturaldialoguecanhelpeasethecomplexitiesthatariseinspaces
whereculturaldiversityisanorm.TheCouncilofEuropehasembracedthemodelofthe
interculturalcitytofurther“explorethepotentialofaninterculturalapproachtointegrationin
communitieswithaculturallydiversepopulation”(BAKBasel,2011,p.5).Aninterculturalcity
approachviews‘diversityasanasset’ratherthanathreat,encourages‘activeinvolvementof
public’,createsopportunitiesforformalandinformalsocialencountersinurbanspaces,and
providesamenitiesandservicessuchashousing,sanitation,healthcare,educationandjob
opportunitiestoallwithoutdisparity,whichhelpsbuildsocialsolidaritybasedontrust
(Khovanova-RubicondoandPinelli,2012,p.14).CouncilofEurope(2013)alsoexplainsthatin
theinterculturalcityapproach,culturalintegrationandresponsivenesstoethnicdiversityis
thecollectiveresponsibilityofallcitycivicbodiesandnotonespecialdepartmentorofficer’s,
extendingAngandStratton’s(2006)criticismthatmulticulturalpolicyismoreatop-down
politicalstrategy.
15
Inthiscontext,theterm‘transculturalism’canreplace‘multiculturalism’asitbetterbefitsthe
moderncities,whichareconstantlychallengedbythedynamiccharacteristicsofthesocieties
(Hou,2013).Thetermtransculturaldefinesthe“changethathastakenoristakingplace
throughinterculturalcontact”;andwhilsttheinterculturalperspectiveexamineshowdifferent
culturesinfluencepeople,thetransculturaloutlookstudieshowdifferentpeopleaffect
culturesandplaces(Schulz,2008,p.91).Welsch(1999,p.11)pointsoutthatin
interculturalism,everycultureisallowedtoretainitsuniqueness;however,transculturalism
“sketchesadifferentpictureoftherelationbetweencultures,notoneofisolationandconflict,
butoneofentanglement,intermixing,andcommonness”.Hence,transculturalismmaynot
mean‘meltingpot’,butrespect,trust,understandingthattherearedifferencesandcreatinga
spacetoprogress.Furthermore,transculturalismimpliesamutualchanging,thatdifferent
culturesimpactandchangeeachotherinvariousways(includingmajorityordominant
culture)–whereasmulticulturalismismoreaboutequalityalongsideeachother.
Inthisrespect,reflectingthenotionoftransculturalisimontothesubjectofthisresearch
aboutpublicopenspaces,differentpeople’spracticesandidentitiescouldmostlybevisible
andtheseidentitiescouldbeshapedbysocialandculturaldynamicsandcross-cultural
interactions.Hence,itbecomescrucialtounderstandtheroleofplaceandregulationinfitting
theculturaldynamicsandinteractionsintransculturalurbanspaces.Thisisalsoreflectedin
howdifferentmanifestationsofculturalpracticescouldtakeplaceinasharedspaceandhow
benefitsofpublicopenspacescouldbedistributed.
Thediscourseontransculturalcitieshasemergedinlinewithincreasingthedynamicsof
transnationalmovementandmigration.Robinson(2009)findsthatthepreviousdecades
witnessedrapidmigrationsonaglobalscale,withamassflowofworkersintoWestern
Europe,theUnitedSatesandtheoil-richArabnations.Sassen(2005)declaresthatdespite
transnationalmigrationshavingsignificantimpactonthedevelopmentofcountries,migration
asamajorprocessofgrowthhaseitherbeenneglectedornotgivenduecredit,moresoin
developingcountries.FromVertovec’s(2007a,p.17)perspective,“mostintegrationpolicies
andprogrammes,inturn,donotapplytopeoplewithtemporarystatus”andmoreneedstobe
donetounderstandtheinadequaciesandproblemsforbothmigrantsandserviceprovidersin
thehostnations.Hence,indiscoursesontransculturalcities,itiscriticaltoconsidertemporary
migrantworkers.AstransnationaltemporarymigrantworkersarehighlyrelevantintheGulf
region,laterinthechapterIwillinvestigatethecurrentliteratureinthisareaandthe
significanceofBahrainintransculturalstudies.Priortothat,thenexttwoSections,2.2.2and
2.2.3,reviewtherelevantliteratureonthedynamicsoftransculturalism,whicharereflected
16
andfeltmostkeenlyasanoutcomeoftherapidtransnationalmigrationsandhybridityin
today’scitiesandthelivedexperienceofmigrantsinpublicrealm.
2.2.2Transnationalmigrationandhybridityincities
Thissectionaddresseshowtransnationalmigration,multipleidentities,cultural
transformationandsuperdiversityincontemporarysocietiesareintertwined.Theflowof
contemporarymigration1hasincreasedthediversityinmoderncities(Vertovec,2007b;
Wessendorf,2014a).Superdiversityisatermdescribingtheunderlyingintricatevariables
resultingfromincreasingdiversityandmultipleethnicities,skillsofthemigrantworkforce,
socio-economic,education,creed,andthegenerationofmigrants’statusandtheirlengthof
stay:newcomersandestablishedcommunities,whichareconstantlyevolvinginurbancities
(Vertovec,2007b).Differentgenerationsofmigrationsandsettlementsincitiesthroughout
historycreateddiversityandthentheongoingcontemporaryremigrationhasaddedtothe
socialculturaldynamics,whichmakestransculturalismaninevitablephenomenon.Agyeman
andErickson(2012)suggestusingthetermculturaldifferenceinsteadofculturaldiversityas
thelatterismerelyfocusingonethnicityandnotrepresentingsuchcomplexitiesinmodern
cities.
Intersectionalityofthesevariablesincreasesthecomplexityofdiversity,whichinfluences
people’svaluesandformshybrididentities.Humannetworksandmaterialitiesthattransfer
acrossnationscanalsosupportmultipleattachmentsandtransculturalpracticesasthese
oftenremainsociallyentrenchedinmigrants’nativeculturesandethnicideologies(Vertovec,
1997;Amin,2004).Thesepracticesarerelevanttothemigrant’sintangibleheritage,butcould
alsoincreasethedifferenceincities.Hence,migrantidentitiescannotbeexcludedfromthe
intersectionalityofmultipleidentitiesinsuperdiversesocieties;however,countryoforiginis
nottheonlyfactorthatshapesmigrantidentities(Vertovec,2007b,AgyemanandErickson,
2012).Aspartofintersectionality,identitiesarealsotransformedpostmigrationandare
shapedbymigrants’generationandtheirlengthsofstay,whichincreasethecultural
differencesincitiesevenamongthesameculturalgroups.
1The21stcenturyistheeraofrapidandmassglobalmigrations,withmigrantnumberstourbancitiescitedas224millionin2015-a41percentgrowthcomparedto2000(UnitedNations,2016).
17
Theconceptofatransculturalcityisfocusingonunderstandingthedynamicsof
transformationandhybrididentities;however,itisimportanttounderlinethepointthat
transculturalismdoesnotequatewithassimilationintoamajorityculture(Cahill,2013).For
example,Sen(2013)explainsthatMuslimshavediverseidentitiesandcultures.Hefurther
explainsthatMuslimidentitiesarechangeable,andnotnecessarilyoveralifetime,buteven
onaneverydaybasiswithdifferencesinclass,race,gender,countryoforiginandprofession.
Hence,theseidentitiestransformspatiallyandtemporally.Sen(2011)elucidates:
“Inatransculturalcity,proteanidentitiesareneitherinconsistentnorcontradictory,butareindeedincreasinglythenorm.Therefore,itshouldbenosurprisetofindsomeoneidentifyingwiththeUmmah(IslamicPeoplehood)whileprayingorcelebratingRamadan,beingamoderncosmopolitanconsumerwhileshopping,whilealsobeingcivic-mindedduringelections”(p.43).
Lifeactionspostmigrationandmigrants’experiencesinanewplaceareintegraltoevolving
cultures,andhenceshouldnotbeexcludedfromtheprocessofhybridityandadaptation;as
addressedinthenextsection.Manystudiesontransnationalurbanism2showthatthereare
complexconnectionsbetweenindividuals,socialnetworks(throughmobilityandmigration),
urbanspacesandeverydaysocialpractices(ConradsonandLatham,2005;Smith,2005;
Sassen,2005;MauandZimmermann,2008;Robinson,2009;Sassen,2011).
2.2.3Migrantexperiencesinanewplace
Cultureshockiscommonlyexperiencedbymigrantsontheirarrivalinanewplace,together
withthefeelingsofalienation,ambiguityandworriesregardingcontinuingculturalpractices
(Armstrong,2004;Rishbeth,2013).Legibilityandunderstandingofthecityandadaptingtothe
weatherarealsoothercommonchallengesthatmigrantsface(PowellandRishbeth,2012).In
additiontobeingawayfromtheirfamilyandhome,differentexpectationsregardingthetype
oflife,leisure,habitatorworkandissuesofpovertycouldincreasethemigrants’stress.
Therearemanystudiesthathaveemphasisedthatthelivedexperiencesinplacescan
constructmeaningfulrelationsandattachmentswithplaces,shapemultipleidentitiesand
increasefamiliarity(Gustafson,2001;GhoshandWang,2003;Manzo,2003,Manzo,2005;
RishbethandPowell,2013).Intransculturalcities,migrants’experiencesinplaceshavealso
2Inthisresearch,theconcernisnotaroundtheformalnationalidentitiesandhencethetermtransculturalbetterrepresentsculturaldynamicsandhybridityincitiesthanthepoliticalandeconomictermtransnational.However,thetermtransnationalissometimesusedwithparticularemphasisonnationalboundariesandculturaldifferences.
18
directrelationsinconstructingtransculturalpracticesandhybrididentities(GhoshandWang,
2003).Thesestudieshavealsohighlightedtheroleofplaceinshapingthelivedexperiences.
Fromthisperspective,theenvironmenthasbecomesignificanttosupportadaptationandto
buildasenseofbelongingamongstmigrantsandnewcomers.Armstrong(2004)andRishbeth
andPowell(2013)exploretheroleofthespaceintriggeringmemoriesandformingspatial
associations.Suchattachmentsdevelopedmorefromcreativeengagementbetweenthelocal
andtransnationalratherthanfromsentimentalrecollectionsornostalgia(ibid).Thechoices
andvaluesofferedtothenewmigrantsintheirsurroundingsenablethemtoform
transnationallinks,engagewiththestrangenessandfamiliarityineverydayspaces,and
developandstrengthenasenseofemotionalaffinitytothespace(GhoshandWang,2003;
RishbethandPowell,2013).PowellandRishbeth(2012)investigatetheextenttowhichthe
outdoorbuiltenvironmentsinfluencestheadaptationprocess,wherebytransnational
identitiesevolveintohybridversions.The‘electivepractice’(Nealetal.,2015)ofbeing
outdoorsappearsvitaltosupportsuchmeaningfulrelationsthroughtheavailableexperiences
andchoices.Rishbeth(2013)alsostatesthatwhilenewmigrantsarelikelytofeelunsettledat
theoutset,spendingtimeoutdoorswillenablethemtoidentifywiththeirnewenvironment
anddeveloptransnationalidentities.
However,transculturalpractices,migrants’experiencesandresponsestotheirnew
environmentsdiffer,temporallyandspatially,amongindividualswithculturaldifferences
(GhoshandWang,2003).Individualsalsofacecomplexitiesintheirdecisionsregarding
retainingcontactwithhomecultureortolocaliseduringtheirdailylifepracticespost
migration(Rishbeth,2013,p.127).Migrants’legalstatusandmotivationfortheirtransnational
movementalsoaffecttheirdecisionsintheirlifeactionsandexperiences(GhoshandWang,
2003).Thesedecisionsarealsoshapedbytheeconomiclevelofmigrantsandtheaffordability
ofbeingoutdoors(PowellandRishbeth,2012).Thus,thenewconceptsofcontemporaryforms
ofcomplexassociationsinthepublicrealmhavesupportedthedevelopmentofstudieson
transculturalcities;however,complexitiesoftransculturalismneedtobeaddressedbothin
thetheoriesonandpracticesoftransculturalcitieswithagreaterfocusonsocio-spatial
dimension.
19
ThisnextsectioninvestigatesthesignificanceofBahrainintransculturalstudies.Thescaleof
themigrantlabourers’populationandcontemporarytransnationalmovementsintheGulf
regionstandsinstarkcontrasttothelackofdataaboutthefundamentalaspectsofmigrations
(Gardner,2011;Gardneretal.,2013).Gardner(2010a)arguestheneedformoreresearchto
understand‘thelivedexperiences’oftransnationallabourersanddifferentcommunitiesinthe
Gulfcities,includingintra-regionalArabmigrants.“Todatethereislittleethnographically
groundedworktohelpusunderstandtheexperiencesoftheseothercommunities”(ibid,p.23).
Elsheshtawy(2008)declares:
“Acentralconstructunderlyingthesenewdevelopmentsisthenotionoftransnationalurbanisminwhichurbanizingprocessesareexaminedfrom‘below’,lookingatthelivesofmigrants[…].CitiesintheArabworldarecuriouslyleftbehindinthisdiscussion,especiallytheGulf”(p.5).
2.2.4TransculturalBahrain
Drawingontheliteraturereviewed,thissectionexploreshowandwhyBahrain,aGCCstate,
fitsintothetheoriesoftransculturalcities,whichmainlyemergedfromwesterncontexts
(Elsheshtawy,2006;Gardner,2011;Gardneretal.,2013).Lessonsfromwesterncasestudies
canbevaluableintheBahrainicontextdespitetheapparentdifferences.Forexample,the
metaphorsof‘MeltingPot’and‘SaladBowl’havebeenusedinNewYorkandBritainto
describetheirdiversity,andBahrainshouldnotberemovedfromsuchdebates.However,the
westernapproachestosuperdiversityinpublicspacescannotbesimplyappliedtoaMiddle
EasternmilieuduetothedistinctIslamiccontextanddifferentsetoftensionstothatofthe
West.Forexample,while'Islamophobia'hasincreasedtensionsinBritainbecauseMuslim
migrantscanbeviewedasmembersofterroristregimes,inBahrain,thereisnobasistoview
migrantsasterroristseventhoughtheyareprimarilyMuslims.Notwocontextsare
comparable,butprocessescanbeshared.Accordingly,theCouncilofEurope(2013,p.19)has
statedthatinapplyingurbanmodelsofinterculturalintegration,“nocityembarkingonthe
processisatabularasaandthateachstartsfromadifferentplaceandisonitsownunique
trajectoryofdevelopment”.
Throughoutitshistory,Bahraindevelopedafluidpopulationofmulti-ethnicorigins,andlater
theoilboomalsoledtorapidandintensemigrations.Themajorityofthepopulationis
Muslim,butotherreligionsarepresent.Indeed,havingapopulationwithdiverseoriginsand
culturesiscreatingwhatcouldbeknownasa‘superdiversesociety’;aphenomenonalso
observedinotherGCCcountries.Comparedwithclassically‘superdiverselocations’suchas
20
LondonandNewYorkCity,theshapingofdifferentreligionsislessimportant,butstillmultiple
differencesinclass,statusandrangesofhomecountriesareclearlyapparent.Although
Bahrainsharesmanycharacteristicswithitsneighbouringstates,ithascertainuniquefeatures
relatedtomigrationpatternsanditsgeographicallocation,characteristicsandsizethatmake
itaninterestingcasefortransculturalcities.Karolak(2009)argues“Wehavetoconsiderthena
verysmallareawherepopulationhasbeeninconstantblendingovercenturies”(p.2).
2.2.4.1HistoricisinghybridityinBahrain
Inordertoinvestigatetheprocessofhybridity,Smith(2005)arguesthat‘historicizing’
transnationalpracticesisanapproachthatleadstolearningaboutdifferencesandsimilarities
betweenculturesnotonlyasnewphenomenaarisingfromglobalisationbutalsofrom
developingexperiencesthroughoutthehistory.Tracingbackthetransnationalpracticeswill
alsorevealthesuperdiversityofthepopulation.
Bahrain,duringthecourseofitshistory,developedafluidpopulationandamulti-ethnic
societyfromtradingandpearling.Bahrainhaddependedonmaritimetradebeforeoilwas
discovered.Theearliestdocumentedhistoricalaccountsandevidencegatheredfrom
archaeologicallocations(forts,ancientburialmoundsandothersites)revealtheearliest
culturalandtradinglinkswiththeMesopotamia,theIndusValleyandGreece.Historyalso
documentedthejourneysofGilgameshtoDilmun,theisland’sfirstname,insearchofeternity
(Hamblin,1987).Bahrain’spositioningonthetradingsearoutebetweenancientMesopotamia
andtheIndiansubcontinentmadeitanidealstopoverforthetradersontheirvoyages(Al-
Nabi,2012).Itsidyllicislandscenery,famousforpalmtreesanddeep-waterspringsanda
supplyofpreciouspearls,madethecountryirresistiblyappealingtothetraders.Inadditionto
itslonghistoryofagriculture,Bahrain’sflourishingpearltradeprospereduntilthe19thcentury.
Besidespearls,datesandhorseswerealsoexportedtodifferentpartsoftheworldincluding
India,Persia,Iraq,NewYorkandLondonandotherpartsofEurope(Al-Rasheed,2005).Trading
vesselsenteredthroughManama3andmerchantsremainedformonthsinordertostrikethe
bestbargains.Thesetradersalsobroughtgoodsintothecountry,andmanyofthesetraders
subsequentlymadeBahraintheircentreforbusinessandmovedherewiththeirfamilies
(Fuccaro,2005;Onley,2014).
3ManamaisthecapitalofBahrain,andinthepastatradingportwaslocatedhere.
21
Fuccaro(2005),Onley(2005)andOnley(2014)investigatedthePersianandIndian
transnationalcommunitiesintheregionwhoaredeeplyentrenchedinBahrain’ssociety.
ThesestudiesfoundthatmigrantcommunitiesintheGulfheldaphysicalmanifestationin
thesecitiesthatshapedtransnationalconnectionineverydaypractices.Inthissense,Fuccaro
(2005)addsthattradingwithIranandIndiaandimportingfinequalitycommoditiessuchas
shawls,woollenclothes,velvets,silks,shoes,spices,rice,tea,rosewater,liquorsandbooks
influencedtransnationalassociationsthatimpactedonthelocalities.Fuccaro(2005)addsthat
buildingPersianmattamsandIndiantemplesindicatetheimpactoftransnationalaffiliations
ontheurbanenvironments.Al-Rasheed(2005)findsthattransnationalmovementresultedin
newformsofhybriditythatarereflectedintheurbanframework.Thesustainedheritage
neighbourhoodswiththejuxtapositionofmattams,mosques,templesandchurcheshave
displayedthishybridityandhavestayedasawitnessforBahrain’sdistinguishedheritage,
whichincorporateshybridity.
SeveralstudieshavedepictedManamaasacosmopolitancityoverthelast150years
(Fuccaro, 2005; Dayaratne, 2008; Alraouf, 2010;JarachandSpeece,2013).Fuccaro(2005)
identifiescosmopolitanisminManamaasavitalelementfortransnationalismandforthe
flowofpeopleandideasacrossboundaries.Palgrave(1883,p.381)describedhowthe
coffeehousesinBahrain,inthemid-19thcentury,sportedaninternationalveneerand
differedfromthosefoundintheneighbouringArabiccountries.AccordingtoFuccaro
(2005),Manamacityservedasahubforculturalandsocio-economicexchanges,for
promotingclosetiesbetweenlocal,regionalandforeignpeopleandasactivetradingcentres
forcommodities.
Inadditiontotheenterprisingmaritimesystemsthatsupportedtheflowofseatraffic
betweentheMiddleEast,IndiaandAfrica,Fuccaro(2005)arguesthatthemobilitywithin
tribalsocietiesintheregionalsolargelyinfluencedthedemographyoftheisland.Sheasserts
thatthepermeablenatureofBahrain’sbordersencourageddiverseethnicandreligious
factionstointeractharmoniously.Bahrain’sislandtopographyprofferedstablepolitical
boundaries,whichallowedthetribaldynastiestorulethecountrywithoutexternal
interference(ibid).Asboththerulingfamilyandthemajorityofthepopulationwere
immigrants,Bahrainwashometodiversecultures,politicalloyaltiesandlegalcustoms,which
functionedindependently;yetthesociallifewasinterconnected(ibid).
22
2.2.4.2ContemporarymigrationsinBahrain
EuropeandNorthAmericaarefrequentlydiscussedasdestinationsfortransnationalmigrants,
whiletheunderstandingoftransnationalmigrationtotheGulfcountriesremainsundeveloped
(GardnerandWatts,2012).Inthissense,Gardneretal.(2016)assertthattheseGCCcountries
encompassthethirdlargestdestinationformigrantworkersinthecontemporaryworld,after
EuropeandNorthAmerica.Inwesterncountries,eventhemostsignificantmigrationflowsare
categorisedasminorities,whileintheGulfStates,theratioofmigrantstothelocalcitizensis
considerablyhigherandtheirdemographicstructuredifferswidelyfromotherpartsofthe
world(Gardner,2011).Gardner(2010a)asserts:
“TheGCCstatesoftheArabianPeninsulaareanimportantjunctureinthetransnationalmigrationoflabor[…]foreignlabormakesupthemajorityoftheworkforceandinseveralstates[…]anabsolutemajorityofthepopulation”(p.25).
ThereareseveralreasonsfortheGCCcountriestobesignificantmigrantdestinationsand
transnationalhubs.Predominantly,thedramaticriseofthesecountries’economiesattracted
migrantworkers.Thediscoveryofoilin1932broughtprosperitytoBahrain;andinthis
context,Ben-Hamouche(2004)claimsthatsinceonsetoftheoilboom,Bahraincommenced
onamodernisationdriveandadoptedanall-inclusivewelfarepolicy,whichbecamea
significantforceinshapingthecountry.Onesignificantresultofthisunprecedented
developmentwastheradicalchangeinthemigrationpattern.Theeconomyexperiencedmass
growth,whichnecessitatedtherecruitmentofskilledandunskilledmigrantlabourduetothe
shortageofalocalworkforce.Tothis,Sassen(2011)addsthattheGCCcountrieshave
immigrant-friendlypoliciesandtemporaryworkerprogramsduetowhichthousandsof
workersfromNorthAfricaandAsiahavemigratedtothesecountriesandworkinarangeof
jobsfromthehigh-leveltothelowest-paidjobs.Additionally,theGulfregionhasthe
advantageofbeinglocatedbetweentheIndiansubcontinent,NorthAfricaandAsia,and
consequentlyinclinedtomigrantflows(Al-Rasheed,2005).Mobilityandthelatest
technologiesalsosupportGCCnationstoforgeandmaintaingloballinksandalsoGCCcitizens
themselvestravelwidelyaroundtheworld(Dresch,2005a).Gardner(2011)alsofindsthat
withthemigrants’adaptiontoGulfcountries,somemigrantfamiliescannotadaptwhenthey
returntotheirnativecountry,henceseveralnewergenerationsofAsianmigrantfamiliesopt
toliveeitherintheGulformigratetoWesterncountries.While,HillsandAtkins(2013)find
thatthewesterncommunitiesdonotfacethisissuewhencomingtotheGulfastheycan
adjusteasilyandintegrateintothenewenvironmentastheGulfcitiesappearsimilarto
23
westerncities.Thus,Gardner(2011)concludesthattheGulfStateshaveemergedasa
springboardtoaWesterndestinationformanymigrants.Inthissense,heclaimsthatthe
“worldbeyondArabiahascometotheGulf”(p.19).
Thoughthelegalstatusofmigrantsisnotattheforefrontofthisresearch,itisusefultogivea
briefquickoverviewofgovernmentpoliciesregardingmigration.InBahrain,thepopulation
nowofficiallyconsistsofBahrainiandnon-Bahraini,bothofwhomarefromdiverseorigins.
Theexpression‘migrants’doesnotholdpolicyconnotations,butinstead,itrefersto‘guest
workers’,‘contractlabourers’or‘non-Bahrainis’(Dito,2007;Fowler,2012).Non-Bahraini
residentsinBahrainaremostlythosewithatwo-yearcontractworkvisaorwithavisitors’visa
foracertaintime,wherebothtypesofvisasarerenewable.Somemigrantworkersare
allowedtobringtheirfamilyaccordingtotheirtypeofvisa,butmostlytheseworkershavea
non-familystatus.
Toexplainpoliciesrelatingtomigrantworkers’recruitmentintheGCCcountries,Gardner
(2011)statesthattheskilledworkersarerecruitedaccordingtogloballycommonsystemssuch
aspersonalnetworksandadvertising,whilethelowerincomeworkersarehiredthrough
‘kafala’,whichisa‘sponsorshipsystem’.Heexplains“Thecontemporarysponsorshipsystem
redistributesmuchoftheresponsibilityofmanagingandgoverningforeignlabourfromthe
statetoindividualcitizen-sponsors”(p.8).Itisalsomentionedthatrecruitmentpoliciesfor
migrantworkersintheGulfcreateseveralconflictsbetweenworkersandemployersandhave
beengloballycritiquedasaHumanTraffickingsystem(ibid).Therearealsoanumberof‘free
visa’transnationalworkersinBahrain.Pessoaetal.(2014,p.212)describe‘freevisa’asneither
freenorlegal,andthatit“existsasanalternativetotheinjusticesofthesponsorshipsystem”.
Inthissense,Gardner(2010b,p.4)portraysthe‘Kafala’systemtobea‘structuralviolence’
focusingonthepoliticalandeconomicaspectsarisingfromexpansionoftheglobalmarket.
Yet,hestatesthatthissystemisnotrepresentativeofthetolerantprinciplesintheGulfand
thehospitablecharacteristicsofBahrainiculture.
In2009,BahrainbecamethefirstGCCcountrytorevokethesponsorshipsystemand
centraliseitunderthecontroloftheLabourMarketRegulatoryAuthority.TheGovernmentof
Bahrainratifiedasetofconventionsrelatedtoworkers’rightincollaborationwith
internationalhumanrightsandcounter-humantraffickingagencies.Afewnon-governmental
organisationsinBahrainsuchastheMigrantWorkersProtectionSocietycontinuetomonitor
problemsorabusefacedbymigrantworkers.In2015,theLabourMarketRegulatoryAuthority
establishedashelterforhumantraffickingvictimstosupportandprotectmigrantworkers.
24
However,Gardneretal.(2016)alsoquestiontheaccessibilityandmobilityformigrantworkers
toaccessthejusticesystemandprotectionorganisations,whichareurbanissues.Thereare
alsoissuesrelevanttoworkinginharshoradverseenvironmentssuchasworkingoutdoorsin
theextremeheatofsummeraswellastomigrants’livingconditionsandlocations.
2.2.4.3ComplexitieswithculturaldiversityinBahrain
Dresch(2005a)mentions that regardless ofthedeveloped transnational connections inthe
GCCstates,somecomplexitiesstill emerge in forming transnationalcommunitiesand
cultural exchange. Firstly,BahrainwasapioneerinthefieldofeducationintheGulf,and
literacyratesamongstmaleandfemalecitizensarethehighestintheregion.Jarachand
Speece(2013)findthatinthepre-oilera,themigrantsweremostlyfromanelitebackground
andtheylargelyinfluencedthesociety.Presently,however,mostofthelow-incomemigrants
areuneducatedandilliterate.Thiscreatesagapandhierarchyinasociety(ibid).
Secondly,whiletheeconomicsystemintheGulfStateshasattractedmoreinvestorsand
migrants,ithasalsocreatedsocialandculturalcrises(Bolleter,2015).Withtheadventof
‘globalcapitalism’anddevelopmentofthebankingsector,theGCCcountrieshavesurpassed
the2005WorldBankgovernanceindicators,whichalsoledtoagrowthinforeigninvestments
andmigrations(Elsheshtawy,2008).Theelitemigrantsoperatingindifferentorganisationsin
Bahrainholdpowerfulpositionsandarehighlyaffluent;however,themajorityofmigrantsare
atthebottomofthehierarchy.Migrantworkershavemainlybeenemployedinsectorssuchas
manufacturing,construction,servicesanddomesticworkwithlowwages(Fowler,2012;Bel-
Air,2015).Thishasadirectimpactonthesocialhierarchyinthecountry.
Additionally,thereisincreasingtensionamongBahrainisduetoanemploymentcrisis,in
responsetowhichthegovernmenthasintroduceda‘Bahrainisation’policytoencouragethe
privatesectortoemploycitizens;however,thepolicyinitselfisimpractical(Fowler,2012).Itis
alsoproposedtoreducethenumberofforeignworkerstosafeguardthelocalcultureand
values(Karolak,2009).Dito(2007)arguesthatanyreductioninmigrantnumberswillremain
anillusionowingtothepersistentgapsintheworkforceastheBahrainemploymentmarket
heavilyreliesonunskilled‘cheapwage’migrantworkers.
25
Thirdly,apprehensionsregardingculturalerosionorlossofculturalpurityareprevalent.Inthe
Gulf,behindthefacadeofthelatesttechnology,themodernshoppingmalls,thewesternstyle
cafés,andmultinationalfast-foodchains,dependenceonforeignlabourisunavoidable;yet
oneencountersstrongassertionsoflocalheritageratherthancelebrationsofhybridity(Al-
Rasheed,2005).Forexample,whenGardner(2006,p.74)wasconductinghisethnographic
researchinNovember2002ontheIndiancommunitiesinBahrain,hewasfrequently
challengedbyBahrainicitizensastowhythefocuswasnotontheir‘wonderfulculture’.The
concernintheGulfregionistoprotecttheindigenousfromthespreadofglobalisationand
‘lossofauthenticity’(Al-Rasheed,2005).Bahrainisalsofindtheircultureamarketableproduct,
whichcanhelpattracttouriststotheisland(Gardner,2006).Bahrain’sdistinguishedheritage
isalsorevealedinthebuiltenvironment.Whilehalfthepopulationareforeignersandthe
otherhalfareintricatelydiverse,thepracticeoflandscapearchitectureinBahrainisusedto
constructnationalidentities(Dayaratne,2012).Dayaratne(2008)states:
“[This]hascontributedtothemakingofthegreatercosmopolitanisminthesocial-fabricparticularlyinthepublicsphere,andthusanarchitectureoffusionsofoldandthenew,localandforeignandthereforeundeniablyhybrid.Thesehybriditiesvaryfromthoseoftheforms,useofspaceandelementsthemselves”(p.5).
Inshort,suchcomplexitiesputBahrainwithinthedebateoftransculturalcities.Transcultural
studiesinGCCcountriesarefragmentedandlackingawell-definedtheoreticalframeworkand
analyticalrigor(Al-Rasheed,2005).Thequestionishowtobalancebetweenprotecting
heritageinthesocio-spatialdimensionsandtherealitywhichismuchmorecomplexand
cosmopolitan.AkeytointerpretingcomplexitiesoftransculturalismintheGCCcountriesmay
lieinhowthesesocietiesformtheirownunderstandingofproprietyanddiversity(Dresch,
2005b)andeverydayencounters(Gardner,2010a).Al-Rasheed(2005)recommendsdeeper
ethnographicalstudiestocapturethecomplexity.
2.2.5Complexitiesintransculturalcities
Thesocialandculturaldynamicsinmoderntransculturalcitiesarereflectedintheeveryday
socialencounters;however,thereshouldbeanawarenessthattransculturalencountersdo
notonlygraspapositivedimension.Manzo(2013)argues,“Itisnosmalltasktoembrace
diversityinawaythatwouldmoveourcitiestobetrulytranscultural”(p.136).Weneedto
understandissuesincontemporarysocietiesthatcreateconflicts.Cahill(2013)states,“Cities
immediatelycometomindasspacesofintimateandintensecontactacrossdifference,urban
contextsexemplifyboththetransformativepossibilitiesandtensionsoftransculturalism”
26
(p.195).Cahill(2013,p.194)alsoassertsthatunderstandingthatthecityisa‘siteof
contestation’anddissentmovesbeyondthe‘romanticization’oftheurbanencounterand
meltingpot.Similarly,Pratt(1992),inhertravelwritingon‘transculturation’,usestheterm
‘contactzone’torefertothespacesofencounterinwhich:
“Peoplegeographicallyandhistoricallyseparatedcomeintocontactwitheachotherandestablishongoingrelationships,usuallyinvolvingconditionsofcoercion,radicalinequalityandintractableconflict”(p.6).
Inmanycitiestoday,the‘socialandspatialbarriers’betweendifferentethnicgroupshave
lingered(Hou,2013).Thechallengesinwesterncountries,whilebeingculturallydiverse,
catalysedaroundaspectsoffear,islamophobiaandthehistoricalbackgroundofracismand
colour(Sandercock,2000;Amin,2002;Vertovec,2007a;Leitner,2011).Withsuperdiversity,
culturaldifferenceshavebecomemuchmorecomplexandtheperceptionsofdiversityas
threatshaveincreasedworldwide(Vertovec,2007b).Themigrants’feelingsofestrangement
andculturalalienationarealsoobstaclesforengagementandparticipationindifferent
activitiesintransnationalcities(Amin,2007;Oliveira,2011;Rinelli,2013;Rishbeth,2013).
Variablesofsuperdiversitymayalsoclassifypeoplewithinasocietyto‘in-group’and‘out-
group’4.Lung-Amam(2011)assertsthatas:
“thebordersbetweennations,places,citiesandsuburbs,becomeincreasinglyfluidandunstable–inatimewhendiversity,complexity,andhybriditydefineasmuchwhoweareashowandwherewelive,thesearetherealchallengesthatwefaceifwearegoingtolearntolivetogether”(p.146).
Bordercrossingemergesasacriticalpartofeverydayexperienceanditisnolongerabout
travellingfromonenationtoanother,butaspartofeverydayencountersinthecity(Hou,
2013).Clashesbetweenculturalgroups,betweenestablishedpopulationandnewcomers,
betweenmigrantsandreceivingcommunities,canaffecteverydaysocialencounters.
AccordingtoNoussiaandLyons(2009),“Thephenomenologicalcharacteristicsofeachlocale
aresupplementedbybehaviourpatternsinthepublicrealminordertomaintainspatial
boundarieswhichgroupsdonotcross”(p.20).Theyaddthattheseboundariesarethe
‘appropriationofspacebymarginalgroups’andbasedon‘culturalrulesofdifference’(p.620).
Theseboundarieshavealsosomedistinctivenessintransculturalcities,where“boundariescan
beseenaslocaleswherepeople,activitiesandideascomeintocontactwitheachother,butit
isthecontrastthatmaintainsthedistinction”(ibid,p.620).4TermsusedbyAllport(1954)
27
Aspartofinvestigatingeverydaytransnationalspaces,itisnecessarytounderstandhow
peoplemanagetheireverydaysocialrelationswithinculturaldifferencesandhowthismay
supportintegration,adaption,andhowcomplexitiesarereflectedineverydayspaces.
AccordingtoNoussiaandLyons’s(2009)researchinOmonia,Athens,diversemigrantgroups
werefoundtointermingleinoverlappingareaswithoutexplicitconflictaseachgroup
maintainsdifferentspatialboundaries.Lung-Amam(2013)arguesthattofostertranscultural
cities,practitionersandspecialistsconcernedabouturbanspacesneedtopaygreater
attentiontotherealplaceswherepeopleencounterandengagewithdifferencesintheir
everydaylives.Thus,thenextstepistostudythecontextofconvivialityanddiversityinpublic
spacesandhowsocietyordersitself.
2.3Convivialityandeverydaydiversityinpublicspaces
2.3.1Convivialityandencounters
Developedinaninterdisciplinarycontextofgeographyandsociology,thetheoretical
approachestothenotionofconvivialityexaminetherealityofeverydaylifetocomprehend
howpeoplemixandmanage‘atease’theirsocialandspatialrelationsacrosscultural
differences(Nealetal.,2013,p.315;WiseandVelayutham,2014,p.407).“Theconceptof
convivialencountercanbeextendedtoincorporatetheconceptofelectivepractices”(Nealet
al.,2015,p.463).Therefore,theeverydayqualityofencounterisimportantwithinthetheory
ofconviviality.Thetheoryplacesanemphasisoninvestigatingsocialencountersatamicro-
levelineverydayurbanspaces(Nealetal.,2013)aspeopleseemtobemoreabletocoexistin
mundaneencountersandcopewithsocialsituations.Sandercock(2003a,p.92)observesthat
themodernmetropolitancities,withevolvingculturaldiversity,havebecomemorethan
merely‘ethnicallymixedcitiesandneighbourhoods’;nevertheless,sheclaimsthat,insuch
dynamics,thereisacollectivetendencytosupport‘cohabitation’.Gilroy(2004)hasdescribed
thatconvivialityisthe“cohabitationandinteractionthathavemademulticultureanordinary
featureofsociallife”(p.ix).Anumberofstudieshaveemphasisedthatindiversecities,people
aregettingtogetherandinterminglingastoday’scitiesarecharacterisedby‘everyday
multiculturalism’(WiseandVelayutham,2009),‘everydaycosmopolitanism’(Noble,2013),
and‘commonplacediversity’(Wessendorf,2014a).
28
Nealetal.(2013)declarethatthetheoryofconvivialityhasemergedasacounter-narrativeto
anxietiesaboutdiversityincities.Theyassert:
“Theconceptsof(minority)-ethnicsegregation,culturalwithdrawal,andmulticulturalcrisisaretheoreticallyandempiricallyinadequateandtoopoliticallyselectivetodescribeandcapturethecurrentspatialandsocialformationsofmulticulture”(p.315).
However,theyarguethattheconceptofconviviality:
“doesnotignoretensionanddiscord,butratherattemptstorepositionthedominanceofconflictandpayattentiontothecoexistenceofother,oftenslightandspontaneousandsometimesamicableformsofmulticulturalsocialinteraction”(p.315).
Onthisperspective,WiseandVelayutham(2009)presentanapproachof‘everyday
multiculturalism’tolookattherealityofeverydaywithashiftfromthetraditionaltop-down
perspectiveinmulticulturalpolicies.Wessendorf(2014b)describesthatconviviality“is
characterizedbyafinebalancebetweenbuildingpositiverelationsacrossdifferenceand
keepingadistance”(p.393).
Inlivingtogetherdiversepeoplecanfindnichesofsimilaritieswithindiversities;thus,super-
diversitydoesnotnecessarilycreateestrangementanddiscrimination,butmaydevelop
sensesofbelongingandchoicesofaffiliation(Wessendorf,2014a;Wessendorf,2014b).
Sandercock(2003a,p.94)similarlydescribesthatbybanalencounterswithinthe‘successful
sitesofinterculturalinteraction’,peoplecanovercome“feelingsofstrangenessinthesimple
processofsharingtasksandcomparingwaysofdoingthings”.Convivialityprovides
opportunitiesforbridgingdifferences.
Convivialityisnotintendedtoinformamonocultureofpractice.Convivialitymeanssharing
andlivingtogether,whileretainingculturalfeatures.Gilroy(2006)defines:
“Convivialityisasocialpatterninwhichdifferentmetropolitangroupsdwellincloseproximity,butwheretheirracial,linguisticandreligiousparticularitiesdonot[…]adduptodiscontinuitiesofexperienceorinsuperableproblemsofcommunication.Intheseconditions,adegreeofdifferentiationcanbecombinedwithalargemeasureofoverlapping”(p.40).
29
Consequently,Nealetal.(2013)arguethattheamicabilityandspontaneityfeaturesof
convivialityarewhatmakethisconceptparticularlyrelevanttothefast-changing
contemporaryurbanliving.Sharingapublicspacecouldinitiatedifferentlevelsofencounter,
fromsustainedtofleeting(WiseandVelayutham,2009)andconvivialitycanbefeltand
experiencedinthemostmomentaryorunpredictableeverydayencountersthatarise
spontaneously(Gilroy,2006,p.39;Nealetal.,2013,p.315)aswellasinmoresustainedsocial
relations(Nealetal.,2013,p.316).AccordingtoLofland(1989),socialencountersinapublic
realmarecategorisedintothreetypes:‘fleeting’,‘segmental’and‘unpersonal/bounded’.
Fleetingassociationsrefertobriefencounters;segmentalrelationshipsarethose
encounterswhereexchangesmayextendbeyondthegreetingandincludework-related
sphere,e.g.taxidrivers’interactionswiththeircustomers;‘Unpersonal/bounded’
encountersoccurringamongindividualsandfacilitatedbythearchetypalenvironmentof
theencounters(ibid).
Convivialityisnotfocusedontheformationofcommunityties,inwhichpeoplegettogether
withalong-lastingcommitment;butmoreusuallyaboutafriendly,casualandsuperficial
interaction,whichcouldhappenbetweenstrangers.Incitieswithdiversity,convivialityis
characterisedbyfriendlinessandnotnecessarilybyfriendship(Fincher,2003).Spontaneous
encountersandexchangearetogetherness,neighbourliness,acasualchat,givingway,holding
adooropen,giftgiving(vegetables,foodorcarepractices)andexchangeofgestureorsmile
(WiseandVelayutham,2009;Nealetal.,2016).Thesecanbeseenasaformof‘light
engagement’(Nealetal.,2013,p.318).Thesesmall,mundaneencountersareseentobe
importantfortheirpotentialtoofferevidenceofquotidianinterculturalpracticesand
competenciesinwhichpeopleroutinelynavigateculturaldifferences(NealandVincent,2013).
However,withconcernsof‘romanticized’accountsofconviviality,Valentine(2008)callsfora
greateremphasisonmeaningfulencounters.WiseandVelayutham(2009)assertthatliving
togetherpresentsdifferentstoriesandexperiencesofinterminglingandencounterswithsome
positiveexperiencesandsomeeverydayracism.Asaresult,everydayspacesandpractices
needtobeinvestigatedtoexplorehowculturaldiversityisexperiencedandnegotiatedonthe
groundandshapessocialencounters(ibid)onwhichtheaimsofthisresearcharedesigned.
30
2.3.2Meaningfulencounters
Amin(2008)claimsthatconvivialityisanessentialcommonplacevirtuewithinmulti-cultural
experiences,andpresently,thereappearstobeaconsciousshiftinurbansocietiesto
encouragesocialsolidarityandculturalawarenessinordertostimulateculturalintegration
andappreciation.Reflectingmoralphilosophyinthepublicrealm,Lofland(1989)deemsthat
peoplemaintaincertainnormsandcodesofcivilitywheninteractinginurbanpublic
spaces.Shedescribes‘civilitytowardsdiversity’asimperativeinthepublicrealmand
ascribestermssuchasrulesor‘minutiaeregulatory’tothefeaturesofsociallifeinthe
publicrealm,trendsinuseofthepublicspacesandsociability.Sheclaimsthatcivilityor
courteousnessisreactingwithoutbiasorevenmaintainingindifferencetodiversityandyet
treatingeachotherwithequanimity.
Thereishoweveradebateregardingwhatcanbeconsideredmeaningfulencountersorcivility
(Valentine,2008;Noble,2013);peopleinpublicmayencountereachotherinacourteous
manner,butthisshouldnotbeinterpretedtooquicklyasasignofrespectfordifference.For
example,Amin(2002,p.960and970)arguesthatthe"negotiationofdifferencewithinlocal
micropublicsofeverydayinteraction”suchastheworkplace,schools,colleges,youthcentres
andsportsclubsareexamplesofsuccessfulinter-ethnicencounters.Theconceptof
micropublicshasbeencriticisedaspeopleareonoccasions“forcedtoengageandinteract,to
createrelationshipsandinterdependence”(MaiandSchmit,2013,p.209),andthereforethey
donotnecessarilychangetheirnegativegeneralisationandprejudice(Valentine,2008).
Valentine(2008)furtherarguesthatencountercannotalwayssupportsocialtransformation
andthatinsomeormanycases“proximitydidnotequatewithmeaningfulcontact”(p.334).
AdefinitionofmeaningfulencountersofferedbyValentine(2008)includesintercultural
exchange,socialtransformationandculturaldestabilisation.Shearguesthatresearchersneed
toinvestigatehowtheseencounterscanbe‘scaledup’,translatedbeyondthemomentof
meetingtodevelopintoapositiveattitudeandrespecttowardsothers.Wilson(2016)argues
thatratherthanthinkingaboutmeaningfulencountersasachangeinindividualvalue,we
shouldconsidertheconceptof‘mobilisation’andrelocationoftheeffect.Hence,
“Itisnotassumedthatencounterswithdifferencewillnecessarilyleadtoashiftinbehaviourorthinking.Rather,[itisto]demonstratehowencountershavebeenplacedintowidersocialorenvironmentalcontexts”(Wilson,2016,p.11).
31
Inthisperspective,Nealetal.(2016,p.465)findthat‘extendedencounters’takeplace
between‘complexlydiverseothers’indifferentbutconnectedspaces,andthattheycanbe
morethanmerelyencountersthatarerepeatedovertime.Theirstudyexplainsthatextended
encounterscouldtakeplacethroughsharingthesocialresourceinpublicspacesthatgenerate
interactionsbeyondtheirimmediateboundaries.Sharingspacesmaygenerateaffective
interactionsandsocialintimacyandsharingresourcesmayalsobinddiversepopulations
together(ibid).Theydescribe:
“Theextensionoftheencountertakesplacethroughthepracticesnecessarytosharetheresourcebutalsobecausethesocialresourcemayitselfgenerateinteractionsbeyonditsimmediateboundariesandlocation.Exchangesorrecognitionscantravelfurtherintoothersocialsites,locationsandpersonalgeographies”(p.465).
Thereismuchweneedtolearnabouthowmomentsofencounterscanbemeaningfuland
scaledupbeyondtheirimmediateboundary.Thenatureof‘mobilised’and‘extended
encounters’canberelevanttotheagendaofsocialcapital,andahelpfulframingfor
addressingthepotentialofanencountertobe‘authentic’meaningful.Socialcapitalmeansthe
socialnetworksandrelationshipsthatsupportpeopleandpromotetheircollectiveefficiency
(Putnam,2000).Thetheoryofsocialcapitalcategorisesthreeformsofsocialnetwork:bonding
referstothestrongtieswithinhomogeneousgroups;bridgingisacrossculturalexchange;and
linkingsocialcapitalconnectsindividualsandgroupsoutsidetheirimmediatecommunity
(ibid).Bridgingandlinkingprovidesthesettingfordailyinteractionandenablesconnections
withinthepublicrealm(LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007).
AnotherrelevanttheoryisthecontacthypothesisbyAllport(1954):
“Prejudice(unlessdeeplyrootedinthecharacterstructureoftheindividual)maybereducedbyequalstatuscontactbetweenmajorityandminoritygroupsinthepursuitofcommongoals.Theeffectisgreatlyenhancedifthiscontactissanctionedbyinstitutionalsupports(i.e.,bylaw,customorlocalatmosphere),andprovideditisofasortthatleadstotheperceptionofcommoninterestsandcommonhumanitybetweenmembersofthetwogroups”(p.267).
WoodandLandry(2012,p.107)elaboratethatinthishypothesis,fourfeaturesaffect
encounters:qualityandquantity(i.e.spatialandtemporal),voluntary,equalstatus,andthe
collaborativeandinteractiveenvironment,whichcouldbeconsideredininvestigatingaspects
ofencounters.
32
Valentine(2008),Nealetal.(2013)andWilson(2016)allemphasisetheneedtounderstand
thecontextsandmaterialconditionsofeverydayencounters.Wilson(2016)alsoarguesthatit
isvitaltolookatmeanings,temporalityandtensionsinresearchingencountersin
contemporarycities.ValentineandSadgrove(2012)addthatthatweneedtounderstandthe
conflictsintoday’sencountersandarguethatunderstandingmeaningsofencountersshould
befromaparticipantperspectiveinrelationtospatial-temporalexperiences.
IwillnowidentifytwofactorsthatIbelieveneedtobearticulatedwhenaddressing
encountersinpublicspaces:materialityandtemporality.
2.3.2.1Materiality
Materialityinthisresearchisconcernedwiththematerialform,fabricandpracticethat
supportsharingspacesandvaluesandprovideopportunitiesformeaningfulencountersinthe
urbanenvironment.KochandLatham(2011)suggesttheneedtoattendmorecarefullyto
materialityofpublicspacesintheanalysisofeverydayencountersandtoconsiderthatpublic
spacesaremadeof“constructedsurfaces,arrangedobjects,architectures,demarcations,
infrastructures,hardandsofttechnologies,amenitiesandprovisions,aestheticdevicesand
sharedmaterialpractices”(p.522).Inthedisciplineofgeographyandsociology,anumberof
urbansettingshavebeenexaminedanditwasfoundthatpublicspaces(neighbourhood,
streets,workspace,school,market,parks,bus)areoftenproductivesitesforeveryday
encounters(WatsonandStuddert,2006;WiseandVelayutham,2009;Wilson,2011;Noble,
2013;Nealetal.,2015;Hall,2015;Nealetal.,2016).However,theaffordancesofthephysical
entitiesandspatialqualitiesarebarelyconsideredwiththenotionofmaterialityin
investigatingtheencountersinthesesites.Inthissection,Iarguethatratherthanmerely
focussingonmaterialculture,thematerialvaluesanduseshouldbeconsideredasembedded
withinthespatialandphysicaldimensionsofanurbanspace;henceunderstandingthe
complexityofindividualvaluesanduseshouldalsobeconsideredwiththeconceptof
materiality.Understandingthesensoryqualities(visualandnon-visual)thatintertwinewith
materialityisalsoimportantwhenconsideringusers’valuesandpractices(Pink,2008;Ingold,
2012).
33
ValentineandSadgrove(2012)focusonpersonalvaluesthatappeartovaryindifferentspaces
andwithculturaldifferencesandintersectionalityofidentities.Theyarguethatthesevalues
areproducedandshapedthrough‘embodiedexperiencesofdailylife’(p.7).Individualsare
exposedtoawiderangeofvaluesandattitudesindifferentspacesand“researchon
geographiesofencounterhavepaidrelativelylimitedattentiontounderstandingthevalues
thatconstituteandareconstitutedbydifferentspaces”andhowtheseshapeencounterwith
differences(ibid,p.6).
Forexample,publicnessvalueappearsasa‘keydynamicinaffectiveencounter’(Nealetal.,
2015)becauseitisaboutsharingthevalueofanegalitarianspacewhereallusershavethe
righttouseandsharetheprovidedresourcesandbenefits.Publicnessisaboutfreeentry,
accessibilityanddistributionofresources.Theyclaimthatthematerialityofpublicspacesis
usuallyconsideredwithinthebackgroundof“politicalandsocialrelations”ratherthanthe
waysinwhich“thepublicspacesthemselvesaffectthosesocialrelations”(p.465).
Leisurepracticealsosupportsmeaningfulencounters.Parksattractpeoplebecauseoftheir
‘leisure-pleasureassociations’andmulti-sensoryexperiences;peoplearechoosingtobeina
sharedspace(Nealetal.,2015,p.473).Asaresultofmaterialleisureandspatialchoicesand
sharingthemotivationsandvalues,peoplearenotforcedtocometogether,asin‘micropublic
encounters’,whichsupporttheconceptof‘electivepractice’andmeaningfulencounter.For
instance,throughunderstandingtheaffordancesaplacemayoffer,KochandLatham(2011)
focusedonstreetjunctionsintheirresearchcontextandfoundthat,becauseofthesocialand
leisureopportunities,junctionstransformedintoconvivialsitesandproducedsocial
encounters.
Withcomplexityandsocialandculturaldynamicsthatshapethelandscapeintranscultural
cities,materialscouldalsobeunderstoodwithintheconceptofchangeanddynamicsrather
thanasfixedorstatic.LathamandMcCormack(2004)alsoassertthatmaterialityneedstobe
consideredwiththeconceptsofmultiplication,intersectionalityofdifferentmaterialityand
complexspatiality.Consideringthis“allowsustothinkthroughwhydifferentcities,different
urbanspaces,havequitedifferentaffectivecapacities”(ibid,p.719).Hence,theyemphasise
that“theworkofurbangeographersmightbecomemuchmoreaboutthinkingthroughways
offoregroundingtheproductivepotentialitiesoftenhiddenwithinthematerialitiesofthe
urban”(p.719).Conductingtheresearchusinglandscapearchitectureresearchmethods,
materialitywouldbeconsideredintheanalysis.
34
Inusinglandscapearchitectureasalensthroughoutthisresearchtoexaminelocalitieswithan
emphasisontherelationshipbetweenconvivialityandmateriality,thefieldworkand
discussionrequiresareflectiononspatialdesignqualities.Inlandscapearchitecture,the
designeraimstocreateplacesthatmeetsocialandculturalobjectivesaswellas
environmentalandaestheticintentions.Socialresponsivenessinlandscapearchitecture
meansthatdesignersshouldbeawareofthedivergentwayspeopleuseandexperience
landscapesandthenrespondtotheseindesign(Thwaites,2001;Dee,2001).Differentforms
ofspacescanenabledifferentsocialfunctions.Thwaites(2001)highlightsthatdifferent
qualitiesandelementsofspatialconfiguration(centre,direction,transitionandarea)in
landscapearchitecturecanshapepeople’sexperiencesandsocialinteractionsinurbanopens
spaces.Forexample,edges(linear)andthreshold(in-between)haveintegrativesocial
functions(Dee,2001,p.3)andalsoThwaitesetal.(2014)arguethatmoreemphasisneedsto
begiventothetransitionalspacesinurbandesignandlandscapearchitecturetofacilitate
widesocialbenefitsofoutdoorspaces.Similarly,landscapeelements(water,pavement,plant,
structureandfurniture,topography)supportalsoaffordancesforsocialinteractionsand
triangulation(Whyte,1980).Thetheoryofaffordance,fromthisperspective,highlightsthe
potentialofoutdoorspacesforsupportingpeople’sinvolvement,socialinteractionandtheir
intendedusesinwhichmeaningsareconstructedbyindividuals(Kaplan,1979;Nassauer,
1995;Travlou,2006;MooreandCosco,2007;Tonnelat,2010;Legeby,2010;Colesetal.,
2013).Inlandscapearchitecture,affordancescouldbeconsideredundersocio-spatial-
temporaldimensions,butlandscapearchitectsneedtobesensitiveinrespondingtoand
supportingtheexistingsocial,culturalandenvironmentalpatterns.
Ininterrelatingethnographicresearchandplace-making,Pink(2008)alsoexploreshow
outdooractivitiesandmaterialitiescanevokememoriesthroughexposuretodiversesensory
experiencesatmicro-scale.Close-upexperiencesoflandscapeandimmediateexposuretothe
materialityofphysicalfabricofspacesprovidediversityofsensoryqualities(colour,light,
texture,orpattern)insurfaces,topography,vegetation,structuresandwater(Dee,2001,
p.188ff).Suchdetailsareinthesenseofthelandscapedesignandanintegralpartinthe
processofdevelopmentandimplementationofdifferentspacesandforms(i.e.paths,edges,
fociandthresholds)(ibid).Visualandnon-visualsensesevokememoriesandstimulate
differentactivitiesinpublicplaces(ibid).Qualitiesofinclusiveness,flexibilityandrobustness
helpsupportawiderangeofpeople’sperceptionsandactivities.Yet,thismaynotbeentirely
straightforwardincomplexandculturallydynamicurbanenvironments.
35
Accordingly,carefulattentionshouldbepaidtohowmaterialsmaybeinvolvedintheactivities
andembeddedinculturalandsocialunderstandingofidentityasmaterialsnormaliseuse
(AskinsandPain,2011).AskinsandPain(2011)alsoassertthatthedeployment/employment
ofobjectsmaybecriticalwithinplanningandimplementationofanactivitysoastoenable
meaningfulencounter.Forexample,artprovidespointsofconnectionandtriangulation
betweenpeopleinamoment,whichopenuppotentialsfor‘newsocialrelationstobe
enacted’(ibid,p.817).Thus,policyshouldalsorecognisethetemporaldimensionofencounter
andtheneedforrepeatedactivitiestounderstandtransformationintheroutineuseand
relationsbetweenpeoplewherebynewnormsintheuseofthespacemayemerge(ibid).
2.3.2.2Temporality
Temporalityinthissectiondealswiththemeaningsdevelopedfromencounterswitha
temporaldimensionandwithinalimitedtime.Thoughencountersareoftencharacterisedas
momentaryorfleeting;momentaryencountersshouldnotberegardedasinsignificantoras
eventsthatdissipateasquicklyastheyseeminglyemerge.Rather,WilsonandDarling(2016)
andWilson(2016)emphasisetheimportanceofencountersaseventswithassociations
formedacrossmultipletemporalities.Theyarguethatevenfleetingencountersareformed
andshapedbyawealthofpastexperiences,eventsandmemories,whichcouldresonate
beyondtheirownimmediateoccurrencetoshapeopinionsandfuturecompetencies.Since
encountersaresituatedwithinpersonalandcollectivehistoriesaswellasimaginedfutures,
Wilson(2016)suggests,“Itispossiblethatencountersaccumulatetograduallyshiftrelations
andbehavioursovertime”(p.13),andhighlightstheimportanceofconsideringhowmovement
andmobilityshapeencountersthatarefleetingyetmeaningful.Repeatedmomentary
encounterscouldalsobecomesustainedovertimeandcouldbecomesignificantforinforming
theeverydaynegotiationofculturaldifferences(NealandVincent,2013;Nealetal.,2015;
Wilson,2016;Nealetal.,2016).Suchsustainedroutineencounterscanhappeninpublic
transport,communitycentres,schoolsorneighbourhoods(Wilson,2016).Hence,social
transformationhappensovertimethroughacumulativepatternofencounters.
Nealetal.(2015)addthatencountersarenottheonlymomentsofdirectinteractionand
dialogue,butalsosharingspacesandparticipationinsimilarpracticescouldbeaffective
encounters.Theirstudyrevealedthatsharingaspacecouldgeneratefeelingsofconnectivity
totheknownandtheunknown.Theyexplainthat“whilethesocialaffinitiesaffordedby
sharingtheparkspacemaybetemporary,therepeated,ongoingnatureofusing/visitingthe
spacemaygenerateadeeperformofencounter”(p.472),andaddthatrepeatedusemayalso
36
generate“extradiscursivesensesofaffinityforthosespacesandaconnectiontoothersthough
withoutinteraction”(p.473).Withasimilarperspective,Wilson(2011)describestheethnically
diversesocietiesineverydayencountersonapublicbusroutetobe‘temporarycommunities’.
Conductingresearchonpublicopenspacescandemonstratethattemporalityofencountersin
outdoorspacescouldbeintegraltothenotionofsocialcapital,thusencounterscouldbe
framedasmeaningful.First,itneedstobeunderstoodthatpublicopenspacesareconnected
urbanenvironmentsandhencerepeatingthepracticeofbeingoutdoorindifferentlocations
cancontributetotheconceptofextendedencounter,inwhich“exchangesorrecognitionscan
travelfurtherintoothersocialsites”(Nealetal.,2016).Thisargumentsecondlydrawsonthe
conceptof‘temporalityofthelandscape’and‘taskscape’(Ingold,2000)inwhich“justasthe
landscapeisanarrayofrelatedfeatures,so-byanalogy-thetaskscapeisanarrayofrelated
activities”(ibid,p.195).Throughunderstandingthatdynamiclandscapeandthearrayof
connectedtaskscape,theconceptofsocialencountersinpublicopenspacescouldbe‘scaled
up’andtranslatedbeyondthemomentofmeeting.Theeffectscanbetranslatedbylinking
differentoccasions,activitiesandpeoplewithdynamicpatternsofuse.Inthiscase,scalingup
encountersinanopenspacecouldhappennotonlythroughtheconceptof‘mobilisation’and
relocationoftheeffectwithinthecity,butalsowithinthesamespaceinadifferenttime.
Nonetheless,theeffectoftheencountercouldalsobemobilisedwithpeople’smovement
withinthecity.Besides,theseconceptsofextendingencountersinconnectedspaces,linking
occasions(taskscape)andmobilisingarerelevanttoenhancingsocialcapital;hence;outdoor
builtenvironmentscanproducemeaningfulencountersandtheireffectscanbescaledup
beyondthemomentofencounter.
Anotherimplicationherefortheconceptofmeaningfulencountersisthatthroughfacilitating
thepracticeofbeingoutdoors,encounterscanberepeatedandextendedencounterscanbe
produced.Wilson(2016)andWilsonandDarling(2016)findthatencountersinmoderncities
aretheunanticipatedexposurestodifferencesandtheiroutcomesarealsounpredictable,and
accordingly,WilsonandDarling(2016)claimthatencountersshouldnotbedesigned,
facilitatedorreplicatedtoproducespecificoutcomes.However,withtemporalityand
dynamicsoflandscape,thereisalwaysanelementofsurprise,butunpredictabilitymaycreate
ambiguityinacontextwithdifferentculturalexpectationsandinterpretations.Inthis
perspective,PowellandRishbeth(2012)demonstratethattofosterinclusioninoutdoor
spaces,safety,legibilityandtransparencyarenecessarytosupportroutineactivitiesinwhich
diverseculturescannegotiateintheirusewithconfidenceandfamiliarity.Consequently,to
supportmeaningfulencountersandpromotesocialcapital,‘electivepractice’ofbeing
37
outdoorsshouldbefacilitated.Thiscanalsocreateacumulativepatternofencountersand
socialtransformationintermsofchoicestorepeatsharingoutdoorspaceswithdiverseothers.
2.3.3Hospitality:Amoralvalue
Indialoguesonmoralphilosophy,sociabilityhasbeendescribedasa‘mutualobligation’
betweenindividuals(Darwall,2012).Similarly,SheringhamandDaruwalla(2007,p.34)claim
thatinseveralcultures,hospitalityisconsideredasa‘moralobligationandvirtue’.Inthe
wordsofImmanuelKant,theGermanphilosopher,hospitalityis“therightofastrangernotto
betreatedwithhostilitywhenhearrivesonsomeoneelse’sterritory”(Covell,1998,p.142).
ThisresearchisconductedwithinanArabic-Islamiccontext;therefore,itisappropriateto
understandtherelevantmoralcodesfromIslamicliterature,whichinfluencesocial
sensibilitiesinlocationssuchasBahrain.Al-Kayasi(2003)declaresthatIslamadvocatesits
followerstoexchangesalutationswithpeopletheymayencounter,forexampleinstreet,a
ridershouldgreetapedestrian,apedestrianshouldgreetonewhoissitting,andasmallparty
shouldgreetalargeparty,ayoungershouldgreetanelderone(ibid,p.150).Sucha
commonplacesocialpracticestrengthensandsustainsconvivialrelationsbetweendiverse
ethnicities.Inaddition,streetorpublicspaceetiquetteinanIslamicsocietyextendsto
greetingastranger,keepingtheneighbourhoodareasandpublicspaceslitterfreeand
removinganyobstaclesuchasstone,thornorasharpobjectthatmaycauseinjurytoapasser-
by.Infact,Islamreferstosuchactsascharitableor‘Sadaqah’(ibid,p.172).Islamurgesits
devoteestostrictlyadheretorespectfulbehaviourinthepresenceofwomen(ibid,173).
Bahrainisrenownedforitstolerantapproachtowardforeignersofdifferentfaiths,whoare
allowedtopractisetheirrespectivereligionsinpublic(Karolak,2009).Thenumberof
mosques,churchesandtemples,whichofferreligioussermonsandservicesinseveral
languages(ibid),suggestsanacceptanceofbothmigrantsandforeigncultures(Gardener,
2011).Itisalsocommontofinddisplaysandinstructionsindifferentlanguagesonwindowsof
shops,whichalsohirecustomercarestafffromthemigrants’countriestofacilitate
communicationinthedifferentlanguages(Karolak,2009).WhileArabicistheofficiallanguage
inBahrain,HindiandEnglisharewidelyusedbythelocalpeopletocommunicatewith
migrants(ibid)
Gardener(2010a)statesthathospitalityinBahrainisdeeplyrootedinArabandIslamic
cultures,andthisethoshelpsthelocalcitizenstocoexistwithmigrantsandplayhost.Healso
38
addsthatthelocalcitizensrealisetheirlackinrequiredskillstokeeppacewiththeglobal
economiesandthatforeignworkersareneededtosustaintheeconomy.However,Gardner
(2008)inhisresearchaboutIndiandiasporainBahraindeclaresthatthereareoccasional
‘violentundercurrents’inmigrants’everydayencounterswiththecommunity,inwhich
migrantstrytoavoidgettingintoconflictswiththelocalpeople.Hence,withintersectionalities
ofidentitiesandculturaldifferences,differentMuslimgroupscouldexpresstheirmanners
differently.Culturalpracticesarenotonlyshapedbyreligionororigin,butalsobyother
culturalvariablessuchaseducation,lengthofresidenceandsocio-economiclevel.
2.3.4Conflictswithinconviviality
“Grapplingwiththecomplexandoftencontradictoryterrainoflivedencounterinbothits‘happy’and‘hard’formsandtheatmospheresthatemergefromsituatedencounterremainsrelativelyunexploredterritory,ripeforfurtherresearch.Thisisachallengeevermorepressingwiththeinfinitemultiplicationofdifferenceandintensificationofflowspresentincontemporarycitiesofdifference”(WiseandVelayutham,2014,p.425).
Wheninvestigatingconvivialityineverydaysocialrelationsinpublicspaces,thepositive
perspectivesareusuallyhighlighted;however,itisimportanttobehonestaboutchallenges.
Howdothecomplexitiesofdiversitiesintransculturalcitiesspilloversometimesnegatively
intosocialeverydayencounters,andhowareconflictsshapedandexpressedatmicro-level?
Understandingtensionsatmicro-levelisvitalduetoconcernsofscalingup,generalisingor
mobilisingsuchconflicts(Valentine,2008;Wilson2016)andneedtoshapearesearch
approach:
“Inasuper-diversecontext,patternsofprejudice,theunderlyingreasonsforthemandthesocialpracticesresultingfromthemarecomplextoadegreethatonlyin-depthethnographiesofspecificgroupswithinthiscontextwouldbeabletoelicit”(Wessendorf,2014ap.14).
Amin(2008)arguesthatmoralityindealingwithdifferencesinanygivensituationof
‘throwntogetherness’5maynotbeconstantorpositive.Heexplainsthatuserscouldbe
inclinedtodemonstrateculturallyembeddedattitudesandbehavioursofavoidance,
discriminationorself-defence.Differencesdobecomeanissueofconflict,butethnicityisnot
alwaysthedominantcategoryfordifferentiation(Wessendorf,2014a).Thedefinitionsofin-
groupandout-groupcandependonthedurationofresidenceorcomplyingwith“rulesabout
5AtermusedbyMassey(2005)
39
cleanlinessandorder(e.g.notleavingrubbishoutsidethedoor,notbeingnoisy)and
participationinlocalactivities”(ibid,p.8).Noble(2013)alsofindsthateverydaypractices
couldconstitutejudgmentofothersbasedonmoralobligation.
Inacomplexsociety,theambiguityhasincreased;itthusmightnotbepossibletodefine,for
example,whatsociableorhospitablepracticesare.Smiling,hand-shakingorchattingwith
strangersofdifferentages,genderorethnicgroupsmighthavedifferentconnotations;
friendlinessforsome,whilstnotforotherswhoperceivethisascrossingboundaries,andfor
someafeelingofbeingintimidated.Inurbanspaces,thereisalwaysanelementof
ambiguityastoifasocialencounteriswithintheboundaryoftherulesorhasstrayedinto
anuncharteredarea,wherenormspertainingtocourteousnessmaynotprevail(Lofland,
1989).Shearguesthatthechoicesofrelationsareself-regulatedandadministratedand
relevanttothenotionofpeople’scivility.
Migrationsincreaseculturaldifferenceswithregardtoeverydaypractices.Thediverseand
culturalpracticesintransculturalcontextsarerelevanttointangiblehomeheritageor
differentlifestylesthattravelwithpeople.Promotionofdiversityfocusesonthefreedomof
culturalexpressionsandtobeabletopracticeone'sownculture,whichconstitutesacultural
rightandalsoencouragescreativity.However,Fainstein(2005)finds,“Therelationship
betweendiversityandtoleranceisnotclear.Sometimesexposureto‘theother’evokesgreater
understanding,butiflifestylesaretooincompatible,itonlyheightensprejudice”(p.13).
Herrmann(2010)findsthatdiversitymightnotalwaysbeuncomplicatedpleasureandinthese
contextsthenotionofconvivialityassupportedbycontactandshapedbytolerancemaybea
naïveassumption.Hefurtherstates,“livingdiversitydemandsacertainattitudetowards
othernesstolivepeacefullytogether”(p.131),butisalsoframedbystructuresofinequality
andpowerimbalances.
Amin(2008)arguesthatconflictsinpublicspacesaresymbolicofexclusionpracticesorhighly
controlledsupervision.Inordertofosterconvivialityasa‘civicvirtue’inanurbanpublicspace,
hesuggeststhatprovidingalinkbetweenurbanpublicspaceandvirtuecanextendabroader
moralconnotationtotheconceptofconviviality.Hecallsforimprovementsin‘socialwellbeing
andjustice’andthat“peoplehavetoenterintopublicspaceasrightfulcitizens”through
havinghighqualityaccessibleandinclusivepublicspaces(p.23).Valentine(2008,p.333)finds
thatsocialtensionsareoftenrelatedtosocio-spatialinequalitiesandinjusticeinallocating
localresourcesincitieswith‘competitionforscarceresources’and‘narrativesofeconomic
and/orculturalvictimhood’.
40
Weneedtoconsiderwiththe‘togetherbutunequal’typesoflifeinmoderncities,the
questionofhowconvivialityandmoralobligationcouldbecommunicatedinpraxisinurban
publicspaces.
2.4Urbanpublicopenspaces:Socialvaluesanduses
Apublicopenspacecanbedefinedasan“openspace,bothgreenspacesandhardcivicspaces,
towhichthereispublicaccesseventhoughthelandmaynotnecessarilybeinpublic
ownership”(Dunnettetal.,2002,p.8).Publicopenspaces(POS)inthisresearchcoverthe
formalandinformalspacesintheoutdoorbuiltenvironmentandincludeparksandgardens,
streets,parkingareas,sidewalk,corners,‘souqs’(marketplaces),squares,pedestrianareas,al
frescocafés.Inthedistributionofpublicspacesincontextsofdiversepopulationtheurban
environmentshouldensurethat“allenjoyaccesstoarangeofservicesandactivities”(Urban
TaskForcereport,1999,p.19).Thereport(1999)highlights:
“Publicspaceshouldbeconceivedofasanoutdoorroomwithinaneighbourhood,somewheretorelax,andenjoytheurbanexperience,avenueforarangeofdifferentactivities,fromoutdooreatingtostreetentertainment;fromsportandplayareastoavenueforcivicorpoliticalfunctions;andmostimportantlyofallaplaceforwalkingorsitting-out”(p.57).
Thissectionreviewsthefindingsfrompreviousstudiesregardingtheusevaluesofopen
spacesincontextswithdiversepopulation.
2.4.1ActivitiesandculturaldiversityinPOS
Acommonreflectionofdiversityinpublicopenspaceistherangeofactivitiestakingplace
(Gehl,2011).Ifthephysicalenvironmentofaspaceiswell-designedandmanagestoimprove
thequalityofpeople’sdailylife,itwillgiverisetoopportunitiesforsocialactivities(ibid).
Parks,squaresandstreetsbecomelivelythrougheventsandactivities,andtheseinturn
attractmoreusers(Dunnetetal.,2002;Woolley,2003;Ozgüner,2011).Gehl(2011)findsthat
thesocialactivitiescanbeanevolutionfromnecessaryactivities(e.g.goingtoschoolorgoing
toworkorevenshopping)andoptionalactivities(e.g.walkingforfreshair,exercisingor
sitting).
WardThompson(2002)findsthatverylittleattentionisgiventothelifepatternsofurban
openspacesandhowculturallyappropriatethesespacesare.Intherecentdecades,the
41
researchonmigrationandracehasstartedtoinvestigatetheactivitiesofdifferentusersin
urbanpublicspacesastheyhaveadirectimplicationonthesenseofbelonging,wellbeingand
socialjustice(Rishbeth,2001;ByrneandWolch,2009;Peters,2010;Kloeketal.,2015)
particularlyasleisureandrecreationappeartobecommonreasonstousePOSamongthe
differentculturalgroups;however,themanifestationofleisureactivitiesarediverse(Lowet
al.,2005;ByrneandWolch,2009;PetersanddeHaan,2011;Ozgüner,2011).Byrneand
Wolch(2009)identifythatwhileseclusionactivitiessuchascamping,hiking,hunting,boating,
swimming,cycling,anddog-walkingarecommoninformaluseamongwhites,Asiansprefer
strolling/walking,picnicking,fishing,volleyball,andgolf,Latinosusuallyengageininformal
socialactivitiessuchaspicnicking,andAfrican-Americansseemtoenjoysportandorganised
recreationlikebasketball,butalsosociableactivities.Ozgüner(2011,p.599)alsofindsthat
Turkishpeopleuseurbanparksmostlyingroupsforrecreationalactivitiessuchaspicnicking,
restingandrelaxing,whichisdifferentfromwesternuse.Theperceptionsandpreferencesare
alsodifferentbetweendifferentgroups(Rishbeth,2004;ByrneandWolch,2009).Peters
(2010)findsthatmigrantsprefertousetheopenspacesneartheirhomesratherthaninthe
countrysidewherethesespacesareusedmostlybythelocals.
Amongstthisdiversity,thereareexceptionsofcommonalitiesbetweendiversecultures,
(Loukaitou-Sideris,1995).Safety,peaceandtheenjoymentofchildrenappearcommon
perceptionsinOzgüner’sstudy(2011)amongbothwesternandTurkishusers.Loukaitou-
Sideris(1995)alsofindthatgreenery,sportsfieldsandpicnicareasmeetsome‘universally
sharedneeds’(p.100);yet,weshouldnotignoresomespecificculturalpatternsofuseasthese
differencesaffectindividualwellbeing.
TheLoukaitou-Sideris(1995)studyfindsthatdifferencesinusingthePOSarenotonlyracial
andethnicbased,butalsorelevanttosocio-demographicsdifferences.ByrneandWolch
(2009)alsoaddthatvariablessuchasclass,ageandgender,race,generation,education,
origin,socio-economicstatus,locationandmobility,timeresources,history,andleisure
preferencesandattitudestonatureareculturaldifferencesthatreflectonthepatternofuse.
Theplacealsohasadirectroleinshapingdifferencesinpatternsofuseasmanyactivities
linkedtoculturalvaluesarecontextdependent.Inmanystudies,thefocusisonurban
greenspaces,whichincludeformalspacessuchasparks,buttheleisureandentertainment
functionofpublicspaceisnotlimitedtoinventedplacesandthemedenvironments(Peters
anddeHaan,2011).Theyassertthatleisureisalsoincreasinglyrecognisedaspartofordinary
urbanism.Investigatingmundanespacesandexperiencesintheneighbourhoodalsoenriches
42
theunderstandingofthemeaningofpublicspacesfordiverseusers(ibid).ByrneandWolch
(2009)emphasisetheroleofphysicalcharacteristicsofplace,neighbourhoods,service
provisioncostsandmanagementandmaintenancepoliciesinshapingpatternofuse.
Physicalfactorsshapetheperceptionandmotivationsforuseaswellasnon-useandthen
wellbeing(RishbethandFinney,2006;ByrneandWolch,2009).TheculturaldifferencesinPOS
alsocreatebarriersandconstraintsthatidentifyreasonsfornotusingPOS(ByrneandWolch,
2009).Rishbeth(2001),forexample,findsthatthereasonsbehindnotusingdistantpublic
parksorcountrysidearemainlybecauseoflongworkinghours,transportationissuesornot
havingspecialisedclothes.
TheArabianPeninsulaandMiddleEastcountrieshaveadistinguishedgeographicallocation
fromtheotherpartsoftheworldthataffectstheircultureandclimate,butfewstudiesare
concernedwiththeuseofPOSinthisregion(Addas,2015).Thetermurbangreenspacesinthe
westernworldconsiderstheformalPOSandordinarylandscape,whileinmanyaridclimates,
theordinarylandscapeiscommonlydesert,alsomanygreenformalspaceshavenotbeen
designatedforfunctionaluse,butmostlyforvisualconsideration(suchastheroundabouts
andthestreets’andparkingareas’islands)(Bolleter,2009and2015).Theclimateandthe
demographiccharacteristicsinthisregionalsodifferbetweentheGulf,Africa,the
MediterraneanandthewestandeastcoastsoftheArabianPeninsula.Theeconomyand
history,forexample,betweentheNorthAfricancountriesandtheGulfdiffer(Nagy,2009);
yet,ArabcountriesintheGulfsharemorecharacteristics.Hence,morestudiesinthisregion
arerequiredtounderstandperceptionsandtheusesofoutdoorsspaces.Thesocialand
culturaldynamicsintheGulfalsoaffecttheperceptionsandactivitiesinoutdoorsspaces,
whichincreasethecomplexityofunderstandingsociallifeinPOS.Thefindingsofthesestudies
couldbeextendedtootherMiddleEasterncountriesandusedasabaseforfutureresearch.
Understandingpatternofusesofopenspacesandthesocialandculturalaspectsofthebuilt
formisessentialtosupportthetheoriesofsocialtransformationandsocialinclusivity.
Exploringthecommonalitiesinuseisalsoadirectiontowardsintegrationandconviviality.
Consideringthatbothformalandinformal(suchasstreet)POSareplacesforleisure
emphasisesthatpeoplehavechoicesinbeingoutdoors,whichcanprovideelectivepractices
andsupportconvivialencounters.BarriersordifficultiesinaccessingthePOSorinconducting
diverseleisureactivitiescouldalsobeanobstructionforsocialencountersandcould
negativelyaffecttheprocessofadaptationandthepromotionofasenseofbelongingin
transculturalcities.
43
2.4.2SocialvaluesofPOS
POShaveawiderangeofbenefitsforpeople’swellbeing.Benefitsorvaluesofurban
greenspacecanbecategorisedassocial,environmentalandeconomic;“howeverakeyfeature
ofsuccessfulgreenspacesistheircapacitytoprovidemultiplebenefitstocommunities”
(Dunnettetal.,2002,p.78).Inacontemporarysociety,itisimportanttounderstandthese
valuesforthediversepeople.Socialvaluesareveryhighlyrelevanttothisresearch.POSoffer
arangeofsocialbenefitstousers,includingmigrantsandnewcomers,whichpromoteshealth
andsocialwellbeing(Dunnetetal.,2002;RegionalPublicHealth,2010;WardThompson,
2011).
2.4.2.1Restorationvalues
POShaverestorativevaluesasexposuretoopenspaceswouldpromoterelaxationandreduce
stress.Kaplan(1995)suggeststhatoneislikelytofeelineptordistraughtwhentired,
pressured,apprehensiveorirritated.‘Attentionrestorationtheory’suggeststhatmental
fatiguecanberecoveredandimprovedbycontactwithnature(ibid).
Severalstudiespointoutthesignificantroleofnaturalenvironmentsandgreenspacesto
mitigatestressandreduceattentionfatigue–asyndromeexperiencedamongpeopleof
differentagegroups(Kaplan,1995;Korpelaetal.,2001;OttossonandGrahn,2005;Hansmann
etal.,2007).Inthesestudies,itissuggestedthatopen,light-fillednaturalgreenspaceswith
treesandwaterbodiesarepredominantlybeneficialassuchenvironmentsinstilafeelingof
securityandrelaxation.Thepotentialbenefitsofpublicspacesincludetheideaof‘therapeutic
landscapes’orhealingplaces,whichemphasisetheroleofthequalitiesofthesurrounding
environmentinpromotingwellbeing(Cattelletal.,2008).Kaplan(1995)demonstratesthat
naturalgreenenvironmentshavethekeyqualitiesthatsupportrestoration,whichare:
fascination,beingaway,extentandcompatibility.Fascinationisthevisualqualityofaspace
thatintrinsicallycaptivatesandallowsinvoluntaryattention,andisatypicalcharacteristicof
naturalenvironmentsbecauseofthedynamicfeaturesandsoft-harddimension(ibid).While
‘beingaway’couldbeaphysicalorconceptualformofgettingawayfromroutinelife,the
naturalspacesalsohaveextentorinotherwords,avarietyofcoherentandstimulating
activities(ibid).Kaplan(1995)alsofindsthatthenaturalspaceshave‘compatibility’withthe
intentionandproclivityoftheusers,whichmakesthegreenspacesidealspacesfor
restoration.Thesensoryexperiences(visualandnon-visual)ofnature(particularlyvegetation)
44
havebeenemphasisedinmanystudiesasaspectsofstressrestorationthatstimulate
individuals’differentsenses(OttossonandGrahn,2005;GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).
Whilenaturalenvironmentshavepotentialrestorativeattributes,inthe‘globalplace
experience’,restorativenesshasalsoemergedinbuiltenvironments(ScopellitiaandGiuliania,
2004).Theystatethatthefourrestorativecomponentsproposedby‘attentionrestoration
theory’candifferaccordingtopeople’sperceptionsoftheleisureexperiencesintermsof
relaxationandexcitement.Theirfindingsindicatethatbothnaturalandbuiltenvironments
canhavedifferentrestorativepotentialsdependingontheageoftheusersandthetime
availableforrestoration.Thesocialandaffectivedynamicsalsoemergedasimportantfeatures
ofrestorativeexperiences.
Thwaitesetal.(2011)underlinetheexperiencesofpeopleincitiesandtheimplicationfor
restorativevaluesandarguethatmoreattentionneedstobegiventothesocialdimension
whenstudyingrestorativeexperiences.Spatialconfigurationandqualitiesofoutdoorspaces
havefundamentalpsychologicalandsocialbenefits(Thwaitesetal.,2005).Thwaitesetal.
(2011)suggestthatabetterunderstandingofhuman-environmentrelationsisrequiredwhen
investigatingrestorativeexperiencesofoutdoorspaces.Fromthisperspective,the‘routine
andmundaneactivitiesinpublicspace’maypromotewellbeingandcomfort;yetforothers,
thesemundanePOSarealsobeusedto‘escape’from‘everydayhouseholdchores’(Cattellet
al.,2008,p.557).Here,peoplefeelcomfortableto‘mingle,observeandlinger’becauseofthe
aspectsofenjoyable‘cosmopolitanlife’(ibid).Cattelletal.(2008)furtherarguethatpeople
oftenretreattocontiguousnonpartisanspacestohaveaninterludefromtheirhumdrumlives,
andthesespacessymboliseasociableandconvivialsanctuaryformanyofthem.Social
interactioninpublicspacescan‘providerelieffromdailyroutines’andcanhaveadirect
impactonwellbeing(ibid,p.556).Forsomepeople,POSembodyasanctuarytobealone,but
forsomeothersthecollectiveusesalleviatestressandhelpmaintainhealthandwellbeing
(ibid,2008).Forinstance,KochandLatham(2011)findthatthein-betweenvernacularspaces
inthemarketscoulddevelopformsofconviviality,whichcouldholdrestorativevaluesand
therapeuticqualitiesfordiverseusers.AccordingtoFincher(2003),convivialityisakeyfeature
ofcontemporaryurbanlifestylesascircumstancespromoteconvivialinteractionsamong
individuals;theycanparticipatecollectivelyinseveralmundaneactivitiessuchaseating
alongsideothersinpublicspaces.AccordingtoCattellet.al.(2008),routineencounterswith
familiarpeopleinfamiliarspacescreateanimpressionofdependabilityofpeopleandthings;
however,unanticipatedencounterscanalsoofferpleasurableexperiences.Becauseofthe
significantimportanceofPOSforhealth,WardThompson(2011)arguesthatthereisneedfor
45
abetterunderstandingofthequalityofoutdoorenvironmentforpromotingpeople’s
wellbeing.
InWesternresearchcontexts,thecorrelationbetweenmentalwellbeingandopen
greenspaceshasbeenwell-established;however,intheMiddleEast,therestorativequalities
ofopenspacesneedtobeinvestigatedinadesertcontext(Alrawaf,2015).InJeddah,Addas
(2015)findsthatsoftscapefeaturesofPOSsuchastreesandplantsenhancedtheirrestorative
values,andthedesertlandscapeoutsidethecitylimitsoffersthe‘beingaway’valueforthe
residents.InBahrain,thereareformalpublicparksandgardensthataremainlywell-
maintainedgreenspaces,butthenaturalspacesdonotindicategreenandtheordinary
landscapeiscommonlydesert.Thequestionishowordinarylandscapeandinformalopen
spacescanpromotementalwellbeing,andhowthesedesertspacesorgreenparkscanhave
restorativevaluesforthediversepopulationwithdifferentperceptions,pastexperiencesand
historyofplaces.Peoplecouldalsohavedifferentsensoryexperiencesinthedesert,gardens
andurbancongestedspaces,whichneedtobeexplored.
Mobilityandtimeresourcesandsocio-economiclevelsofthediversepopulationmightaffect
accessibilitytotheprovidedgreenspacesbecauseoftheirlocationaldisadvantagesor
distribution,whichwouldthenaffectpeople’sopportunitiesforexperiencingwellbeing.
ConsideringthevaluesofPOSonpeople’shealthandwellbeingisparticularlyappropriatefor
thepoorandtheworking-classresidentsastheydonothavebackyardsorgardensandalso
havemuchlessleisuretimewhentheycanrest(Lowetal.,2005;Ozgüner,2011).Thepeople
whoperhapshavethegreatestneedfor“accesstopublicparksandtheopportunityfor
sociabilityinasafeoutdoorsetting”arethosewhohaverestrictedmobilityforreasonsof‘age,
economicstatusorlackofprivatetransport’(WardThompson,2002,p.61).Hence,itis
importanttoconsidersocialjusticeandtounderstandhowothertypologiesandexperiences
indifferentPOScouldhaverestorativevalues.
2.4.2.2Socialcohesion
Socialcohesionisimportantatthelevelofnationhoodforemphasisingtherelationship
betweencitizens,andisalsoimportantforthose“whodonotsharethesamesenseof
commonhistoricalorgeographical‘belonging’”topromotesocialcapitalinthecommunity
(LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007,p.16).Incontemporarysocieties,debatesregarding
socialcohesionareoftenrelatedtosocialnetworks,asthepopulationsaredynamicand
superdiverseandnothomogeneous;however,theimportanceofsocialinteractionhasbeen
46
emphasisedintransculturalstudies(Vertovec,2007a).Manystudiesclaimthatinteractions
betweenpeopleacrossethnicdividesincreasesocialcohesionandhenceformthegenesisof
socialcapital(MeanandTims,2005;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007;Cattelletal.,2008;
Peters,2010).
Opportunitiesinpublicspacesforsocialinteraction,integratingwithothersanddeveloping
attachmentswiththelocalcommunityrepresentsocialvaluestotheusers(MeanandTims,
2005;RishbethandFinney,2006;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007;Cattelletal.,2008).
UsingPOSdevelopsconnectiontothespaceandtootherpeoplewhousetheseplaces
throughsocialencounters,whichcanpromotefeelingsofcomfortandleadtosocialcohesion.
Peters(2010)addsthatinspacesthatcancreateopportunitiesforinteractionsamongdiverse
ethnicgroups,migrantscanbenefitfromthosemomentsofinteractionswithnon-migrants
becausesuchinteractionscanproducefeelingsofacceptance,thoughencountersmaybe
cursoryorinformal
LownsbroughandBeunderman(2007,p.16)emphasisethatthesenseoftrustandsolidarity
andsocialcapitalcouldbefosteredthroughsocialinteraction,therecognitionofshared
interestsandcompassionbetweenstrangersandbyovercoming'thebarriersofotherness’.
Theyalsoemphasisethatevenwhenitcomestodiversityandchange,particularlyin
communitiesthatareexperiencingrapidratesofmobility,trusthasbecomeanessential
elementforbuildingrelationships.Bondingties(Putnam,2000)isimportant,butsotooisthe
opportunitytomakefleetingcontactsandloosebridgingtiesthroughinteractioninpublic
spaces(TheYoungFoundation,2012;Nealetal.,2015),assomebenefitsimplyfromthe
impromptunodsandsmilesofotherusers(Cattelletal.,2008).Tosupportmeaningfulcontact
thatpromoteasenseofcommunityandsocialcapital,‘electivepractice’ofbeingoutdoors
andleisurepracticesshouldbefacilitated.
Peters(2010)assertsthatpeoplearemorelikelytocooperateandhaveinteractionswith
strangersinpublicspaces,whereleisureactivitiestakeplace.EventsinPOScouldcreatethese
“’liminal’spaces,wherepeoplefeelabletolosethemselvesincommunalcelebrations”,which
alsocontributetothemaintenanceofphysicalhealthandmentalwellbeingsuchasassistingin
recoveryfrommelancholy(Cattelletal.,2008,p.558).However,Peters(2010)findsthat
althoughpeoplewithdifferentethnicbackgroundsareusingtheparkstogetherwithlocal
people,therewasnoevidenceofinter-ethnicinteractioninherfindings,andhence,she
suggestsorganising“moreactivitiesinurbanparkstobringpeopletogetherandfacilitate
interethnicinteractions”(p.430).
47
2.4.2.3TheimportanceofPOSfornewmigrants
Besidesbeingawayfromtheirfamilyandhome,worriesregardingunderstandingthenew
citiesincreasestressformigrantsacrossborders(refertoSection2.2.3).POSpromote
legibilitythroughprovidinginformationaboutsocialenvironmentsinthesurroundingworld
withopportunitiesforengagementsandsociability,whichcanpromoteconfidenceand
supporttheirintegrationintothenewplace(MeanandTims,2005;Beundermanetal.,2007;
Gehl,2011;PowellandRishbeth,2012),especiallyformigrantsandnewcomers.Powelland
Rishbeth(2012)assertthat“Thevisibilityofactivitiesandinteractionsinoutdoorplaceswas
usefulbothforthelearningofeverydayskills,andformodellingdiversecultures”(p.69).Inthe
findingsofRishbethandFinney’s(2006)study,immigrantsoftenusePOSmoretofamiliarise
themselvestoeverydayactivitiesthantobuildsocialnetworks,eventhoughthesespaces
provideopportunitiesforsocialandculturalinteractions.Everydayurbanspacescanbethe
placeswheretheunfamiliarbecomesfamiliar(Armstrong,2004).Migrantscouldhavefeelings
ofestrangementinunfamiliarspaces,butPeters(2010)findsthat“themoretimespentin
public,themorepublicfamiliarityarises”(p.430).Shealsoargues,“Whenpeoplearefamiliar
withtherulesandmodelsofengagementusedincertainpublicspaces,theycanfeelmoreat
home”(p.430).
ByexaminingtheroleofeverydayexperiencesandmemoryinPOS,PowellandRishbeth
(2012)findthatspendingtimeinoutdoorpublicspacescansupportprocessesofadaptionand
enhanceasenseoflocalbelongingforfirstgenerationmigrants,whichpromotestheir
perceptionofwellbeing.RishbethandFinney(2006)findthosemigrants’perceptionsandpast
experiencesofPOScontributedpositivelytotheirintegrationintoanewsociety.Itisstated
thattheparticipantsintheirstudy,asylumseekersintheUKfromAsiaandAfrica,engagedor
disengagedfordifferentlengthsoftimewiththelocallandscapeasinthesespacestheyrevive
nostalgicmemoriesoftheircountryoforigin.Theaffordancesofthelocallandscapeto
facilitateculturalactivitiesarealsoimportanttomakeintangibleconnectionswiththeirpast
andpresenthomesandsupportadaptationformigrantsinatransculturalcontext(Rishbeth,
2014).Theoutdoorenvironmentscouldprovideopportunitiesformigrantstocontinuetheir
nativeoutdoorleisureactivitiesinplaceswheretheyfeelwelcome(GhoshandWang,2003;
Armstrong,2004;PowellandRishbeth,213).Beingoutdoorsinthecitywouldacquaint
migrantswithoptionstofitinandtodiscoverplaceswithpracticesandculturalgroupsfamiliar
totheirhomecountry(ibid).Themulti-sensoryexperiencesoflandscapecouldalsoprovoke
memoriesoftheirhomecountryformigrants,whichfurtherpromotewellbeing(Rishbethand
48
Finney,2006).Sensoryexperiencesofbeingamongdifferencesinsharedphysicalspacescould
alsoendorseegalitarianvalue(BynonandRishbeth,2015;Nealetal.,2015).
Withcomplexityofperceptions,experiencesandvalues,variousplaceshavebecome
importantinpromotingwellbeingformigrants.Intransculturalcities,differenttypesofspaces
includingliminalandedgestypesofspacessuchasthresholdspacesorbetween-ness,their
qualities,formsandfunctionshavedifferentpotentialsformigrantstobecomeinformed
abouttheirnewplaces(NoussiaandLyons,2009;Hou,2013)andhence,thepotentialvalues
ofinformalspacesshouldnotbeignored.Movingfromoneplacetoanothercanprovidea
baseforspatialandtemporalnegotiationbetweenengagementsinthelocalitiesorretreating
(ibid).Thesespacesprovidechancestomeetwithothers,whichfacilitatecommunication
betweendiverseculturalgroups(ibid).Retreatcouldalsobetocosmopolitanplaceswhere
migrantscanretaintheiranonymityorretreatfromsocialobligationsandcommunity’s
expectations(PowellandRishbeth,2012).Hou(2013)andNoussiaandLyons(2009)statethat
thechoicesforengagementcanfacilitateprocessofadaptationandformtranscultural
practicesthatsupportthesocialandculturaldynamicsanddiversityincontemporarysocieties,
andhencepromoteasenseofbelonging.However,suchcomplexityincontemporarysocieties
couldbeachallengeforplanningdesignandmanagementofPOS.
2.4.3Importantroleofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS
ProvidingandregulatingPOStoimprovethequalityoflifeandpromotewellbeingandwelfare
gounderthescopeofplanning,designandmanagementpractice.Giventhewiderangeof
benefitsofPOSforhumanwellbeing,thecomplexityinpatternofuseshouldbeconsideredin
practicetoservethediverseusesandsupportthedistributionofjustice.Thedifficultiesshould
alsobeweighedtoensureinclusivityandbenefitofthewiderpopulation.Practitionersmostly
viewthecontemporarycommonpracticeofplanninganddesignasatoolforproviding
convenientspacesfordifferentuserswithstandardneeds.Thisconceptoftop-downcommon
practicedoesnotnecessarilyrespondtothecurrentusesandhowpeoplearemanagingtolive
together(Lowetal.,2005;Siu,2013).Dealingwithparks,forexample,ashomogeneous
spacesincreasesdifficultiesinusingthesespaces(ByrneandWolch,2009).Thespaceshould
notbedesignedasifallusersaresimilarandallshouldbeequal;thisdoesnotrespondto
differences,insteaditcouldcreateconflictsandsegregation(Kloeketal.,2015).Thepractice
ofplanningandmanagingurbanpublicspacescanindeedbeameansofexacerbatingor
enactingsocialexclusionifculturaldifferencesarenotrecognised.
49
Convivialitymayseemalongwayfromtheformalworldofpolicymaking;butprofessional
practiceinurbanspacescouldbeawaytosupportconviviality(Shaftoe,2008;Wiseand
Velayutham,2014).Topromotesocialinteraction,thespaceshouldsupportmorethana
diversityofuses;itshouldrespondtotheintricateandfinelygraineddiversity(Jacobs,1961).
KevinLynchstates,“agoodplaceisaccessibletoallthesenses,makesvisiblethecurrentsof
air,engagestheperceptionsofitsinhabitants[…]Occasionandplacewillreinforceeachother
tocreateavividpresent”(Lynch,1981,p.132).Whyte(1980)assertsthatavarietyofsocial
interactionsmakesanyspacevibrant.Hefindsthatasmallopenspaceisconsidereda
successfulsocialinteractionsiteifprovidedwithmoreconvenientseating,foodoutlets,
landscapeelementssuchaswaterbodiesanddesignedwithapropermicroclimate.Projectfor
PublicSpacesalsodealswithsmall-scaleinformalspacesintheirprojectstocreatesuccessful
urbanareas(ProjectforPubicSpaces,2009).ProjectforPubicSpaces(PPS)usesplacemaking
asaframeworktodesignPOSwherethecommunityisinvolvedincreatingtheirspaces(Figure
2.1).Thechallengeremainsinengagingthewiderpopulationsandculturaldifferencesinplace
making.Inordertorespondtoculturalneeds,Loukaitou-Sideris(1995,101)revealthatthe
Figure2.1FourqualitiesusedbyPPS:spacesareaccessible;peopleareengagedinactivities;thespaceiscomfortableandhasagoodimage;andfinally,itisasociableplace
(ProjectforPublicSpaces,2009).
50
ever-changingspatialandsocialstructuresofmoderncitiesrequireaflexibledesignthatcan
beeasilychanged,andthisrequiresabettertypeofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS.
2.5Framingsocio-spatialimplicationsoftransculturalurbanismwith
commitmenttosocialjusticeinPOS
Transculturalurbanismshouldnotbedivorcedfromsocio-spatialexperiencesinthepublic
realm.Hou(2013)suggestsadoptinga‘transculturalplace-making’frameworkasanattempt
toembracesocio-spatialdynamicsandculturaltransformationincities.Saitta(2014)promotes
themodelof‘interculturalurbanism’wherethecorrelationbetweenculturesandbuiltformis
consideredinurbanplanninganddesignandthatabuiltenvironmentshouldreflectthe
qualitiesofthediversecultures.Theseareapproachestotackleculturaldifferencesand
provideaccesstothewiderpopulationintransculturalurbanspaces.Thecomplexityof
diversityisaddingtothepressureonprofessionalpracticetodealwithdifferences,whilealso
promotinginclusivityandequality.Theconceptofequalitymightnotbesufficientandcould
evenbeasourceofmarginalisationwhenitcomestoissuesonculturaldifferencesand
benefitsinusingurbanspaces.InclusivityinPOSalsohasimplicationsforhealthandwellbeing
(Cattelletal.,2008;MatsuokaandKaplan,2008).Fainstein(2005)arguesthatitis
unacceptabletodealwithdifferencesincitiesequally,especiallywhenthefundamentalsof
healthandwellbeingaretobenegotiated,whichemphasisethesocialjusticeconcept.
Implicationforsocialjusticeintheprofessionalpracticeofbuiltenvironmentassumesan
ethicaldispositionwhendealingwithculturaldifferences(AgyemanandErickson,2012).
“Professionssuchashealthcare,socialwork,law,andpublicadministrationarecharacterized
inpartbytheirethicalobligations”;likewise,theplanningprofessionshouldbenodifferent
(ibid,p.358).ConsideringthebenefitsofPOSforhealthandmentalwellbeingfordiverse
users,providingandregulatingPOSshouldbewithethicalresponsibilitytoensureinclusivity
andjusticeinreceivingthebenefits.
Inthisstudy,Iadoptthesocialjusticeframeworktodevelopananalyticalbasetoevaluatethe
practiceofprovidingandregulatingPOSinBahrain.Socialjusticeandpublicspaceisa
frameworkproposedbyLowandIveson(2016)tosupportprofessionalsandpractitionersin
provisionandregulationofpublicspacesinmoderncities.LowandIveson(2016)proposea
five-propositionsframeworkforevaluatingandanalysingsocialjusticeinapublicspace.
51
2.5.1Publicspaceanddistributivejustice
ThispropositionquestionshowPOS,asresources,shouldbedistributedtoachieveajustcity.
LowandIveson(2016)arguethattherearetwofactorsrelevanttothisproposition:
geographicaldistributionanddistributionaldimensions.Thefirstfactorisaboutdistributional
inequalityandspatialinjusticeofpublicspacesacrossthecity,withconcernsregarding
locationaldisadvantagewheresomeneighbourhoodshavelesspublicspacesthanothers.
Atthecitylevel,ghettos,forexample,havealwaysbeenanindicationofsocio-spatial
segregationandexclusion(Madanipour,2011).Inarapidlyglobalisingworld,gated
communitiesarealsoformsofsegregationderivedfromtheincreasingsenseoffearand
insecurityinadiversifiedurbanpopulation.Manyurbanplannersanddesignerspromotethe
policyofmixed-useneighbourhoodsasaresponsetoghettoisationandfortresscommunities,
butthispolicycanalsoleadtogentrification(ibid).
Gentrificationisintendedtoupgradethemixed-useandlowsocio-economicurbanspacesto
meettheperceptionsofmiddleclassandhigherincomesocialgroups.Itwasfoundby
Madanipour(2011,p.490)thatgentrificationcouldbedesirableparticularlywhenthe
outcomeaimsto“eradicatethesignsofpovertyanddecline,whichwouldincludethepresence
ofthepoorandtheirassociatedservicesandspaces.”However,gentrificationcouldleadtoa
feelingofalienationbetweendifferentgroupsandtheplacecouldbecomeunaffordablefor
thepoorcommunities(ibid).Hestates,“Socialsegregationmaybeexclusionary,butsocial
mixingisalsomorecomplexthanitseems,withpotentialdetrimentalimpactsonweakersocial
groups”(p.491).Hequestionsifcitydesignersshouldfacilitatesegregationorgentrification,
andfindsthatthekeysforanyurbandesignsolutionshouldbe‘individualchoice’;particularly
amongsttheweakergroups(p.492).
InGulfcities,familieschoosetoleaveolderneighbourhoodswithpoorconditions,whilstthese
areasstillprovideaccommodationformigrantworkers.Migrantworkersalsoliveinlabour
campsor‘bachelorcities’(Gardner,2010a).Presently,mostlabourcampsareconstructedin
theurbanandindustrialhinterlandsofthecity,whichpreventsthemigrantsfrommoving
aroundthecityandusingpublicspacesduringtheirleisuretime(Gardner,2011).However,
elitemigrants,normally,dwellingatedcommunitiesandhigh-riseapartmentbuildings(ibid).
ThissupportsaspectsofspatialsegregationinplanningandzoningtheGulfcitiesaccordingto
socio-economiclevelsbutnotethnicity.Gardner(2011)andJarachandSpeece(2013)explain
thatthenatureofexclusionintheGulfhasbecomebasedmoreonclassthanethnicity.In
52
Bahrain,citiesarerelativelymuchsmallerthaninitsneighbouringcountries;hence,the
categoriesofland-usesandbuildingzoningareveryclear.Inthisperspective,Rishbeth(2013)
investigateddetailsofinequalityinaneighbourhoodmostlypopulatedbymigrantsin
Sheffield,UK,andfoundalackofprovisionofcash-points,supermarketsandpoor
maintenanceofthestreets,whiletheresidents’awarenessofbetterqualitiesofurban
environmentelsewhereinthecitycreatesfeelingofstigmatisation.Itispossiblethatin
Bahrain,thephysicalproximitycouldalsoinfluenceconvivialityandsocialinteractionbetween
diverseculturalandsocialgroupsinoutdoorspaces.
However,Gardner(2011,p.7)mentionsthatmanycitizensintheGulfStatesconceive
themselvesasa‘besiegedminority’.JarachandSpeece(2013)addthatmanylocalcitizensdo
notfeelcomfortablebecausetherearealargenumberofforeigners,particularlymanual
workers,whodonotknowmuchaboutGulfculture,goingasfartosuggestthatGulfcitizens
mayavoidmanypublicspacesundertheseconditions.Clearly,thiscanresultinoneformof
exclusioninthepublicrealm,thoughspecific;policiesworkexplicitlyinadifferentdirection,
excludingmigrantworkersfromparksandgardensinQatar(Pattisson,2016).Gardner(2011)
givesthiscasestudy:
"InQatar,manylargeshoppingmallsandpublicparksnowenforce‘FamilyDay’policiesonFridays,theonlydaythatmostforeignlaborersarefree.Asianmenandother‘lowclass’malemigrantsarepreventedfromenteringthesepublicplaces,ostensiblytosafeguardthesespacesforfamilyuse”(p.21).
ProjectforPublicSpaces(PPS,2014)statesthat:
“DevelopmentintheGulfStatehasproceededalmostentirelywithoutmindtoregionalintegrationortheprovisionofpublicspace[…]Privatespaces,likemalls,hotelsandentertainmentvenueshavebecomeersatzMainStreetsandplazasforaprivilegedsubsetofthepopulation,whiletheworkingclasseshavebeenrelegatedtocrowdedresidentialcompoundsattheperipheryofthesesprawlingcities.”(PPS,2014)
Elsheshtawy(2008,p.7)claimsthatevidenceofexclusionanddivideinurbanspacesneeds
furtherstudiestounderstand“towhatextentarepoliciesofexclusionusedtomarginalizethe
lowerstrataofsociety?”
53
Thesecondfactorraisesmattersofaffordabilityandaccessibilityandifaccessibilitydepends
onwealthandabilitytopay.Imposingfeesandcontrolcouldalsobepartofdebateon
exclusion.LowandIveson(2016,p.10)mentionthatimposingafeeduringsomePOSeventsin
Sydneyhasmeantthatexclusionhasbeendebatedinthedailynewspapersandhas
‘generatedcontroversyandconflict’.Practitionersusecamerasandsecuritypersonnelto
providesafeplacesforusers;however,debateshaveemergedastowhethersecuringspaces
isconsideredinclusiveorexclusiveinthepublicrealm(Shaftoe,2008).POSareessentialfor
people’sphysical,mentalandsocialwell-being;thesesocialvaluescontributesignificantlyto
socialinclusionandhenceentrytoPOSshouldbefreeandtheyshouldbeaccessibletoall
sectionsinasociety(Dunnettetal.,2002;WardThompstonetal.,2004)
2.5.2Publicspaceandrecognition
AccordingtoLowandIveson(2016,p.18),thisconceptaddressesthestigmatisationof‘some
urbanidentitiesandwaysoflifeincities’.Injusticeinpublicspacescouldresultwhenmigrants’
culturalpracticesinpublicspaces,whichmayreflecttheiridentities,arediscriminatedagainst
throughregulations(ibid).Forjusticetobeenacted,individualvaluesandneedsshouldbe
consideredwhenprovidingandregulatingurbanspaces(ibid).
BehavioursandsocialpracticesinPOSreflectculturalidentitiesandvalues.Socialnormsand
individualvaluesmaydefinepeople’sbehavioursandboundariesinpublic(MeanandTims,
2005).Carmonaetal.(2010)andLowandIveson(2016)findthatthechallengesinurban
spaceshavegonefurthertodeterminewhatcountsasproperor‘legitimateuse’ofparticular
publicplacesorwhatisundesirableinasocialandculturaldynamiccontext,withoutexcluding
particularpractisesasalsostated:
“Thetensionbetweendeterminationtorestrict‘inappropriate’behavioursinapark[orapublicspace]andthedesiresofmanyusersformorevariedrecreationalopportunitieshasremainedaconstantfromthenineteenthcenturytotoday[…].Differentsocialandculturalgroupshavedifferingperceptionsofwhatisacceptableorsafebehaviour”.(WardThompson,2002,p.60)
Inthiscontext,BynonandRishbeth(2015,p.17)statethattherearenoanti-socialbehaviours
but‘differentlysocial’behaviours;hence,excludingdifferently-socialbehavioursmeansnot
recognisingdiversity.TheBenchProject(ibid)wasconductedinLondonandinitiatedasan
attempttoarticulatethevaluesandexperiencesofbenchuserswithinincreasingly
inhospitablecontexts(ibid).BynonandRishbeth(2015)arguethatcontrollingPOSshouldnot
54
leadtowardsasanitisedexclusiveurbanrealm,andhangingoutshouldbelegitimisedandnot
consideredascriminalactivity.
Therearedifferentkindsofexclusioninurbanspacesthroughdesignandmanagementasthey
failtorecognisecertainsocialbehavioursorculturalpractices(Carmonaetal.,2010).Forty
yearsago,Whyte(1980)criticisedmodernurbanspacesforexcluding‘undesirables’(for
example,thehomeless).Severalstudiesclaimthatpublicspacesoccasionallyexcludecertain
classes,races,colourorethnicityandalsoageandgenderbyimposinglimitsonnoise,
squatting,loitering,vending,publicactsofdrinkingorsmokingorskateboarding,whichare
culturalandsocialpractices(Leitner,2012;Mitchel,1995).Theconceptof‘hostile
architecture’isalsoanexampleofhowurbanspacescouldbedesignedtobeinaccessibleor
discouragecertainculturalpracticesorgroups.Forexample,seatingisreducedinthePOSto
preventhomelesspeoplefromsleepingonthem(Carmonaal.,2010).Anotherformoflackof
recognitionofdifferencesindesign,Rishbeth(2001)declaresisrepresentationofthecultural
symbolsinPOSwithoutunderstandingasthesecouldbemeaninglessorinsultingmorethan
appreciative,ifnotwell-representedorareoutofplace.Withcomplexityofdiversity,evenin
thedifferentgenerationsofthesamemigrantgroups,usershavedifferentperceptionsand
henceitisinappropriatetogeneralise(ibid).Francis(2011)findsthat“toooftendesign
attemptsto‘designout’ratherthanembracetheseconflicts.Gooddesignandresponsive
managementcannegotiateandmediatethesedifferences”(p.437).
Rishbeth(2001)usestheterm’democraticpublicopenspaces’toilluminatetheideaof
landscapedesigntobeforeverybodyregardlessoftheculture,asitismeaninglesstotalk
aboutequalitywhilstitisnotappliedinthedesignofPOS.Rishbeth(2004)findsthatprovision
offoodsuitableforpeoplewithdifferentethnicbackgrounds,recreationalprogrammes,
transportandifpossiblecommunicatingwithdifferentlanguagespeakersareissuestobe
consideredbyparksmanagement.
Lowetal.(2005)stresstheimportanceofmaintainingtheculturaldiversityofdifferentlyused
POS.Throughfivecasestudiesandethnographicmethods,Lowetal.(2005)derivedseveral
guidelinesforculturallysensitivedecision-makingintheplanning,designandmanagementof
publicparks,namelyrepresentingahistoryofdifferentgroupsandpeople,accessibility,
safety,providingdifferentfacilitiesthatattractpeoplefromdifferentculturalandsocial
groups,andfinallythesymbolicwaystodeliverculturalmeaning.However,redesigndoesnot
meanabetterproduct;forexample,removingusers’vernacularspacesastheyarenot
attractivetotouristsandthemiddleclassesisnotacceptable(ibid).Theyhighlightthe
55
significanceofunderstandingthecurrentusestoprovidedesignedspaceswithcontemporary
requirementsyetrespectingthediversityandequityamongtheusers.
IntheGulf,Elsheshtawy(2006,p.48)illustratesthatwhile“modernity(globalization)maylend
itselftoexclusiveness,localaspectspersist,andmayinfactbestrengthenedasaformof
resistance”whichpromoteculturalrecognition.Theresultsofthisresistanceareterritories:
“markedthroughtracessuchastheplacementofpaperlightscelebratingtheIndianDiwalifestival,thepresenceofadvertisementsgearedtowardcompatriots,theplayingofculturallyspecificsportssuchascricketininformalspacesandthewritingofgraffiti”(ibid,p.48).
Consequently,thecapacityofapublicspacetofitdifferentculturalpracticesisimportant
(Carmonaetal.,2010)toenactrecognitionandjustice.Thisispossiblethroughproviding
temporalandspatialchoicesandprogramming(WardThompson,2002,p.60;Rishbeth,2004)
wherepeoplecanmeetandmanipulatetheirrelationsandidentitiesinthepublicrealm.In
addition,Francis(2011)argues,“Ascitiescontinuetoincreaseindiversityandcomplexity,
designersandplannersneedtoinventnewformsofurbanplacesandtesttheireffectivenessin
creatingexcitingandmemorableurbanlife”(p.443).Cattelletal.(2008)addthat‘noone
publicspace’canmeetallcollectiveidentitiesandmeanings.Recognitionofculturaldiversity
shouldbeconsideredinpracticeasitcouldalsohaveinfluenceonsocialinteractioninPOS.
2.5.3Publicspace,encounterandinteractionaljustice
PolicyandpracticeofplanninganddesignplayavitalroleinenactinginteractionjusticeinPOS
throughprovidingconvivialatmospheres(LowandIveson,2016,p.19).LowandIveson(2016)
arguethatprofessionalpracticecanenhancethequalityandquantityofinteractionsamong
urbanusers.
Qualitiesofurbanspacesthatpromotesociallifeandfacilitateconvivialityarepermeability,
flexibility,walkability,sitability,safety,accessibility,legibilityandafavourablemicroclimate
(Carmonaetal.,2010).VisualpermeabilityinPOS,accordingtoPowellandRishbeth(2012),“is
theabilityofactivitiesandinteractionspositionedoutdoorstobeincidentallyseen,possibly
evenengagedwith”(p.75);hence,permeabilitysupports“thebreadthofpotentialinteraction,
andbroadensthepossibilitiesofwhomeets"(p.76).Permeabilitycanpromotesafetyand
legibility.Safetyiscrucialinprovidingsocialsupportfornewcomersandprotectingthe
migrantcommunities(Hou,2013).Safetywithtemporalandspatialdimensionsreducesfear
56
formigrantsorlocalsandsupportseverydaysocialinteraction.Additionally,flexibilityisan
importantdesignqualityformaintainingconviviality,assupportedbyShaftoe(2008).Itcan
alsobeprovidedbymoreactivities.Increasingactivitiescanbringpeopletogether,augment
thepossibilitiesforpeopletobeoutdoorsandalsoprovidenaturalsurveillance.Flexibilityis
alsoaboutthefeasibilityofchangingaspaceaccordingtoneed.Peopleselectplacesthatare
moreculturallyappropriate(orwitharangeofaffordances)tofittheiractivitiesandemerging
socialpractices.Therefore,flexibilitymeetsthenatureoffluidity;andasdescribedbyRishbeth
(2013),flexibleuseofaspaceisanessentialtacticintransculturalcities.However,flexibility
shouldbeenactedwithlegibilityinwhichspacesaretransparentandnotambiguous(Powell
andRishbeth,2012).Accordingly,increasingactivitiesthatmeetdiverseusesareessentialto
bringpeopletogether,supportflexibility,permeabilityandsafetyandenrichexperiencesand
affiliationinaspace.‘Robustness’,‘vibrant’,‘lively’and‘energetic’aretermsusedtodescribe
spaceswithdiversetypesofusesandusers.Choetal.(2015)arguethatconvivialityis
achievedthroughenrichingpublicspacesandbycreatinginclusivespacestosupportsocial
encounters.
Providingsociable,vibrantandinclusivedesignandbringingpeopletogetherdoesnotmean
thatnotensionswillarise.ConflictscouldemergebetweendifferentpreferencesinusingPOS
(Lowetal.,2005;Francis,2011;Lawton,2013).Inthisrespect,Lawton(2013)arguesthat
moreattentionshouldbegiventothedynamicsofsocialinteractioninrelationtothe
professionalpracticeforformalandinformalspaces.Francis(2011)states,“Weneedabetter
understandingoftheroleofprogramming,participationandmanagementinmakingmixed-
lifeplaces”(p.443).Thecontemporarycommonpracticeofplanninganddesignforproviding
convenientspacesfordifferentuserswithstandardneedsdoesnotnecessarilyrespondtothe
currentusesandhowpeoplearemanagingtolivetogether(Lowetal.,2005;Siu,2013).Inthis
context,Manzo(2013)claimsthattransculturalcitiesjustifyaneedforgreaterfluidityand
hybridity,notmerelytorepresenttransnationalnetworksandspacesthatallowinterchanges
butalsotofacilitatesignificantencounterswithintheurbanspaces.
Elsheshtawy(2006)arguesthatthetopicofmigrationslipsfromthecityplanners’agendain
GCCcountries,whilethemigrantsformasubstantialpartofthepopulation.Hefindsthatthe
migrantsandlowsocio-economicresidentsarelookingforplacesto“interactwithouthaving
toenterthemoreexclusivezonesreservedforhigher-incomesegmentsofsociety”(p.48).The
everydaymigrantpracticesarewhatmadePOSrealandvibrantand“serveasplacesto
connecttohomecountries”(ibid,p.48).Forexample,inBahrain,mostoftransnationalmigrant
57
labourerscrowdonthecentralstreetsofManamaduringtheirholiday(Gardner,2010b),
whichprovidesopportunitiesformixityandsocialencounters.Gardner(2010b)addsthat:
“Guestworkerspredominateinmanyofthepublicspacesofthecities;theyworkbehindthecountersofthebusinessesandshopsbeneaththeglassskyscrapersreachingintothehazyblueskies;theycrowdthenarrowstreetsofthecentralsoukonFridayafternoon.ThesheerscopeoftheseguestworkerpopulationshasfundamentallyalteredthesocialfabricoftheurbanagglomerationsthatdottheshoresoftheGulfwaters”(p.200).
Ontheotherhand,JarachandSpeece(2013)alsoarguethatthemodernurbanformisnot
encouraginginteractionamongstsocialgroups,therebycreatingmoredivision.Elsheshtawy
(2004)declares“Norealeffortismade[inthemodernGulfcities]toresolvesocialproblems,
addressconcernsofthelowerclass,ortrytomaketheurbanenvironmentmoreliveable”
(p.172).Bolleter(2005)concludesthatPOSinDubaiarenotinclusiveandmoreprogrammed
spacesarerequiredtoallowinteractionwithvariousculturalgroups;“thisinteractionneedsto
behandledwithcaresothatcomplexculturalsensitivitiesarerespected”(p.634)inthecross-
culturalcontext.
2.5.4Publicspaceandcareandrepair
“Caringforothersandparticipatingintherepairoftheenvironmentalsoconstitutesan
importantdimensionofsocialjusticeinpublicspace”(LowandIveson,2016,p.19)and
representsmoralcodesoftoleranceforothers,apassiveformofrecognition.Careandrepair
canonlybeenactedwhenpeoplecanaccesspublicspacesanddifferentculturesare
recognised.Recognitioncanbeenactedbypracticeandconvivialitycanbefacilitated;
however,thequestioniswhethercareandrepairistheresponsibilityofpeopleorpractice.It
isarguedinthisframeworkthatthesecodesshouldnotbeconsideredaspersonalor
communityresponsibilitiesonly;rathertheyshouldbeseenasacollectiveeffortbetweenthe
authorityandcommunity.
Therefore,itisimportanttoprovideamediuminwhichethicsofcareandrepairofPOSisa
sharedresponsibilitybetweenpeopleandprofessionals.Maintenanceofpublicspacescould
bethedutyofthemanagement,andprovisionofbenches,slopesorshadesareother
examplesofdesigningandmanagingwithcare.People’slevelofpro-environmental
behaviourscouldhavearole,however,people’sbehavioursandmoralitysuchasproviding
helpforothers,watchingafterchildren,pickinglitterfromthewayorgivingfoodare
expresseddifferentlyindifferentculturesandcannotbeenactedthroughpractice.Yet,some
58
studiesshowthatexposuretotherightkindofenvironmentcouldchangethesocialbehaviour
andupliftthesocialresponsibility(ByrneandWolch,2009),butintransculturalcitiesitmight
bedifficulttodefinethecommonlyacceptedsocialbehaviourstopromoteinclusivity.
Manyurbandesignpractitionersremainoptimisticabouttheadvantagesofgooddesignto
achieveadesirableoutcomeofbehavioursintheirwell-designedspaces(Carmonaetal.,
2010).Itispossiblethattheparkscouldalsoattractthe‘undesirables’,theporchesinfrontof
thehousescouldalsobeusedbystrangersorbenchesinpublicspacescouldalsobeindwelt
bythehomeless(ibid).Theseporchesandbenchesareexamplesofcarefordifferentsocial
groups(includingelderly,pregnantwomenorfamilywithchildren),butcouldalsocreate
stigmatisation,whichthentranslatesintopoliciesandregulationsofexclusionsuchas
removingbenches.
DecidingresponsibilityanddutyofcareandwhatareacceptedandwhatarenotinPOSshould
bethroughaprocessofwiderconsultation.Forexample,BBC(2016)discussedanewPublic
SpaceProtectionOrdertobanswearinginpublic,whichhasrecentlybeenenactedbySalford
CityCouncil.Thisregulationincludesamannerofcaringofothersinpublicspacesincluding
elderlyorchildren,whodonotwanttobeexposedtosuchbehaviours.However,the
broadcastdiscussedthatifbanningregulationscontinued,thenmanybehaviourswillbe
criminalisedandsocialconformitywillbeenforced.Certainly,thereisneedforabaseline
whereallusersfeelcomfortableandincludedratherthanintimidated;butwhenregulationis
assignedtodealwithmoraltensions,itshouldbeintroducedinademocraticway.
2.5.5Publicspaceandproceduraljustice
EvaluatingPOSshouldbethroughtheprocessnotthroughtheoutcometoensurejustpublic
space.LowandIveson(2016)maintainthatconflictsappearinthepublicrealmwheninjustice
becomespartoftheprocessandpracticeinprovidingspaces.
Theframeworkdefinesthecharacteristicsofthisprocessasrequiringnegotiation,
inclusivenessanddemocracy,whichcanalsopromoteemotionalcognitionandbuildasense
oftrust,belongingandattachment(LowandIveson,2016).Transculturalismcannotbe
achievedunlessthereisasharedcommitmenttorecognition,wellbeingandcare,which
promotesasenseofbelonging.Fincher(2003)assertsthatworkingwith‘citiesofdifference’
requiresmorethanensuringthatmanyvoicesspeak,itrequiresproperandinclusive
59
consultation.CulturalcompetencyisrecommendedinurbanplanningbyAgyemanand
Erickson(2012)tosupportnegotiation,widerconsultationandrecognitionofdifferences.
TopromoteculturalcompetencyintheprofessionalpracticeofPOS,itisimperativeto
understanddifferentculturesandthatcultureshavebeenandareevolvingconstantly.
Providedsuchastanceisadopted,thereisscopetolimitracialisolationordiscrimination
(UNESCO,2009).Adloff(2016)pointsthat:
“Convivialityacceptsthatwecannotchangeothers;wecanonlychangeourselvesorofferothersgiftstoopenupthepossibilitiesforcooperation[…]Thiscanonlyoccurinthedialoguebetweenandintheacceptanceofblendingofboundaries,entanglements,andambiguitiesofcultures”(Adloff,2016).
Culturalcompetencytoolsandmethodssuchasdialogueandstorytellingcouldbesignificant
whenlearningaboutandunderstandingdiversity,asinlinewiththetransculturalurbanism
approach(Hou,2013).Interculturaldialoguehasbeenusedinplanningpracticetomanage
differencesin“negotiatingfearsandanxieties,mediatingmemoriesandhopes,andfacilitating
changeandtransformation”(Sandercock,2000,p.29).Sandercock(2003b)claimsthat
dialoguecanalsopromotemutualcommitmentbetweenthesocietyandauthoritytoachieve
thecommongoodandcollectivevalues.Thestorytellingmethodhasbeenintroducedin
planningtounderstandthechangesincitiesandtoincorporatedifferentpeople’sexperiences
formallyintotheprofessionalpractice(ibid).StorytellingmethodwasusedbyRishbethand
Finney(2006)intheirstudyonmarginalisedculturalgroupstoelicitdifferentmeaningsand
thedevelopmentofplaceattachment.Thestorytellingapproachhasalsobeenusedindesign,
inwhichamultidisciplinaryprojectofindustrialdesign,scenography,screenwritingand
sociologyhavebeenincludedinastudyfocusedonurbanspacesandmetroenvironmentsin
Espoo,Finland(ViñaandMattelmäki,2010).Themainobjectiveoftheprojectwasto
understandpublicshapesthroughnarrativeconceptdesignandhowstorytellingcanbe
appliedinthedesignprocesstoofferexperientialcontextsandestablishaparticularidentityin
publicspaces(ibid).Sharingofstoriescouldalsobefacilitatedthroughdialogueinwhichthe
participantshavethepowerofcreatingcollectivemeaningsandbringingdifferencestogether
(Sandercock,2003b).However,Sandercock(2003b)sharesherworriesonusingstoriesin
planningpracticewithoutopennessandinclusivenessandtheneedtoavoidsituationswhere
“powershapeswhichstoriesgettold,getheardandcarryweight”.
60
IntheGulf,Elsheshtawy(2006)mentionsthatthetransformationofurbanismispartlya
repercussionofglobalcapitalismthatproducesmerelypassiveconsumercitizens.Ifusershave
apassiverole,theresponsibilityindealingwithculturaldifferencesandconflicts,whichare
complex,wouldonlyaddloadtothepractice.Besidesbynotinvolvingpeopleintheprovision
andregulationofPOS,culturaldifferencesmaynotberecognisedwhichthenmayleadto
practicesofexclusions.However,thereareinsufficientevidencesandstudiesthatlinksocial
justiceagendatobothprofessionalpracticeandpolicies(Elsheshtawy,2008);thisneedstobe
consideredindrawingtheaimsofthisresearch.
2.6Conclusion
Drawingonanextensivebodyofliteraturefromawiderangeofdifferentdisciplineshasgiven
astrongsenseofwhythisthesisisrequiredandhasshownthatmyresearchisrelevanttothe
broadcontextsofdebate,whilstnotsolelypertainingtoBahrain.Thischapterhasreviewed
relevantliteratureandintroducedthetheoreticalframeworkofthisstudy.Ihavefocusedon
threeareasoftheory:transculturalcities,convivialityandsocialusesandvaluesofPOS.A
scholarlookingatanyofthethreeareasalsoneedstoexaminetheoverlaps,whichshapethis
researchcontributionandimplication,outlinedbytheresearchaimsandobjectives.The
frameworkidentifiesthecontributionoflandscapearchitecturefocuswithaclearrationaleof
thetheoriesrequirementsandalsodrivestherationaleforthemethodology.
Thefindingsofthefirstresearchaim,whichfocusonunderstandingtheeverydayactivities,
preferencesandmotivationsforusingPOSintransculturalBahrain,maycontributetothe
overlapsbetweentransculturalcitiesandthesocialusesandvaluesofpublicopenspace.The
frameworkhighlightstheroleoflandscapearchitectureandqualitiesofPOSinsupporting
migrants’livedexperienceacrossbordersandinshapingtheprocessofadaptationand
hybridity(GhoshandWang,2003,Armstrong,2004;Hou,2013;RishbethandPowell,2013),
whichareintegraltotransculturalstudies.InvestigatingPOSintransculturalcontextsmayalso
addtothetheoriesemphasisingthepotentialvaluesofoutdoorcityspacesinpromoting
wellbeingandasenseofbelongingamongstmigrants(RishbethandFinney,2006;Peters,
2010)throughsupportingmigrants’nativeleisureculturalpracticesinanewplace.Hence,
barriersofculturaldifferences(Hou,2013)inusingPOSshouldbeconsideredintheoryand
practiceoflandscapearchitecture.
61
Thesecondaimexploreshowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublicspaces
withinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.Thisaimcontributestotheoverlaps
betweenconvivialityandPOSandtransculturalcities.Atthispoint,itcouldbeconsideredthat
tosupportconvivialityacrossculturaldifferences,itisimportanttounderstandmoreabout
meaningfulencountersandhowPOScansupportpositiveencounters.Landscapearchitecture
canextendthetheoriesonmaterialityandtemporalityinrelationtomeaningfulencounters
(Nealetal.,2016;Wilson,2016)byinvestigatingspatialandphysicalqualitiesandleisure
activitiesandvaluesinformalandinformalspaces(KochandLatham,2011;AskinsandPain,
2011;Nealetal.,2015).Socialandculturaldynamicsofoutdoorspacesandactivities(Ingold,
2000)canalsoaddtotheunderstandingoftemporalityofencounters.ThesignificancesofPOS
areinenablingsocialinteraction,supportingsociabilityandpromotingwellbeing.However,
aggravationsandconflictscouldappearwithculturaldifferencesintransculturalurbanspaces,
andshouldnotbeignoredinprofessionalpracticetomaintainthesocialvaluesofPOS.
ThelastaimidentifiesthepotentialofplanninganddesignofPOSforsupportingconvivialityin
transculturalpublicspaces.Oneofthemainobjectivesofthisresearchistoaddressthegapin
relationtotheprofessionalpracticeofthebuiltenvironmentandculturaldifferencesinthe
researchcontext.Withculturaldifferencesandcomplexitiesintransculturalcities,itbecomes
crucialtounderstandtheroleoftheoryandpracticeoflandscapearchitectureinresponding
totheculturaldynamicsandconvivialityinPOS.Thisalsoreflectsonhowbenefitsofpublic
spacescanbedistributedwithinsightintosocialjusticeinplanningdesignandmanagementof
POS(LowandIveson2016),whichmaycontributetofillingthisgap.
Inusinglandscapearchitectureasalensthroughoutthisresearchtoexaminetherelationship
betweenconvivialityandtransculturalcities,theselectedmethodsrequireareflectionon
spatialdesignqualitiesaswellasaddressculturaldifferencesinexperiencesandmeanings.
Usingcasestudymethodandhavingseveralcasestudyareas(withbothformalandinformal
POS)wouldsupporttheobjectivesofaimoneandinvestigatetheroleofthePOStypologiesin
fittingdifferentculturalleisureactivities(objectivea)(ByrneandWolch,2009;Petersandde
Haan,2011).Ethnographicmethods,e.g.fieldobservationandon-siteinterviews,indifferent
timeofthedayandyear,appeartobesignificantininvestigatingpatternsofdiversityand
spatialandtemporalaspectsofadaptation(Firstaim:Objectiveb)(Hou,2013).Withcultural
differencesandintersectionalityofidentity,itisnotpossibletounderstandthevaluesand
affordancesofplacefromonlytheresearcher’spointofviewandhowtheycanfitdiverse
users.Byusingin-depthinterviewandstorytelling(methodsdevelopedunderintercultural
discourses),migrantscantalkabouttheirpastmemoriesinnewplaces(Sandercock,2003b),
62
whichreflectpastexperiencesandhistoryofplacesandsupportunderstandingtheprocessof
hybridity(Firstaim:Objectivec)(RishbethandPowell,2013).Findingsofthefirstaimwill
provideempiricallygroundedmaterialthatfillsthegapinliteratureaboutdiverseleisure
culturalpracticesandsocio-spatialassociationinPOSinBahrainwithsocialandcultural
dynamicsandsupporttheanalysisoftheresearchaims.Thefindingsofthefirstaimwould
supporttheanalysisofthesecondaiminachievingitsobjectivesinexploringtheroleofplace
andeverydayactivitiesinsupportingmeaningfulencounterinrelationtomaterialityand
temporality(Secondaim:Objectiveaandc).Interculturalmethods(e.g.storytelling)can
explorethenuancesofthemeaningsfromparticipants’perspective(Secondaim:Objectivesb
andc)(ValentineandSadgrove,2012).Theresearchalsorequiresunderstandingthepolicies
andprofessionalpractitioners’perspectivetosupporttheanalysisofaim3andlinkthetheory
tothepractice.
63
ChapterThree:MethodologyandMethods
3.1Introduction
Thischapterintroducesthemethodologicalapproachesandthemethodsofresearch.The
methodologicalapproachesareshapedbytheresearchaimsandliteraturereview.Asinferred
fromtheliteraturereview,everydayexperiencesandthemundanesocialinteractioninGulf
citiesisarichsubjectforthestudyofbothtransculturalcitiesandconvivialityandBahrainisa
significantcasestudy.Thedynamiccharacteroftemporarymigrationisanimportant
dimensionintransculturalcities,andmorethanhalfofBahrain’spopulationconstitutesof
temporarymigrants.Hence,inthisresearch,thenatureofconvivialityandsocialandcultural
dynamicsinpublicopenspaces(POS)willbeinvestigatedwithmorefocusonunderstanding
theroleofurbanspacesinsupportingsuchdynamicsandinteraction.
Culturaldifferencesandintersectionalityofidentitiescanpotentiallyposechallengesfor
peopletoinitiateormaintainconviviality,andforprofessionalstomaintainsocialinclusivityin
designingPOS.Suchintersectionalityisalsoachallengeforconductingresearchinsucha
transculturalcontextandinunderstandingdifferentpractices,perceptionsandmotivationsfor
usingPOS.Toovercomesuchchallenges,theresearchneedstobedesignedwithan
understandingofthecomplexitieswithinatransculturalcontext,whilealsoconsideringthe
specificitiesofgeography,cultureandclimateofthecasestudycontext.
Accordingly,thisresearchisinformedbythreemethodologicalapproaches.Theselectionof
thesewereinfluencedbythetheoreticalframeworkandthestrengthofresearchcarriedout
inrelatedtopics.Theseapproachesare:qualitative(Section3.2)-dealingwithsocialusesand
valuesofPOSandcomplexitiesinsociallife;ethnography(Section3.3)-conductingaresearch
withinthetransculturalconcept;andcasestudy(Section3.4)-conductingaresearchwithin
thefieldoflandscapearchitecture.Theapplicationandintegrationoftheseapproaches
helpedselectandrefinethemethodsusedinthisresearch.
64
3.2Qualitativeapproach
ThisresearchisconcernedwiththepotentialforpublicspacesincontemporaryBahrainto
supporteverydaypositivesocialencounterswithinadiversepopulation.Withthechallenges
andcomplexitiesoftransculturalurbanspaces,thefindingswillnotbestraightforwardandthe
researchneedstobedesignedtoovercomethesechallenges.Thus,thequalitativeapproach
appearsmoresuitable.Itcangraspthequalitiesofeverydayencountersinrealityandthe
refineddetailsofmeanings.Thequalitativeapproachismoresuitableforresearchquestions
thatdealwithsocialrealityandnaturalsettingsofeverydaylifewithconcernsofdifferent
groupsofpeopleandcommunities(DenzinandLincoln,2000;Mason2002).Similarly,Robson
(2002)arguesthatstudiesonsocialinteractionphenomenaandtheirassociatedmeanings
requireaqualitativeapproach.Throughqualitativeresearch,theresearchercanexplorebroad
dimensionsofthesocialworldandeverydaylifewithdifferentunderstandings,experiences,
socialprocessesandmeanings(Mason2002).Qualitativeapproachisalsomoresuitableto
investigatenuancesofleisurepracticesandvaluesforusingPOSthatareshapedbycultural
differences.Armstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth(2012)findthatthequalitative
approachisproductiveintheirresearchonPOSandculturalhybridityincosmopolitancities,
whichrequireshumanitarianunderstanding.Burgessetal.(1988)alsoreportthatqualitative
methodsaremostsuitableforexploringattitudesandvaluesaboutopenspacesastheyare
groundedinthecontextsofpeople'sdailylives.
QualitativeapproachesasstatedbyMason(2002)usuallyentailformulatingquestionstobe
exploredanddevelopedintheresearchprocess,ratherthanahypothesistobetestedbyor
againstempiricalresearch.Accordingly,theresearchhasbeeninitiatedwithabroad
hypothesisdevelopedfrommyprofessionalbackgroundandthatPOSwouldberelevantto
shapingconviviality.Thisbroadhypothesisfurtherinformedformulatingmoreopenresearch
questions.
Thisqualitativeresearchtookan‘interpretivist’philosophicalposition.Thispositionis
concernedwithhowthesocialworldis‘understood’,‘experienced’or‘produced’(Mason,
2002,p.3).Similarly,thisresearchaimstounderstandeverydayactivitiesinurbanopenspaces
andhowsociabilityisexperiencedandhowsocialencountersareproducedintheseplaces,as
wellashowrelevantpoliciescouldbeproducedtodesignsociallyresponsiveopenspacesin
contemporarycitieswithculturaldifferences.Itiscommonforresearcherstoconduct
interpretiveethnographies;however,interpretivismdoesnotrelyon‘totalimmersionina
65
setting’,butaimstoexplorepeople’sindividualandcollectiveunderstandingsfroma
participant’sperspectiveaswell(ibid,p.56).Whatisdistinctiveaboutinterpretiveapproaches
isthattheyseepeopleandtheirinterpretationsandperceptionsastheprimarydatasources
(ibid).Therefore,theinterpretivismpositionseemstobesuitableinresearchcontextswith
culturaldifferences.Althoughthedatacouldnotbegeneralised,itcontributedtoanin-depth
understandingoftheresonancesofdifferences.
Thisresearchwasnotattemptingtoquantifyorapplymeasurement.Itseekstoanswer
questionsaroundsocialexperiencesandinteractions,theassociatedmeanings,preferences,
valuesandemotionsthatcouldnotbemeasuredorexperimentallyexaminedintermsof
quantity(DenzinandLincoln,2000;Bryman,2004).Therearestudieswhichhaveused
quantitativemethodstoaddressissuesinrelationtogreenspace,leisureactivities,valuesand
environmentalpsychology(Korpelaetal.,2001;ScopellitiandGiuliani,2004;Hansmanetal.,
2007;Petersetal.,2010;Ozgüner,2011).Thisresearchaimstoengagewithadifferentformof
datatoaddressmorenuancedandinteractiveresearchquestionstoexploresocio-spatial
associationsinPOS;thequantitativemethodswerenotusedwithinthemultiplemethods
frameworkinthisresearch.Theuseofaqualitativeapproachisintrinsictoshapingthe
ethnographicmethod,andinshapingthemethodsusedwithincasestudysettings.
3.3Ethnographicapproach
Theresearchwascarriedoutusingmultipleempiricaldatacollectionmethodsthataremainly
conductedinthefieldandanethnographicapproachwasadopted.Ethnographywasusedby
ancientexplorersandtraveller-researcherstodescribepeople,cultureandlandsthose
researcherssawduringtheirjourneys(AtkinsonandHammersley,2007;O’Reilly,2012).
AccordingtoHamersleyandAtkinson(2007),ethnography,currently,overlapswithqualitative
researchandparticularlywithfieldworkandcasestudymethods:
“Ethnographyusuallyinvolvestheethnographerparticipating,overtlyorcovertly,inpeople'sdailylivesforanextendedperiodoftime,watchingwhathappens,listeningtowhatissaid,and/oraskingquestionsthroughinformalandformalinterviews,collectingdocumentsandartefacts-infact,gatheringwhateverdataareavailabletothrowlightontheissuesthataretheemergingfocusofinquiry”(p.3).
Fieldworkisatthecoreoftheethnographicresearchdesign,inthefield;datacollection
methodsarefundamentalelementsofethnography(Fatterman,2010).Fatterman(2010)
determinesthatclassicalethnographyusuallyimpliesaperiodfromsixmonthstotwoyearsor
66
moreinthefield.However,hestatesthatlong-term(continuousornon-continuous)fieldwork
isnotalwayspossible,asresearchersusuallyareboundtoacontractbudgetandtime
schedule.Hence,heclaimsthatitispossibletoapplyethnographictools,butnotforittobea
prolongedethnography.Similarly,theethnographicapproachcanstillbefollowedusingnon-
participatoryobservationmethods;forexample,spendingtimeonthesitewatchingthe
conductedactivities,suchasabasketballgameaspartofdatacollection(ibid).
“Ethnographyisthemajorsocialsciencewiththebesthopeforthrowingoffconceptual
blinders”(Kim2015,p.10).Inrecentdecades,ethnographyhasbecomeapopularapproachin
socialsciencebringingtogetheranumberofqualitativemethods,particularlyobservationand
interviews,toproduceanuancedtextandnarrativeaccountsthatdescribeandrecounta
storyasintraditionalethnography(AtkinsonandHammersley,2007;O’Reilly,2012).Thefocus
onnarrativeandthepositionalviewpointoftheethnographercangiverisetocriticismofthe
subjectivityasthecentralroleoftheresearcherasrecorderandinterpreterleadstoanecdotal
ratherthanrigorousresearchfindings(Mason,2002,p.192).Positionalityandthepossibilities
ofbiasareimportanttoacknowledgehere(as,Imightargue,isthecaseforallresearch
approaches)andIreturntothesethemesspecifictothisresearchinSection3.7.Engagingwith
participantsin-situ(onlocationsinthesitestheyarediscussing)iskeytothemethodsofthis
researchtopromotetransparencyandreducesubjectivity(AtkinsonandHammersley,2007;
Fatterman,2010;O’Reilly,2012).Fatterman(2010)assertsthatethnographyinvolvestelling
storiesfromtheperspectiveofpeopleinwhichthesestoriesareinterpretedinthecontextof
people’sdailylivesandcultures(2010,p.1).Inthisresearch,adoptinganethnographic
approachmeansthattheresearcherspenttimeinthespacesbeingstudied,making
observations,conductinginterviewsandexploringhiddenexperiencestomakeanarrative
descriptionwhichseekstoexplorepeople’sperspectivesandinterpretationsinthecontextof
theirdailylives.
Inrecentresearchonculturaldiversity,anethnographicapproachiscommonlyusedinarange
ofurbanlocations(Vertovec,2007a;Wilson,2011;Noble;2013;Wessendorf,2014b;Wiseand
Velayutham,2014;Neal;2015,Nealetal.,2015).Comparedtotraditionalmethodsof
qualitativeresearch,Noble(2013)statesthatethnography“providesrich,complexdatathat
bettercapturethetemporalityandspatialityofhabituatedcosmopolitanism”(p.181).
Researchonmigration(Al-Rasheed,2005;Gardner,2006)andevolvingcities(Elsheshtawy,
2008)inthegulfregionalsoemphasisedtheneedforadaptingethnographicmethodsto
understandtherealityofhiddeneverydayexperiencesinurbanareas.
67
Thedecisionofthisresearchtousequalitativemethods,influencedbyethnographic
approachesandexploredthroughafocusoncasestudyareaswasthereforearesponsetothe
researchquestionswhichaimtoexploreandunderstandthepatternsandnuancesofdiversity
andsocialencounterswithinatransculturalurbancontext.Theseapproachesaresuitableto
investigateleisurepracticesandsocialencountersandvaluesforusingPOSthatareshapedby
culturaldifferencesandtransformedspatiallyandtemporally.Withcarefulanalysisofand
responsetothebroadercontextsoflandscapedesignandmanagementinBahrain(both
throughliteraturereviewandexpertinterviews),theseapproachescanusefullyinform
prioritiesforprofessionalpractice(Rishbethetal.2018).
3.4Casestudyapproach
Theresearchwasdesignedfollowingacasestudyapproachasitappearedsignificantto
overcomethecomplexitiesandchallengesoftheresearchandalsotofulfiltheresearchaims.
ThecasestudyapproachfollowedinthisresearchisnotonlythatBahrainitselfisacasestudy,
butalsoselectedurbanspaceswithinthecitiesofBahrain.Thelatteristhescaleofthecase
studyprimarilyreferredtointhisresearch,whichisappropriateforansweringtheresearch
questions.
Themainpurposeistoexploresocio-spatialassociation,whichneedstohaveaclear
understandingofthecontextwherethedataiscollected;butwithculturaldifferencesand
intersectionality,exploringsocio-spatialexperiencesandrelationsisachallenge.Peoplewould
havedifferentperceptionsandconstructedvaluesaboutdifferentspaces(ByrneandWolch,
2009)andalsoplaceshavedifferentaffordancesfordifferentleisureactivities(Rishbeth,
2014),assomeculturalpracticesarecontext-dependent,whichshapesthediversepatternsof
use.Therearemanystudiesthatconductedinterviewswiththenon-casestudyapproach,but
theoutcomehasalimitedsenserelatedtoaspecificphysicalspace,typologyandlocation.
Inlandscapearchitecture,thevalueoftheplaceisimportantandtheplaceisnotconsidered
merelyasettingforinteraction,butthecasestudymethodallowsmetoinvestigatespatial,
physicalandmaterialqualitiesandsupportcontextualisingthesettings.Casestudyisoneof
thewell-establishedresearchmethodsinlandscapearchitectureandacommonformfor
analysisandcriticism(Francis,2001).Byusingcasestudyapproach,thephysical,socialand
culturalfacetscanbeintegratedincludingasenseofhistorycontexts,rangeofplacesand
differentperceptionsofaspecificplace.Itisinnovativeinthisresearchtohavevariouscase
studiestoanalysetheinterviewsinrelationtotheplace,tounderstandhowpeople’svalues
68
andidentitiesmobilisedandtransformedwithinthecityandtounderstandhowdifferent
spacescouldbeappropriateinfittingdifferentculturalpractices.Conductingtheinterviews
on-siteintheselectedcasestudieswouldensurethattheparticipants’samplingrepresents
therealusersandthediversityonwhichtheentireresearchisbased,andhencesocio-spatial
experiencescanbeanalysed.
Acasestudyapproachcanusemanydifferentmethods–fromin-depthethnography(e.g.
KochandLatham’s(2012)studyofastreetjunctioninWestLondon)tostudiesthatprimarily
usequantitativemethods(e.g.Raman’s(2010)studyinsixUKneighbourhoodsmeasuringand
quantifyingsocialinteractionthroughmapping).Theuseofmappingmethodsisoneofthe
quantitativewaysinrelationtocasestudiessuchasinthestudiesusingSpaceSyntax
(Carmonaetal.,2010).Carmonaetal(2010)acknowledgethatthismethodhasreceiveda
rangeofcriticisms.Firstly,SpaceSyntaxmeasuresonlyaspecificformwithouttakinginto
accountotherurbanforms.Theothercriticismisthatthismethodfocusesonlyonphysical
configurationandseemsnottoconsidertherelationshipbetweenthespace,thepeopleand
socialinteractions.Thismorequantitativeformofmappingwasnotappropriateforaddressing
theobjectivesofthisresearchwhichconsidersthesocialandculturaldynamicsthatshape
patternsofuseandconvivialityinPOSandrequiringcloseattentiontointersectionsand
interactionofactivities.TheaffordancesofdifferentformsofPOScansupportdifferent
recreationalactivitieswhichmightnotbefullyhighlightedbyaplanprojectionmapping
method.Thoughspatialrecording,includingsketchdiagrams,wasincorporatedintothe
researcher’sfieldnotes(seeFigures3.4and3.6),othermeansofrecordinginteractionswere
ofequalimportance,andhelpfulprimarilyingivingappropriateattentiontocontextforthe
interviewdata.
Acasestudymethodcancontributetodevelopingtheory.Rishbethetal.,(2018)arguethatan
importantroleforlandscapearchitectacademicsistodevelopcasestudyapproacheswith
theoreticalcritiqueinordertoinformpractice.Whilethereareanumberofstudiesonsocial
relationsinthefieldofsociology,thereisalimitedsenseonhowthesestudiesarelinkedto
thepracticebecausethereislessemphasisonplacequalitiesandtypologies.Theoutcomes
relevanttocasestudymethodcouldshedlightonbroadertheoriesthroughadeeper
understandingofthespecificitiesandnuancesofdifferentselectedareas(Robson,2002).
Throughcarefultheoreticalframingandunderstandingofabroaderliteraturebase,even
thoughcasestudiesarehighlylocalised,theycanalsocontributetoglobalissues.
69
3.4.1Selectionofcasestudies
Thecasestudieswereselectedbasedoncertaincriteriarelevanttotheresearchaimsand
objectives,whicharealsoexpandedinChapterFour.Thesecriteriaare:
1. Theselectedareashouldbeinanurbansettingandinacontextofeverydaymixed-
use.
2. ThepopulationoftheselectedareashouldreflectthediversityofBahrain’s
population.
3. TheselectedcasestudiesshouldincludediversespatialtypologiesofPOS.
Figure3.1(page70)summarisestheselectedcasestudysitesandTable3.1(page71)identifies
thecharacteristicsofthesesitesinrelationtotheabovethreecriteria.Basedontheabove
criteria,theselectedcasestudiesincludedifferenttypesofformalpublicopenspaces(as
describedinTable3.1),andalsoinformalspacessuchasthoseinfrontofshops,housesand
mosques.Theselectedsiteshavespatialvariationofoutdoorsspacesinaregionwithurban
developments,desertcontextandhistoricalsites,whichcancontributetostudiesonmigrant
experiences,adaptationandconstructionofasenseofbelonging.Thesitesalsoaddtothe
studiesonvaluesofPOSwithdifferentperceptionsandculturaldifferences.Thecasestudies
additionallyprovidecontributiontothesocialencountersandconvivialityinPOSthrough
investigatingmateriality,temporalityandsocio-spatialassociations.
ThesecaseswereselectedafteraninitialfieldworkstudyinDecember2013andJanuary2014.
Duringthisintensivefieldwork,IvisitedvariousurbanareasinBahrain(around20urban
spaces)withdifferenttypesofPOSandtookphotographs.Thiswasaccompaniedbyastudyof
mapsandcensusdocumentsandfollowedbyseveralinformaldiscussionswithusersand
practitioners.Thisinitialfieldworkhelpedtodeterminethecasestudies.Theresearchcase
studieswerenarroweddowntoeightareasbasedontherelevantcriteria:tobelocatedin
everydaymixed-useurbancontextsandindistrictswherethepopulationreflectsthediversity
ofBahrain’spopulationandtoincludediversespatialtypologies.Thisstrategytosamplethe
researchcontextmakesthefieldworkprocessmoremanageable.Forthepurposesofthis
study,itwasnotfeasibletostudytheentiretyofBahrain’surbanopenspaces.Thecontextsof
thesecasestudiesarealsoworthhighlighting(Robson,2002).Theselectionanddescriptionof
thecasestudyareaswillbeillustratedfurtherinChapterFour.
70
AmwajLagoo
n:
Locatedon
apriv
ate
artificialisla
ndwith
gatedcommun
ityand
lowden
sity.POSis
privatelyow
nedan
d
maintaine
d,but
publiclyaccessible.
ThePe
arlin
gTrail:Th
iscasestud
yislocatedin
oldMuh
arraqandlistedun
derU
NESCO
World
Herita
gesite
s.Thissiteisahistorical
neighb
ourhoo
dun
derren
ovationprocess.
Arad
BayPark:Located
inM
uharraqina
gene
rallylowden
sitynexttotheairport.Th
eparkisaprotected
NaturalBay.
BabAL
-Bah
rainsqu
arean
dsouq
:Thisisahistoric
andhe
ritagesitewith
am
onum
entlocated
inth
ecapitalM
anam
a.Itisth
efirstpub
licope
nspacein
Bahrain.The
souq
and
hou
singarewith
oldcity
form
and
recentlyth
eyareund
ergoing
reno
vatio
n.Itisden
selypop
ulated
and
avery
congestedarea.The
areaisalsosurrou
nded
with
continuo
usurbandevelop
men
t.Th
esqua
reis
fullyoccup
iedbym
igrantworkersand
labo
urers.
Block-33
8:Located
ina
high-den
sityareain
Man
ama.Itisagoo
d
exam
pleofpub
lic
participationfora
rt
works,w
ithairy
art
gallerie
sandmural
works.
Anda
lusG
arde
n:
Locatedina
high-den
sityarea
inM
anam
a.
Pede
stria
nbridge
linksA
ndalus
Garde
ntoth
e
surrou
nding.Itisin
juxtap
osition
with
Salm
aniyaGarde
n.The
twogarden
sare
considered
tobethefirstexamplesofp
ublic
garden
sinBa
hrain.
Hun
ainiyahPa
rk:
Locatedinadesert
valleyinRiffaCitywith
adistinctivetopo
grap
hy,
old,poo
r-cond
ition
ne
ighb
ourhoo
danda
historicalfo
rt
overlookingthepark.
Kh
alifa
Garde
n:Located
inalow-den
sityarea
inRiffacityth
atis
expe
riencingne
w
developm
ents.
Figure3.1Locationandsignificantcharacteristicsoftheselectedcasestudyareas.
71
3.5Fieldworkmethods
Fourtypesofmethodwereusedinthisresearch(Figure3.2onpage72):observation,on-site
shortinterviews,go-alongandexpertinterviews.Thesemethodsweredesignedtocollecta
rangeofdataincludingcapturingbroadoverviewsandin-depthdetailsofthesocialrealityin
POSinBahrain.Inmyresearch,thequalitativemethodsofobservationandshortinterviews
wereusedasethnographictoolsduringbroadscopesitevisitstohelpinformunderstanding
similaritiesanddifferencesacrossdifferenttypesofPOS,coveringdifferenttimesofday/week
andincludingadiversesectionofusers.Broadscopeheremeanstohaveawideandinclusive
perspectiveineachsite,whichhelpedachievethefirstaimandsupporttheanalysisofthe
secondandthirdaims.
CaseStudyAreasBabAl-Bahrain
Block-338
AndalusGarden
ThePearlingTail
AradPark
Amwaj-lagoon
KhalifaGarden
Hunai-niyahPark
Bahraini/non-Bahrainiresidential
demographics
78%Non-
Bahraini
78%Non-
Bahraini
78%Non-
Bahraini
44%Non-
Bahraini
44%Non-
Bahraini
MajorityNon-
Bahraini
44%Non-
Bahraini
44%Non-
BahrainiTypo
logy
Square ✔
Publicgarden ✔ ✔
Publicpark ✔ ✔
Pedestrianisedstreet
✔ ✔ ✔ ✔
Smallplazas ✔ ✔
Immed
iatecon
text
Residential ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔
Commercial ✔ ✔ ✔
Retail ✔
Publicservicesbuildings ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔
Relativelyhighlevelofmaintenance
✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔
Relativelyhighlevelofprovidedfacilities
✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔
Presenceofon-sitewardens ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔ ✔
Table3.1Thecharacteristicsoftheselectedsitesrelevanttotheselectioncriteria.
72
Itwasalsoimportanttostudythevaluesandpreferencesin‘depth’throughone-to-one
extendedinterviews.In-depthwalkinginterviewsorgo-alongethnographywereusedhereto
explorepastmemoriesandnuancesofmeaningsandunderstandhowconvivialityisshaped,
thisachievedthesecondaim.Thego-alonginterviewsalsosupportedaimonewithfinedetails
ofvalues,preferencesandmemoriesandfurthersupporttheanalysisofaimthreewithsocio-
spatialexperiences.
Theexpertinterviewswereprimarilydesignedasameansofengagingwithrepresentativesof
professionalstakeholderstoofferadditionalperspectives,giveadditionalcontexttothe
findingsandstrengthenthepotentiallinksbetweenethnographyandpractice.The
combinationofalltheabovemethodsallowsfortriangulationinaddressingtheresearch
objectives.
Usingmultiplemethodssupportthevalidityofthedatathroughtriangulation(Rossmanand
Rallis,1998).DenzinandLincoln(2003)elucidatethatusingmultiplemethodsinvolvesan
interpretiveapproachtomakesenseoforunderstandoccurrencesintermsofthemeanings
peoplebringtothemineverydaylife.Multiplemethodsapproachhasbeenusedindifferent
studiesfocusedonpublicspacesinrelationtoculturaldiversity(Loukaitou-Sideris,1995;
Rishbeth,2004;Lowetal.,2005;Cattelletal.,2008;Peters,2010;ChangandFoo,2013;Siu,
2013).Inethnographicresearch,Kusenbach(2003)andAnderson,J.(2004)arguethatthe
strengthsandadvantagesofparticipantobservations,interviewsandgo-alonginterviews
accumulatewhentheyareusedconcurrently.Thisisbecausetheresearcherbenefitsfromthe
BroadScopeCasestudy:Observation+
On-siteShortinterview
In-depthCasestudy:Go-alonginterview
Methods Aims
Aim3Expertinterview
Aim1
Aims1+2
Figure3.2Datacollectionmethods.
73
differentperspectivesandangleseachinstrumentprovides(Kusenbach,2003).Roseetal.
(2010),intheirstudyaboutpeople’srelationtobuildingsingeographicalresearch,usedgo-
alonginterviewsafterconductingbaselineobservationsandsurveys.Theyconceived
observationasameansofobtaininganoverallunderstanding,whilethego-alonginterview
methodwasusedtoattainamorerefinedperspectiveofpeople’sdiverseengagementsin
urbanspaces.Carpiano(2009),instudyinghealthissuesinrelationtothesocialandphysical
contexts,usedobservationandinterviewsinadditiontowalking-along.
Researchactionsandmethods Number TimeScale
Casestud
yareas
Broadscope
ObservationSessionsatdifferenttimesanddays
Samplingpointsareselectedineachcasestudy
July201
4–Janu
ary20
15
On-siteshortsemi-
structuredinterviews
Totalconducted:85withbothBahrainiandnon-Bahraini
On-goingsampling
In-depth
‘Go-along’interviews
Totalconducted:13with18people.Fiveofthe13interviewswereconductedwithBahrainisandtherestoftheparticipantsbelonged
todifferentArabandAsianmigrantbackgrounds.
Samplingdeterminedduringthebroadscopeandalsorespondentsfromcirculatingtheinformationsheets
Profession
alpracticeov
erview
Expe
rtin
terviews
(Sem
i-structuredin-dep
th
interview)
Totalconducted:Eightexpertinterviewswith:
• DirectorofPropertiesandParks• ChiefofUrbanObservatoryinMWMAUP• HeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheMinistryofCulture• FounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpaceNon-profitcommunityorganisation• MaintenanceandOperationEngineerinManamaMunicipality• GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsandvicepresidentoftheFriendsGroupsoftheCapitalGardens
• MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomen-PresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceAgainstChildren.
• AttorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpublicinternationallawSeptem
ber2
014
Janu
ary20
15
Decembe
r201
5Janu
ary20
16
Table3.2Summaryoftheconducteddatacollectionmethods.
Figure3.3Researchprocess.
74
Mostofthecollecteddatainthisresearchwasprimary;however,therewasalsosupporting
ongoingsecondarydatacollectionintermsofliteraturereviewrelatingtopracticeas
descriptiveinformationandalsotosupportanalysisthroughouttheresearchprocess.These
documentsincludemaps,censusdata,reportsandnewspaperarticles.Thesecondarydataare
consideredbasedonofficialdataandformalcollectionthroughtherelevantinstitutions.Prior
toandduringthefieldwork,unpublisheddocumentsandmapswereobtaineddirectlyfrom
therelevantorganisationsthroughofficiallettersfrommystudysponsorspecifyingthe
requiredinformation.Theexpertsinterviewedalsoprovidedsomeunpublishedreports.
Consequently,thefollowingsectionsdescribetheprimarytechniquesthatwereusedinthe
researchprocess.Table3.2summarisestheconductedmethodsandFigure3.3illustratesthe
researchprocess.
3.5.1Broadscope:Fieldobservationandon-siteshortinterviews
Withthecomplexityofculturaldifferencesintransculturalcities,nuancesofpracticesand
motivation,preferencesandpatternsofuseinPOSwouldnotbepossibletocapturesolelyby
anobservationalmethod.Inaddition,anobservationonlymethodismorevulnerabletothe
researcher’sinterpretation.Hence,duringthebroadscopingvisitstothecasestudysites,the
decisionwasmadetoinitiallymakedirectobservations,butalsotosupplementandinterpret
thiswithon-sitesemi-structuredinterviews,allowingforparticipantdescriptionand
interpretation.Carefulrecordingandanalysisofboththeseformsofdatacollectioncanhelp
minimiseconfirmationbias.
Directobservationwasusefultosupporttheon-siteshortinterviewsandachievethefirstaim.
ThisapproachrevealedthebreadthofwayspeopleuseandvaluetheireverydayPOS.Forthe
firstresearchaim,theanalysis,descriptionanddiscussionofthedataarecoveredinChapters
Five,SixandSeven.Understandingthespatialqualitiesofdifferentsettingsofthecollected
datagavespecificityandhelpedtoinformpractice.
Usinganethnographicapproachmeantspendingtimeon-sitetoconductbothobservation
andshortinterviews,whichhelpedovercomethepotentiallimitationofeachofthese
methods.NotallpatternsanddetailsinPOScanbevocalised,andequallynotallideasand
detailscanbeobserved.Bothobservationsandinterviewscanbeopentosubjectivityand
personalbias,andthesebiasescanbeexacerbatedbynarrowrangesofsitesorlimited
periodsofengagement.Ithereforearguethattheparalleluseofbothinterviewsand
observationsandanappropriatemeansofanalysiscanbesuccessfulinachievingrigourin
75
ethnographicapproaches.Interviewswereaccompaniedwithobservationstoachieveabroad
descriptiveunderstandingofthesites,tounderstandthephysicalandspatialcharacteristicsof
differentsettingsonsite,tovalidateandinformtheon-siteinterviewsandtosupportthedata
analysiswithnarrativeaccounts.Interviewsalsosupportobservationinunderstandingthe
users,theirinteractionsandthedetailsofactivitiesandalsoindefiningage,ethnicityand
gender.Inthisresearch,observationwasusedinitiallyforgeneralunderstandingofthesites
andforon-siteinterviewees’sampling.Hence,inthissection,Iwillcommencewithan
explanationoftheobservationmethod.
3.5.1.1Fieldobservation
Observationwasthefirstactionon-siteforthepurposeofsitefamiliarisation.Field
observationordirectobservationreferstoaresearcherenteringintoanaturalsettingto
understandthesociallifeofthisenvironment(Carpiano,2009).Thismethodisidealfora
researcherwishingtobecomefamiliarwiththelocationorcasestudyandthesubjectbeing
studied(ibid).
Inlandscapearchitecturepracticeandforthepurposeofinformingdesign,sitevisitsinclude
visualsurveysoftherelationshipbetweenpeopleandthephysicalformsinthelocation.This
typeofobservationalsurveyandanalysisduringsitevisitsisoneofmyprofessionalskillsthat
informthisresearch.Observationtounderstandsociallifeinpublicspaceshasbeenusedby
manyscholarsinthefieldoflandscapearchitecture,suchasthepioneersWilliamWhyteand
JanGehl(Whyte,1980;GehlandSvarre,2013).Manyyearsago,JaneJacobs(1961)illustrated
inherbook:“Pleaselookcloselyatrealcities.Whileyouarelooking,youmightaswellalso
listen,lingerandthinkaboutwhatyousee”(p.xii).Thisexcerptdemonstratesthesignificance
ofobservationtourbanpractitionerstounderstandingreallifeinurbanspaces.Accordingto
Jacobs(1961),theobservationisbettersupportedwithhearing,walking,spendingtimeon-
siteandreflection,whichmayhelpincapturingthefinegrainofurbanlife.
Therearedifferentapproachesandparadigmsforobservationasasocialscienceempirical
method(Bryman,2004).Majortypesofobservationfallintoeitherstructuredobservationor
unstructuredobservationorethnography(ibid).Bryman(2004)explainsthatthestructured
observationmethodissimilartoaquestionnaireorstructuredinterviewwithclosedquestions,
whichiswidelyemployedinquantitativestudiesandtheresearchersusepredeterminedrules
orchecklistsforobservingandrecording.Thisapproachisappropriatewhentheinformation
requiredisspecified.Unstructuredobservation,asexplainedbyBryman(2004),doesnot
76
entailtheuseofalist,butitisaflexibleprocesstorecordasmuchdetailaspossiblewiththe
aimofdevelopinganarrativedescription.Thisdatacollectionmethodalongsidequalitative
interviewismostlyusedinethnography.Fetterman(2010)arguesthatenteringthefieldwith
‘anopenmind’allowstheethnographertoexplorerichsourcesofdata,whichwouldnotbe
mappedoutintheresearchdesign;however,heclaims:
“Thisqualitydoesnotimplyalackofrigour.Theethnographerentersthefieldwithan
openmind,notanemptyhead.Beforeaskingthefirstquestioninthefield,the
ethnographerbeginswithaproblem,atheoryormodel,aresearchdesign,specificdata
collectiontechniques,toolsforanalysisandaspecificwritingstyle”(p.1).
Intheinitialstagesofthisresearchproject,priortofinalisingtheproposal,Iinvestigateda
rangeofon-sitemethodsbothforobservingandrecordingobservations.Thiswasaperiodof
informalprototyping,informingthedevelopmentofanapproachappropriatetothecultural
contextandtotherangeofsitesaddressed,andaimingtomaximisetherigourofthe
fieldworkdatawithintheresourceconstraintsoftheresearchproject.Idiscoveredthatthe
structuredformofobservation,withachecklist,wasnotresponsivetothenuancesofwhat
washappeningandwouldnotanswertheresearchquestionstoexplorethecomplexspatial
andtemporalpatternsofusewithculturaldifferences.Groundedonqualitativeresearching
(Mason,2002),theontologyinthisresearchisnotaboutlistingactivities,ofwalking,sittingor
playinginPOS,butmoreaboutunderstandingthenuancesofactivities,socio-spatialand
temporalpatternsandinteractionsofthesepatternsandactivities.Unstructuredobservation
intheresearchbecamemorespecificbyenteringthesitewithpre-determinedopen-ended
questionstounderstandwhatwasbeingobserved(ReferbelowtoSectionb:Thepurposeof
observinganddatacollection).Ialsoemployedasystematicapproachinselectinglocationsfor
observationwithintheselectedcasestudyareasfrompredeterminedlistasavailable(Referto
Table3.3onpage80)e.g.inthesportarea,onthegrassedarea,intheseatingarea,inthe
picnicpod,intheplayground,attheentrance,aroundfocalelements,monuments,the
parkingarea,anywaterbodies,adjacenttospecificbuildingssuchascafés,shops,mosques,
onnearbywalkwaysandstreets.Selectingfromthelistwouldovercomebiasbyensuringthat
theselectionofobservationlocationsineachcasestudywouldbesystematicaccordingtosite
typology(ReferbelowtoSectiona:Wheretoconductfieldobservationwithineachcase
study).
Drawingonresearchstudiesonculturallydiverseoutdoorplacesinrelatedacademicfields,
theapproachofresearchersfromsociologytraditionswasalsoanimportantinfluence.In
77
sociology,spendingtimeinthefieldiscommonlydescribedas‘hangingout’andconsideredan
ethnographicpractice(Kusenbach,2003;Neal,2015).Hangingoutisagenericethnographic
practicebecauseitisconductedinalesssystematicapproachwithmanyorallinformantsand
coversavarietyofsettings,socialsituationsandsubjectsinseverallocations(Kusenbach,
2003).Intheirresearchonsuperdiversity,Nealetal.(2015)conductedtheirethnographic
methodsinpublicgreenspacesandfoundthattheirfieldworkexperiencesandspendingtime
intheparkswereappropriateinundertakingresearchwithincomplexlydifferentplacesand
populations.Thisprovidedmorecontactbetweenresearchersandparticipantsandmettheir
researchobjectives.Similarly,inaninterviewwithsociologistAmandaWise,sheexplainshow
thetraditionalethnographicapproachandhangingoutinthestudiedfieldswerehighly
valuableforherresearchandwereparticularlyrelevanttounderstandingdiversityand
everydaylife(Neal,2015).Richdatawasproducedenablingreflectionofthedifferent
exploreddetails,characteristicsandinteractions(ibid).Wisestates:
“Obviouslywhenyoustarttolookattheminutiaeofeverydaylifeyoustarttothink
aboutthewaysinwhichthematerialworldsortsandframespeopleandhowweare
connectedtoitinquiteembodied,sensuousways”(ibid,p.994).
Drawingondifferentresearchapproachesandbasedonmyresearchaimsandobjectives,the
decisionwasmadetofollowtheethnographicapproachshapedbylandscapearchitecture
skills.InformationaboutsocialisingregardingphysicalformofPOSateachsitewascaptured
primarilythroughphotographs,sketchdiagrams/sectionsanddescriptiveaccounts.Figure3.4
(page78)illustratestheoutcomematerialfromethnographicobservation.Thiswasatthe
broad-brushphasesoftheresearch.Theanalysisinthisresearchwasprimarilyconcernedat
thelevelofthesite(asawhole)andtypologyofplace.Anethnographicapproachwasusedto
collectandinterrogatetherelationshipbetweenthephysicalfeaturesofthesite(suchas
benches,trees,wateredge)andspecificuses.Eventhoughobservationinthisresearchhas
somesimilaritiestositesurveywithinadesignprocess(O’Reilly,2012),itdiffersfromthe
mappinginthatittendsnottoprivilegestatisticaldata.Quantitativerecordingormapping
methodtorecord,forexample,thenumberofpeopledoingcertainactivitiesorcomparingthe
numberofwomentomeninvolvedindifferentactivitieswasnotundertaken.This
methodologicaldesignexploredtheintersectionoflandscapearchitectureanalysis(withclose
attentiontotypologyandmanagementprocess)andethnographicapproaches(withon-site
workfocusingonparticipants’voicesandthengivingtimeto‘deepnarratives’throughthe
participant-directedwalks).
78
Thisresearchestablishedalinkbetweenlandscapearchitectureandsociologyinusing
observationasethnographicpractice.Consideringmateriallocation,formsandphysical
characteristics,alandscapearchitectureperspectiveduringsitevisitsandsiteanalysiscan
supporttheethnographicapproachinunderstandingembodiedexperiencesandinteractions
ofdailylifewithdifferentplacesandpopulations.Thisapproachwasnotbehaviouralmapping
orlocatingactivitiesonmapsbutwastoresonatethespatialvarietiesofactivitieswithinthe
differentcasestudylocations.Integratingabroadethnographicapproachwithcasestudy
methodunderlandscapearchitectureexploredthesocio-spatialassociationatboththelocal
levelandwithinthecitiesindifferentformalandinformaltypologiesofPOS.Theresearch
emphasisesthatthepracticeoflandscapearchitecturecanshapethefindingsofethnographic
research.Similarly,thefindingsfromethnographicresearchcanbeusedtoinformthe
professionalpracticeofthebuiltenvironmentwithbetterunderstandingofthenuancesof
socio-spatialdimensionsincities(Rishbethetal.,2018).
Figure3.4Fieldnotes,photosandsketchesfromethnographicobservation.
79
a)Wheretoconductfieldobservationwithineachcasestudy?
Despitetherelativeflexibilityofanethnographicobservationalapproach,theselectionof
specificlocations(pointsofobservation)withineachcasestudyareawasdevisedasameans
ofensuringsomestandardisationacrossthesites.Thisallowedapurposefulobservationwith
regardtoaddressingresearchaimswhilereducingthepotentialforconfirmationbias.Theuse
offixedpoints(ratherthanapurelycuriosity-drivenobservation)meantthatIwasnotsimply
lookingatsituationsthatweremoreeye-catchingordramatic,andmyviewingscheduleused
apredeterminedlist,soincludedtimesandplaceswhereculturaldifferencedidnotseemto
informuseaswellastimesandplaceswherethiswaspronounced.Thesepointswereselected
afterinitialscopingvisitsandwereusedduringallfieldworkvisitsasasystematicapproachto
thisbroadphaseoffieldwork.
Thedecisionforselectingwheretoconducttheobservationwithineachcasestudyareawas
basedonthefollowing:
1. Overallgivingawidevisualenvelope,asfaraspossiblecoveringalltheselectedcase
studyareas.
2. Understandingthatthesamplingpointsandtimeneededforcompletingobservation
varied(indensity/frequency)indifferentcasestudiesdependingontherelativesize
ofthepark.
3. Respondingtothecomplexityofspatialqualitiesandleisureaffordancesthatmightbe
relevanttodifferentrecreationalvalues.(i.e.themicro-locationsforobservationsuch
asparkingareasandgrass-areaswereestimatedbeopentoflexiblepatternsofleisure
andsocialfunctions).
4. Achievingabroadunderstandingofthesitewithinthetimescaleofthefieldwork.
Istartedmyfieldworkbyconductingobservationinspecificlocationstocoverthewholesite.
Samplingpointswereselectedineachsitefromalist(Table3.3)toinvestigatethesocio-
spatialrelations.Thesepointswerepredeterminedaccordingtothespatialtypologyofthe
POS,asdisplayedinthetable.Thesesamplingpointsdifferinthecasestudieswithmediumto
largesizeparksorurbandistricts.Basedonthetable,Iinitiallyselectedfourtofivesampling
pointsineachsite.Figure3.5isanexampleoftheobservationpointsinitiallyselectedand
locatedinAndalusgarden.
80
ParksandGardens
ByagatewayInaparkingareaAroundasportAreaInawalkwayInaSettingareaInapicnicpod
InaplaygroundAroundatopographicalandgeographicalfeature(e.g.sea,moundorplateau)NearbyarestaurantorashopAroundafocalorawaterelement
PedesterianisedUrbanspaces
Aroundagrassedorplantedarea,NearbybenchesInaparkingareaAdjacenttospecificbuildingssuchascafés,shopsormosques,Aroundfocalelements,monumentsorwaterbodiesInapedesterianisedplazaandstreets
Informalopenspaces
InfrontofshopsInfrontofmosquesInfrontofhousesNearbyinformalsettingareaInavacantland
InparkingareaAroundatopographical,geographicalfeatureornodesAroundstreetcornersandsidewalks
Table3.3ObservationpointscategorisedaccordingtothesitespatialtypologiesofPOSintheselectedcasestudyareas.
Figure3.5InitiallypredeterminedsamplingpointsinAndalusGarden.
82
ByconductingthefieldworkandlocatingthesamplingpointsintheplansIfoundtheneedfor
morepointsfromthelistratherthanthefourtofivepointsproposedinitially.Byconducting
anethnographicapproach,theinteractionofactivitiesbetweenthesedifferentselected
samplingpointsandthetransitionandmovementfromonepointtoanotherhavetobe
consideredinthecollecteddataaspartofethnographicpractice.Figure3.6(page81)shows
thelocationsoftheobservationpointsasconductedinthecontextofAndalusGarden,asan
example.AppendixOnedisplaystheethnographiclocationsintheeightselectedcasestudies
andtheirsurroundingcontextstoinvestigatetheformalandtheinformalPOS.
Accordingly,thestructuringofthelocations’selectionswasmodifiedovertime.Iconducted
theethnographicpracticeandspenttimeinmorelocationswithintheselectedcasestudies
thanwasspecifiedinitiallywithonlyfourorfivepoints.Theadditionalobservationpointswere
fromthelist(Table3.3),whichhelpedovercomebias.Thejustificationbehindthis
modificationisthatasmyunderstandingdevelopedandasIwaswalkingthroughinthe
selectedcasestudies,Ifoundthateachsitecouldincludemorepointsfromthelist,rather
thanonlyfive.Walkinginthesiteappearedbeneficialtoachievingabroaderunderstanding
withinthefieldworktimescaleratherthanonlyhavingspecificpredeterminedstationary
observationlocations.Thismodificationinthefieldworkprocessovertimehelpedtoincrease
therigourandtomakesurethatIcoveredthesiteasawholeandincludedmoreobservation
pointsfromthepredeterminedlist.ThroughthisIgainedarelativelywideandinclusive
perspectiveineachsitetounderstandparticularlyhowthephysicalandspatialcharacteristics
andqualitiesandalsohowintegrationandintersectionbetweenactivitiessupportdifferent
leisureandsocialpatternsofusewithacomplexityofculturaldifferences.
b)Thepurposeoffieldobservationanddatacollection:
Theapproachthatwastakenastowhatwouldbeobservedandrecordedwasclearlydefined
beforeenteringanysiteintermsofopen-endedquestionsthatwereshapedbytheresearch
aims.Themainobjectiveofobservationisspendingtimeoutdoorsandlookingathowpeople
usethespace,when,where,whathappensandgenerallywhotheusersare.Itwasusefulto
attendeveryobservationsessionatdifferenttimeswithsomepre-formedquestionsand
recordsheetsasrecommendedbyGehlandSvarre(2013).Thequestionshelpedin
understandingsomerelevantdetailsindifferentcasestudiesinrelationtotheactivities,users,
timeandphysicalandspatialcharacteristics.Inparticular,questionsaddressedwere:howthe
spacesareused;whotheusersare;wheretheactivitiesareconducted;wherethesocial
patternsareseen;thesizesofgroups;howlandscapeelementsareusedsocially;howlong
83
activitieslastandhowlongpeopleusuallystayinaplace.Alltheseinformabroad
understandingofpatternsofuseandsocialencounter.Thepreparedquestionsalsoprovided
thefieldobservationwithsomestructureinthedecisionaboutwhattorecord(i.e.
photograph,notedownandrecordasvoicememo).
1- Oneoftheimportanttasksforobservationistounderstandtheactivitieson-siteand
differentpatternsofuse.Spendingtimeon-siteasanethnographicpracticehelpedto
overcomemanyofthechallengesofobservationandtobecomefamiliarwiththesite,
thepatternsofuseandtypesofactivities.GehlandSvarre(2013)claimthatto
understandpubliclife,itisimportanttodefineandrecordsocialactivitiesinorderto
supportthefunctionofpublicplacesasameetingplace.Fieldobservationisusedto
generallyunderstandthespatialandtemporalactivitiesandparticularlyparticipants’
activities.Fromobservation,itwaspossible,forexample,tounderstandtheduration
ofstaysinrelationtodifferentactivitiesandspaces,whichcansupportandvalidate
thedatafromtheinterviewsintermsofthetemporalpatternsofuse.Recording
activitiesintheformofstructuredobservation(suchascheck-listormapping
methods)posesmanychallengesasactivitiesareoftenintegratedratherthan
segregated,sotheprimarydatacollectionmethodofnote-takingallowedrecordingof
someofthesekeyoverlapsorsimultaneousactivities.However,throughobservation
alone,itwasnotalwayspossibletodifferentiatebetweennecessary,optionaland
socialactivities(Gehl,2011),andtheon-siteinterviewswerevaluableforgaining
greaterinsight.GehlandSvarre(2013)claimthatthroughobservation,itispossibleto
differentiatebetweensocialactivitieswithpeoplewhoknoweachotherandsocial
encountersbetweenstrangersinapublicspace;however,Iwouldsuggestthisisa
flawedanalysisandmaywellbecontext-specific.Forexample,inBahrain,thismight
notbepreciseasitwascommonduringthesitevisitstoseedifferentparentswith
theirchildrentogetherinaparkorgarden,andtheyappeartobefamiliarwitheach
other;yettheyhadonlyjustmet.Consequently,theroleofethnographywas
importantforincreasingtherigourofthedatacollectionandtounderstandthe
nuancesofpractices,valuesandrelationshipsinrelationtospecificcontextsandat
differentscales.
2- Theintegrationofsystematicobservationwithon-siteinterviewswasalsoimportant
fortheaccuracyofthedemographicsofusers.AsaresidentofBahrain,Icanmake
certainestimationsregardingethnicity,genderandagegroupdifferences,butthe
interviewwasalsousefultoconfirmtheestimation.Forthepurposeofresearchethics
84
andintegrity,describingculturalidentitiesisideallybasedonhowtheparticipants
describetheirownorotherusers’origins.InmyfieldworkIwasalsogathering
understandingsofidentityofotherusersthroughinterviewees’owndescription,so
themeansinwhichtheseweredescribedneededtoallowsomeflexibility(reducing
standardisationbutgainingrichness).Someparticipantsdefineusers’originsfrom
theirappearance,colour,behaviours,dress,languageoraccent,whicharebasedon
participants’observationsandhowtheyseeothers.Theobservationswereusedto
supporttheinterviewsandvalidatethedataastheresearchershouldnotonlyrelyon
theinterviewees’responsebutalsoonwhatisseenandinterpretedon-site.
3- Thephysicalandspatialcharacteristicsandqualitieswereobservedwithinthe
perspectiveoflandscapearchitecture,whichsupporttheprocessofcasestudy
analysis(ChapterFour)andsupportthedataanalysisandsynthesistoset
recommendationsfortheprovisionofsociallyresponsivePOS(Thirdaim).Thephysical
characteristicofthesite,itsnaturalandgeographicalfeatures,theprovidedactivities
andfunctionsinthePOSandthesurroundingareaandtheland-usewerealso
comparedwiththeavailablemapsorsiteplans.Ialsolocatedthelandscapeelements
andconditionson-site:vegetationlocations,pathwaylocations,waterbodies,outdoor
furniture,structuresandmaterials.People,however,wouldhavedifferentperceptions
intermsoftheaffordancesforsocialandleisureactivities;hence,theethnographic
approachofobservationandinterviewandspendingtimeon-siteisalsofundamental
heretobecomemorefamiliarwithsuchdetails.Patton(1990)findsthatthetechnique
ofobservationenablestheobservertoidentifythesettingwithinwhichpeople
interactandalsogaininsightintotheideasthatpeoplemightnotvocaliseduringthe
interviews.Observationinthisresearchallowsinductiveprocessandtounderstand
thestudiedphenomenonincontext.
c)Whentoconductfieldobservation?
Thepurposeofthesitevisitswastocollectasmuchdataaspossiblewithinagiventimefor
thefieldwork,sowhilethescheduleoffield-basedmethodologywasbroadlysystematic,over
timeitwasmodifiedfromanentirelystandardisedonetoamoreflexibleonetoincreasethe
numberofthesitevisitstocoverdifferenttimesandoccasions.AppendixTwoshowsthesite
visitsindifferentcasestudies,whichcomprisedifferenttimesanddays.
85
Inordertomanagetheobservationacrossthedifferentcasestudiesandatdifferenttimes,I
startedwithasystematicobservationusingatimetablerelatingtotimesofthedayandweek
(GehlandSvarre,2013).Ineachcasestudy,theobservationswereproposedtobeconducted
infourorfivedifferentsessionsatvarioustimesanddaysoftheweekandindifferentseasons
toallowathoroughinvestigationofdifferentsites.Duetothecomplexityofthetranscultural
contextsandfollowinganethnographicapproach,adecisionwasmadetoincreasethe
numberofsitevisitsfromthisbase-line,andtheadditionalvisitsgaveprioritytositesand
locationswhichappearedmorecomplexandinwhichunderstandingwouldbeincreased
throughanextendednumberofobservations.Principally,thepurposeofthiswastoallowfor
visitingthesitesatawiderangeoftimestounderstandthenuancesofspatialandtemporal
culturalpracticesandformsofadaptation.GehlandSvarre(2013)highlighttheneedto
accommodatedifferencebetweenweekdays,weekends,andholidays,andwithdifferent
weatherconditions,whichrequiredacertainamountofflexibilitytotheschedule.Aseason
suchasRamadanalsoshapesthepatternofuseinanArabicandIslamiccontext.Gehland
Svarre(2013)alsomentionthatthesite,thepurpose,budgets,timeandlocalconditions
determinetheobservationschedules;forexample,ifaplacehasanexuberantnightlife,itdoes
notmakesensetodotheobservationonlyduringtheday.
Themainfieldworkwasconductedinsixmonths,betweenJuly2014andJanuary2015,witha
totalof70observationsessionscoveringdifferenttimes,daysandseasons,whichallowedme
tocapturehowculturaldifferencescanshapepatternsofuse.Afterthismainfieldwork,Ialso
arrangedfollowuptripstocovervariousseasonsandeventswheneverpossible.The
ethnographicapproachproduceddescriptionsofwhatwashappeningratherthana
quantitativemappingapproach;however,thesystematicapproachaidedintheselectionof
thedayandtimetovisitthesite.Visitingthecasestudiesfrequentlyatdifferenttimesofthe
dayandweeksintensivelyoveraperiodoftimealsoincreasestherigourofthefindings.
d)Howtorecord?
Theabovementionedsitecharacteristicsandusersandparticipants’activities,inadditionto
date,timeandweatherconditionswererecordedbyusingfieldnotesanddigitalphotography.
Takingphotosandkeepingadiaryaregoodpracticestobeadoptedbytheresearcher.Yin
(2003)findsthatobservationalevidenceisoftenusefulinprovidingadditionalinformation
aboutthetopicbeingstudied;forexample,takingphotographsatthecasestudysitehelpsto
conveyimportantcasecharacteristicstooutsideobservers.Sketcheswerealsoused
occasionallytounderstandtherecordeddata.Inaddition,Ialsousedvoicememostorecord
86
myobservationsandnotesandthentranscribedthem.A4copiesofmapsofeachareawere
usedtounderstandthesiteandthesurroundings.Fieldobservationinthisresearchwasnot
behaviouralmappingorrecordingoftheobservationofeachpersonthatusesthatsite.Oneof
theobjectiveswastolookatpatternsofuseandgetabroadoverview.Therefore,thoughthe
fieldnotesconcentratedonwho,whereandwhat,muchoftheemphasiswasoncapturinga
descriptiverecordofsiteuse.Theflexibilityofthisapproachwasimportantinreflectingthe
complexityofsocialandculturaldifferences,spatialvariationandnuancesofpracticesofuse
atdifferenttimesofday.
e)Overviewofanalysis:
Thissectionprovidesanoverviewofhowdifferentmeansofrecordingdata(visual,fieldnotes
andon-siteinterviews)allcontributedtoabroadanalysis.Intheanalysis,Iconsideralltheon-
sitematerialanddatafrommultiplemethodsratherthanjustobservations.Thecollecteddata
fromfieldobservationmainlyprovidednarrativedescriptionsandsupportedthefindings
(fromdifferentmethods)withcharacteristicsofphysicalandspatialqualitiesatdifferenttimes
andsettings.Thisalsoprovidedabasisforcritiquingtherelationshipbetweensocialand
physicalaffordancesandpatternsofuseandexploredtheroleofprofessionalpracticein
transculturalcitiestosupportconvivialityinPOS.Theobservationsduringtheshortinterviews
weretranscribedandinsertedintheNvivo1todirectlysupporttheanalysisprocess.Allthe
fieldnotesandvoicememosweretranscribed,andthephotographswerearrangedbydate,
timeandcasestudiesandbecameafundamentalpartsupportingthedataanalysis,butwere
notinsertedintheNvivosoftware.Writingandthentranscribingfieldnotesandestablishinga
filingsystemwasavaluableprocessintheanalysiswiththewholeinmind.Hence,in
discussingaparticularsite,interview,day,occasionorthemeIreferencethesupportingfield
notesandphotographs.
f)Addressingbias:
Duringtheethnography,theresearcherneedstobeawareofissuespertainingtoanybias,
particularlyduringthefieldobservations(Fetterman,2010),sothedecisionwastakenatan
earlystageofthisresearchbyconsideringpositionalityandreflexivity.Conductingfield
observationswouldreflecttheresearcher’spositionality,whichwhilefacilitatingmyresearch
1Computer-assistedqualitativedataanalysissoftwareusedinthisresearchtodoanalysisforshortinterviewsandgo-alonginterviews.
87
processalsoposedsomechallenges.Inmyresearch,Iconductednon-participantovert
observation2andaccompanieditbytakingpicturesandnotes,inwhichmypositionasa
researcherwasvisible.Duringthefieldobservations,Iconductedshorton-siteinterviews
introducingmyselfasaresearchstudent.Myvisiblepositionasaresearcherinthepublic
spacefacilitatedconductinginterviewsandaskingpeople,aspeoplewouldnotbeambiguous
towardsmyidentity.SomeusersalsoapproachedmetobeinterviewedortoaskwhatIwas
doing.Moreover,theresearcher’spositionalitycanchangefromonecontexttoanother(Teye,
2012),whichcanaffecthisobservationprocessanddatainterpretation.Sometimes,my
perceptionsofdifferentactivitiesobservedon-site(e.g.childrenplaying,landscapequalities)
couldbeshapedbymypersonalidentityofbeinginacademeinlandscapearchitecture,my
gender,ethnicityorlifestage.Hence,reflexivityhastobeconsideredthroughunderstanding
myposition,thecontextandtimeofaconductedmethod,whichsupporttheanalysisand
interpretationofthecollecteddata.Therepeatedobservationsandtherecordedfieldnotes
andreflectionsprovidedanopportunitytobereflexiveduringtheobservationanddata
analysis.
Eventhoughtheobservationprocesswasflexibletosomeextent,repeatingsitevisits,
consideringthetimeandseasons,predeterminingtheobservationpoints,focusingonthe
researchaimsandconductingtheobservationsbasedonpredeterminedquestionstheseare
alsowaystoovercomethechallengeofbias.Intheanalysis,toavoidconfirmationbias,I
primarilyreliedonwhatpeopleweresayingandnotmyobservation;however,the
observationswerefundamentalforsupportingtheanalysisforvalidity.Robustnessofthe
collecteddataincreasedthroughsupportingtheon-sitein-depthinterviewswiththebroad
ethnography:researcherobservationsatdifferenttimesanddaysandshorton-siteinterviews
withawidesectionsoftheusers.Usingmultiplemethodsincludingon-siteinterviews,
participant-ledinterviewsandexpertinterviewstogetherwithobservationvalidatethe
researchfindingsthroughhavingparticipants’interpretationsandpractitioners’perspectives
(Fetterman,2010;Teye,2012).Contextualityalsoplacesacheckonthenegativeinfluenceof
bias(Fetterman,2010),accordingly,skillsoflandscapearchitectureinintensively
understandingthecontextappeartobefundamentalhere.
2Usuallyobservationisdescribedascovert/overtorparticipantornon-participant(Bryman,2004).
88
3.5.1.2On-siteshortinterviews
Participantswereapproachedon-siteduringsitevisitsandtheinterviewswereconductedat
thispoint.Theon-siteinterviewswereaprimarysourceforthesitespecificdata,andthe
observationswerefundamentaltosupportthisdata.Thequestionsweredesignedto
specificallyaddressaimone:Tounderstandtheeverydayactivities,preferencesand
motivationsforusingPOSinBahrain,withaparticularemphasisontheexperiencesofusers
frommigrantbackgrounds.
Theresearchersoftensupporttheirfieldobservationswithinterviewstoembracequestions
thatarenotpossibletoansweronlythroughtheobservation(Bryman,2004;O’Reilly,2012;
GehlSvarre,2013).Inthisresearch,theethnographyisbasedonbothon-siteinterviewsand
directobservationstounderstandthesocio-spatialsettingsandhiddenexperiences,
understandthecontextofthecasestudy,validatethedataandsupporttheanalysis.However,
itwouldbeachallengetodependonobservationtorecorddemographicdataandnuancesof
activitiesandaffordancesforencountersasthemaindatafortheanalysis.GehlandSvarre
(2013)suggestthatthequestionofwho,where,whatandhowcouldbeansweredthrough
observation.Yet,toaccuratelydefineusers'differentgroups,ageandnationalitiesthrough
observationalonecanbeproblematic,particularlygiventhecomplexityoftransculturalcities.
InBahrain,likemanyotherpartsoftheworld,itisdifficulttounderstandpeople’sorigin
throughobservation,andtherearesimilarconcernsaboutage.
Together,bothobservationandthesemi-structuredinterviewrevealthebreadthofways
peopleuseandvaluePOS.Inthisresearch,itwaspossibletounderstandthedifferent
activitiesatthesitethroughobservation;theinterviewtool,however,providedadditional
detailsaboutthepeople’spreferences,valuesandtheirmotivationsforusingthePOSintheir
everydaylife.ThesedetailssupportedtheanalysistodeterminehowthedifferentusesofPOS
areintegratingandchangingalongwithpeople’smotivations,values,gender,generationaland
transnationalidentities.Inthefieldwork,comparisonofthesiteswasnotoneoftheresearch
objectives;however,peoplecomparedbetweenthesitesintheinterviews,whichshowed
theirperceptions,socio-spatialassociationsandaffordancesofplacesinadditiontothe
mobilityofpatternofuseandencounters,whichalsosupportstheanalysisofsecondaim.
a)Preparingandconductingtheon-siteinterviews:
89
Schroeder(1991)assertsthataqualitativesurveyprovidesmuchmorerichandusefuldata
thanquantitativesurveysinstudiesconcerningpeople’srelationtolandscapeandtheir
perception.Thedesignoftheinterview-promptwasqualitative,largelycomprisingofopen-
endedquestions,seekingtounderstandratherthanprovehypothesisortestsignificance.The
questionsweredesignedfromtheobjectivesofthefirstaimtoinvestigatehowactivities
changeindifferentcasestudies,atdifferenttimesandondifferentdaysthroughouttheyear
andhowthesearereflectedandshapedbydifferentusersintransculturalcities.Theinterview
wasdividedintothreeparts:First,howeachparticipantwasusingthesiteatthetimeofthe
interview,thesecondparthelpedtounderstandthetypicalusesatothertimesordaysand
thethirdpartprovideddemographicinformation.Theinterviewsalsoincludedquestions
aboutotherdifferentPOSfrequentedbytheintervieweestoappreciatedifferentperceptions
andmeaningsandmobilisingofmeanings(Section2.3.2).AppendixThreeillustratestheshort
on-siteinterviewsheet.
Duringtheobservationsessions,copiesofprintedsheetswithpreparedquestionswereused
toconducttheinterviews.Theapproachwassystematicandensuredthatthesamequestions
werecoveredwitheachrespondent.Ifilledinthesheetsduringtheinterviewssupportingthe
responseswithnotesfromtheobservations.Thequestionsusedcouldalsobemodifiedto
includemoreorlessdetaildependingontheextentIidentifiedimportantissuesduringthe
courseoftheinterview.Thoughtheywereshortinterviewsthatgenerallytookafewminutes
(3-5minutes),someintervieweesextendedtheirresponses.Ingeneral,userswelcomedtaking
partintheinterviews,althoughafewparticipantspolitelyapologisedandrefrainedfrom
participating.Whenconductingresearchonsite,participantsalsonarratedstoriesand
memoriesrelevanttothespaceorotherspaces,anadditionalbenefitofconductingthe
interviewson-site.
Iusedanon-goingsamplingprocesstoselecttherespondents.Theinitialselectionwasbased
onarandomprocesse.g.every10thor5thpersondependingontheintensityoftheusers
duringthesitevisit.ThiswayofsamplingbroadlyreflectedtheusersofthePOS.Afollow-up
schedulewasalsopreparedduringthefieldworktotracktheinterviewees,withpurposeful
selectioninthelatterstagesinformedbyaddressingknowngapsrelativetothedemographics
ofsiteusers.Thissamplingprocessensuresinclusivityandthattheparticipantsrepresentthe
users.Thesamplingwasbasedmainlyonpeople’swillingnesstobeinterviewed,their
languageabilityanddemographicandculturalfactors.Thisresearchinvestigatedeightcase
studyareas,andgainedatotalof85interviews.Dependingonthepopularityandsizeofeach
site,thenumberofrespondentsvariedaccordingly,between6and19,withanaverageof13.
90
AppendixTwoshowsthedistributionoftheconductedinterviews.Appendixfourpresents
dataaboutparticipantsinshortinterviews.
3.5.2In-depthethnography:Go-alonginterviews
Itwasalsoimportanttoconductmorein-depthethnography(andnotonlybroadscopesite
visits)toexploreindividualperspectives,values,memoriesandnuancesofmeaningsthrough
one-to-oneparticipant-ledextendedwalkinginterviewsatthesite.Duetothecomplexities,
thein-depthethnographicapproachwouldbeimportantinordertoexploremeaningful
encountersinPOS.Thisalsohelpstounderstandbothhowpeople’sexperiencesinthesite
areshapedbytheiridentitiesandhistoryandhowplacescansupportadaptationspatiallyand
temporally,particularlywithintersectionalityandculturaldifferences.
Interviewshavebeenusedinstudieswhenmoreunderstandingofsocialprocessesand
meaningsarerequired(Mason,1996).Thoughlaughing,smilingandacknowledgingothersare
commonbodylanguagesobservedinthefieldwork,Patton(1990,p.278)arguesthatthe
informationgainedduringfieldobservationislimitedtopeople’sexternalbehaviourinthat
particularsettinganditisnotpossibletoobserveindividuals’feelings,thoughtsand
intentions,ortounderstandpastexperiencesandmemoriesorhowpeoplehaveorganised
theirlivesandtheirbelongings.Theselimitationsbecomemorecomplicatedwithcultural
differencesinsuperdiversecontexts(Vertovec,2007a).
‘Go-along’ethnographyisacombinationofobservation,in-depthinterviewandstorytelling,
andwasselectedasanappropriatemethodforachievingthesecondaim:Toexplorehow
convivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublicspaceswithinthecontextofan
ethnicallydiversepopulation(analysedanddiscussedinChapterssixandseven).Toachieve
thesecondaim,thego-alonginterviewcouldexplorenuancesofmeaningsandexperiencesof
socialencountersanddetailsregardingindividualspatialandtemporalnegotiationsand
decisions.Thismethodalsosupportstheanalysisofthefirstaim(particularlythethird
objective)withrefineddetailsrelevanttothehistoryofplacesandpastexperiencesthatshape
thevaluesandpreferencesofusingPOSaddedtothetheoryofculturaltransformationand
processofadaptationandhybridity.
Kusenbach(2003)clarifiesthatthego-alonginterviewisaninnovativeethnographic
instrumentusedtoexploretheroleofplaceineverydayexperienceandtheinteraction
patterninthepublicrealm.Comparingto‘hangingout’sortofethnography,thego-along
91
interviewissystematicandpre-arrangedandtendstobemorefocused;thismaypromptthe
participantstotalkaboutplaces,notonlypeople(Kusenbach,2003;EvansandJones,2011;
HoltonandRiley,2014).Thismethodconcernstheaffiliationbetweenpeopleandplace,a
methodwhichbridgesunderstandingbetweenacademicresearchingeographyandlandscape
architecturewithprecedentswithinpsycho-geography,culturalgeographyandanthropology
(RishbethandPowell,2013).Armstrong(2004),Oliveira(2011),Rishbeth(2013and2014)all
suggestthatthewalkinginterviewisadynamicmethodtoexploreplaceattachmentand
memories,andthusexploreexperiencespostmigrationintransnationalspaces.Thesesame
qualitiesshaperelevanceinthefieldofplanninganddesign(EvansandJones,2011).
Thego-alonginterviewisahybridbetweenobservationandinterviewmethodthatovercomes
certainshortcomingsofobservationandinterviewing(Kusenbach,2003;Anderson,J.,2004;
Carpiano,2009).Whatmakesthisinstrumentuniqueisthattheresearchercanobservethe
participantsinsituwhile,atthesametime,accesstheirexperiences,reflectionand
interpretations(Kusenbach,2003;Carpiano,2009).Theresearchercanalsousebody
movementtounderstandtherelationbetweenparticipantsandtheplace(Anderson,J.,2004;
Roseetal.,2010).
Thismethodcombinesmobilityandmethodology(Kusenbach,2003;Jonesetal.,2008;Holton
andRiley,2014).Inthismanner,Jonesetal.(2008)explains,“Whetherconsideringmovement
bytheparticipantortheresearcher,mobilitytakestheresearchprocessoutoffixed(safe,
controlled)environmentsandintroducesarangeofnewissuestoconsider”(p.9).However,
Jonesetal.(2008)assertthatcombiningmobilitywithresearchmethodologyisnotatotally
newapproach.Theyaddthat,inethnographicfieldwork,theresearcheroftenstudiesthe
subjectinmotion,ratherthantakingaparticipantoutoftheireverydaycontexttoaskthem
questionsabouttheirlife.Furthermore,walkingisalsousedasamethodinethnographyand
anthropologyresearch(Pink,2008).
Becauseofthenatureofthego-alonginterview,itcouldaddrichdatainrelationtothe
researchquestionandexploreculturalpractices,promptsformemoryandsocialinteractions
withspatialassociation.Kusenbach(2003)statesthatgo-alonginterviewscanexplorethe
essenceofspatialpracticesandengagementinandwiththeenvironment.Spatialpractice
meansthatpeoplecanbemoreorlessawareofandengagedwiththesurroundingspaces
throughthecourseoftheireverydaylivesandmundaneroutinesatdifferenttimeswith
variousdegreesandquality,shapingmultiplecontextsofmeaningsforpersonalidentities
(Kusenbach,2003).Inthismanner,Anderson,J.(2004)addsthatbyusingthego-along
92
interview,researcherscanbecomeawareoftheroutinesandpracticesinwhichpeoplebuild
theirknowledgeofplaces.Go-alonginterviewscanalsouncoverthepastexperiencesthat
shapepeople’spresentengagementswiththeirenvironmentsandhowtheparticipants
integratememorieswithmeanings(Kusenbach,2003;Anderson,J.,2004).Anderson,J.(2004),
Jonesetal.(2008)andHoltonandRiley(2014)findthatgo-alonginterviewscanstimulatethe
memoryandtellastorythroughparticipants’ownexpressionsabouttheirconnectionto
certainplaces.Rishbeth(2014)suggeststhatthewalkinginterviewismorethannarrative
data;itexploresthesensorycollectionthroughstorytelling.Pink(2008)describeswalkingin
ethnographyasmulti-sensoryexperiencesthatcanexplorematerialityandsocialityinaplace.
Go-alonginterviewscanalsoexplorevaryingpatternsofinteractionandhelpunderstand
socialencountersfromtheperspectivesofparticipants(Kusenbach,2003).Thismethodcan
capturetheroleofplaceinshapingsocialinteractioninthedailyactivity(Carpiano,2009;
Kusenbach,2003).
a)Preparingandconductinggo-alonginterviews:
Thepurposeofthego-alonginterviewsinthisresearchwastoexploremorein-depthfindings
inrelationtotheresearchaimsandobjectivesandsocio-spatialassociations,whichshaped
thespecificmethodused–aparticipantselectedrouteandtimeundertakenonfoot.The
designofthemethodneededalsotoaddressanumberofchallengese.g.climateinsummer,
walkinginconvenience,beingvisible,culturalsensitivity,keepinginterviewontopicand
numberoftheinterviews.Writingtheinterviewwhilewalkingisanotherchallenge,
particularlyregardingthein-depthqualityoftheinterviews.
Accordingly,thedesignofthismethodwasveryflexibletobenefitfromthequalityofon-foot
interviewandplaceassociation,whilealsoaimingtoovercomethechallenges.Theconcernof
thisselectedmethodintheresearchwasnotaboutthedistanceandwalkingpractice,but
mainlythesocio-spatialdimension,whichovercamethechallengeofwalking.Somecontexts
andinterviewsprovidedanopportunitytoonlymoveashortdistance.Animportantqualityof
thewalkinginterviewisthatbesidestheresearcher;italsoenabledtheparticipanttobean
observersothattheresearcherperceivedthesitethroughtheeyesoftheparticipant.
Kusenbach(2003)andCarpiano(2009)explainthatgo-alonginterviewcanbeconductedby
walkingortravelingonabus,onatrainorinacar,andthedecisiondependsonthecontext,
butwalkingismoreproductive.InBahrain,themainmeansoftransportiscars.Thisisbecause
Bahraindoesnothaveatrainsystemandpublicbusesarenotapopularchoiceamongthe
people.Socio-economicstatusdeterminestheaffordabilityofowningacar,andalargesection
93
ofthemigrantpopulationcannotaffordacar.Hence,bearinginmindtheneedforsocial
inclusivity,(inadditiontosafety,socio-spatialinteractionandphysicalqualitiesofPOS),I
conductedtheinterviewsthroughwalkingon-site.
Inmyresearch,theparticipantsselectedthecasestudyinwhichtheywerefamiliarand
interestedin.Theychosetheroutetheyusedtowalkwithintheselectedcasestudies,which
supportedparticipant-ledinterviewsandovercamethechallengeofwalkinginconveniences
andbeingvisible.Forexample,RahmanmetinKhalifaGardencontextbutselectedtoconduct
theGo-alonginHunainiyahcontextandontheridge.Similarly,FaizawasinterviewedinRiffa
citybutalsoselectedtoconductthewalkinginterviewinBabAl-BahraininManamacity,and
shechosetostartfromtheroundabouttothesouqalleysanddirectedmethroughthealleys
asaninsider.Theparticipant-ledgo-alonginterviews,whichallowtheparticipanttochoose
theroutefromtheirroutinepractice,providedamorenaturalsetting(Jonesetal.,2008;Evans
andJones,2011).Theparticipantsalsoselectedthetimeanddayfortheinterview,which
helpedovercomethechallengeofclimate.Theparticipantsusethesespacesforleisureand
changetheirusingtimebetweenwinterandsummer,whichshapedthedifferentinterviews’
timingsaccordingly.
Iconsideredculturalsensitivitywheninterviewingmeningo-alonginterviews;therefore,my
husbandaccompaniedme,e.g.withRahmaninHunainiyahcontext,KareemandIrfaninBab
Al-BahrainArea,ortheintervieweeswereaccompaniedbyafemalemember,RashidinKhalifa
Garden,NazirinHunainiyahParkandAdaminAradPark.
Torespectthetimeoftheintervieweeandusingthetimeefficiently,Ipreparedanumberof
questionsasguidelinesforthego-alonginterview(refertotheAppendixFive)tokeepthe
interviewbroadlyontopic.Askingformoreinformationabouttheplacecouldbeusefulifitis
donewithoutdisturbingthenaturalflowofactivity(Kusenbach,2003).Kusenbach(2003)finds
thatthroughaskingquestions,listeningandobserving,fieldworkerscanexploreparticipants’
experiencesandpracticesastheymoveandinteractthroughthewalkinginterview.Carpiano
(2009)usedsemi-structuredandpreparedquestionsandtopicsalongwithadhocquestions.
Kusenbach(2003)explainedthatitispossibleduringtheinterviewtopointtonearbyfeatures
toallowparticipantstoreflectandfortheinterviewertointerpretfromtheirresponseswhat
theythinkandfeelabouttheirenvironment.Roseetal.(2010)occasionallypromptedthe
participanttocommentontheenvironment.Theyfurtherinvestigatedthespatialuseand
feelingofthespacethroughobservingtheparticipants’actionsandhowtheymovedandused
94
theirbodies.Kusenbach(2003)emphasisedthatitisimportanttheresearchergiveslittle
informationandparticipateslessintheinterview.
Regardingthenumberofinterviews,beinganin-depthqualitativemethod,thenumberof
interviewsshouldbeconsideredalongsideboththerichnessofdataandtherangeandinsight
ofthedatagathered.Byusingthe‘journeying’methodIdidnotintendtonecessarily
designateawalkinginterviewtoeachcasestudyorexpecttohaveonewalkinginterviewper
casestudy,butrathertoachieveaspreadofparticipantsandcoverdiverseurbanareaswithin
Bahrain.Fortheselectionofparticipants,duringthesitevisits,theinformationsheetswere
distributedparticularlytothecontributorsintheon-siteshortinterviews.Idistributed40
informationsheets.Ialsorequestedthemtoparticipateinthego-alonginterviewiftheywere
interestedinsharingtheirexperienceofusingopenspacesandinconductingawalking
interviewinandaroundtheirfamiliarspacesornearthecurrentlocation.Thisresultedina
rangeof‘startingpoints’.TheinformationsheetclearlyspecifiedthatIwaslookingforeither
womenormen,Bahrainiornon-Bahrainiover18yearsofage,whocanhaveaconversationin
EnglishorArabic(writingskillsarenotimportant),andauserofanyPOSintheselectedcase
studies.Someoftheparticipantsacceptedtodothego-alonginterviewdirectly;however,
otherscontactedmelatertoarrangetheinterview.
Thetimeallocatedtofieldworkallowedmetoconduct13go-alonginterviewswith18people
andrelatedtosixcasestudieswitha45-minuteaverageduration.Fiveofthe13interviews
wereconductedwithBahrainisandtherestoftheparticipantsbelongedtodifferentAsian
migrantbackgrounds:Syrian,Indian,Balochis,MalaysianandIndonesian.AppendixSix
illustratesthego-alongparticipants.Toovercomethechallengeofscriptrecordingsduringthe
interview,audiorecordingswereusedwithparticipants’consent(Kusenbach,2003;Roseet
al.,2010).Aftercompletingeachgo-alonginterview,theinterviewwastranscribedandafield
notewaspreparedfromtherecordingincludinginterviewernotesastocontext(Kusenbach,
2003).
3.5.3Expertinterviews
Thisresearchalsogathereddatafromeightexpertinterviews.Theexpertinterviewmethodis
valuabletovalidatetheperceivedverityofthequalitativedatafromadifferentperspective
andtodrawoutreactionstothis(RossmanandRallis,1998).StudiessuchasRishbeth(2004),
PowellandRishbeth(2012)andSiu(2013)accompaniedtheirresearchesonculturaldiversity
inPOSandperceptionofuserswithpractitionerinterviewsfortesting,exploringand
95
triangulatingtheoutcomesofthedatathroughabroaderview,whichclarifiesthat
practitionerinterviewsarehelpfulandimportantintermsofanoverallresearchprogramme.
PowellandRishbeth(2012)interviewedpractitioners“toseekconfirmationofkeyissueswhich
emergedfromtherawdata,toanalysesignificance,andidentifyareasofconvergenceand
divergencewithregardtoexperiencesandvalues”(p.73).
Expertinterviewshelpedaddressthethirdaimofthisresearch,whichisframingtheresearch
findingswithprofessionalpracticeinterviewstoinformdesignapproachesandpoliciesfor
planningandmanagingopenspaces.Increasingly,academicresearchhasacommitmentto
‘impact’andthiscanbesignificantinrelationtofindingsfromethnographicpractices
(Lawrence-Zuniga,2011;Rishbethetal.,2018).Disciplinessuchaslandscapearchitecture,with
alongstandingprofessionalfocus,isbuiltonalongtraditionofconnectingresearchwith
practice.However,withinacademicexplorationsoftransnationalplaces,mostlywithin
sociologicalandanthropologicalfields,therehavetraditionallybeenlimitedattemptsto
explorethepracticalimplicationsforurbandesignandplacemanagementpractices.By
attendingtopractitioners’expertisewithintheframeworkofthisresearch,ithasbeen
possibletogroundthefindingsonapragmaticpractice:awarenessofkeycontexts,abilityto
identifykeybarriersandcurrentshortfallsinprovisionandgainsomeinsightintogood
practiceandpromisingdirections.
a)Planningandconductingexpertinterviews
Withinthemethodologicalframeworkinthisresearch,thebroadscopeoftheexpert
interviewswastoaddprofessionalperspectivetotheresearch,andthemainpurposeswere
to:
1.Gatheradditionaldataandfurtherunderstandingofthehistoricalandcontemporary
contextsandpolicies.
2.Triangulatethefindingsandinstigatea(limitedandunestablished)collaborative
analyticallens.
3.Testtherelevanceoffindingsforpractice,whichprovidesalandscapearchitectural
specificitytotheresearchoutcomes.
Thebasisforselectionoftheintervieweesisshapedbyseveralbroadcategoriesorcriteria.
Thecriteriaweredevelopedaroundthemainaimsoftheresearchrelevanttotheprofessional
specialisationandselectedcasestudies:planning,design,managementofPOS,regeneration,
96
renovationandconservationofPOSandheritagesites,policingofpublicspaces,migrationand
cohesionagenda.Thecategoriesoftheselectionwerefurtherfine-tunedwiththeemerging
findingsandthemessuchascommunityinvolvement,publicright,andparentingandlittering
issues.
Thefinalbroadcategoriesthatshapetheselectionoftheexpertintervieweeswere:planning,
designandmanagementofPOS,andcommunityinvolvementandthenewthemeofsocialand
professionalresponsibilityindealingwithdifferentpracticesinpublic.Therelevant
organisationswereselectedandsubsequentlytheexpertintervieweesintheselected
organisationswereapproachedbecauseoftheirlongandin-depthexperienceinthe
significantareasoftheresearchfocusandemergingfindings.Theseprofessionalsalsoheldkey
positionsthatenabledthemtoprovideabroadunderstandingofpolicies,decisionsand
measuresimplementedwithregardtopublicspacesandtheselectedcasestudies.Inthis
research,thepreliminaryproposalwastoconductfivetoseveninterviewswiththeintention
tomodifythelistcontingenttothefindingsfromtheothermethods.
Conductingexpertinterviewswasbasedontheneedtoprioritiseinterpretationandthe
significanceofthedatasoastojustifythefindingswithinpractice.Thedecisionwasmadeto
conducttheseinterviewstowardtheendofthemainfieldworkwhendatahadbeengathered
andsomefindingshadbeenrevealed.However,Iwasawarethatthiswouldalsobe
dependentontheavailabilityofthehigh-profileinterviewees,particularlygiventhefactthatI
wasinBahrainforspecifiedperiodsonlytoconducttheinterviews.Therefore,certain
opportunismandflexibilitywasneededandIhadtoutiliseanyopportunitythataroseto
scheduletheinterviews.Forexample,thefirstinterviewwithanexpertfromtheAuthorityof
Culturewasconductedduringthemainfieldworkatanearlierstagethantheotherexpert
interviews;however,onlyaftersomegeneralunderstandinghadalreadybeenobtained.
Besidesbeingopportunistic,conductingtheexpertinterviewsatdifferentstagesofthe
researchbroadenedthevalueoftheexpertinterviews.Forinstance,theinitialexpert
interviewswerealsousefultosecureanearlyperspectivefrompractitionersaboutthe
feasibilityofthisresearchinBahrain.Bytheconclusionalltheconductedinterviews,their
questionsandthetimingofthemeetingswereproductiveandvaluableandtheresponses
providedprofessionalperspectivesthatframedthefindings.
ToconducttheinterviewsIhadlettersofsupportfromtheresearchfundingbodytocontact
theorganisationsandtheexpertinterviewees.Theintervieweesarrangedfortheplaceand
97
thetimeoftheinterview.Mostoftheinterviewswereconductedintheworkplaceofthe
interviewees,exceptforthreephoneinterviewsuponrequestsfromtheinterviewees.Ethical
considerationsfortheexpertinterviewswerereflectedwithinthemainethicsapplicationfor
theresearch;theconsentformsincludedaclauseseekingpermissionforrecording,optional
however,andverbalconsentwastakenforrecordingthephoneinterviews.
b)Listofexpertinterviews:
Ultimately,eightformalin-depthsemi-structuredinterviewswereconductedwithexperts
fromdifferentorganisations.Thefollowingexplainsthebasisforsampling,bothregardingkey
organisations,andtheindividuals(andtheirprofessionalroles)withinthese.
1. Urbanplanning,design,managementandrenovationofoutdoorspaces:When
conductingresearchinlandscapearchitecture,itisfundamentaltoexplorethe
experts’perspectivesontheinfluencediverseculturalpracticesandmanagementof
POShaveoneachother.Thefindingsonthepotentialforandconstraintsonsocial
interactioninpublicopenspacesacrossdifferenceswouldalsobetestedinrelationto
thepractice.ExpertexpectationsonhowpeopleusethePOSwereusedtotriangulate
thefindingsandprovideacollaborativeanalyticallens.Byhavinganumberofcase
studies,formalandinformal,understandingdifferentcollaborationsthatinform
decisionsaboutPOSinBahraincouldalsobeobtained.
Underthisbroadcategory,thedecisionsaboutspecificselectionoftherelevant
organisationsandintervieweeshadbeenmadeasfollows:
• MunicipalityofManamainMinistryofWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrban
Planning(MWMAUP):
MaintenanceandOperationEngineerofParksandGardens,Fatima
Hamza.
DirectorofPropertiesandParksinMunicipalityofManama,Landscape
ArchitectZuhairAl-Dallal.
UrbanObservatoryChiefintheDepartmentofUrbanPlanning,Architect
WafaSharif.
98
IhadalsovisiteddifferentmunicipalitiesinBahrainandtalkedinformally
withdifferentpractitioners.Ialsoconductedshortinterviewswiththe
workersandon-sitewardensintheselectedparksandgardens.
• AuthorityforCultureandAntiquities:HeadofArchitecturalAffairs,Architect
NouraAl-Sayeh.
Iwaslookingtoaccessthemanagementanddesignorganisationresponsiblefor
Amwaj-lagoon,butIwasnotabletointerviewtheirmanagementpersonnelbecause
theconcernedorganisationwasundergoingaprocessofevolvingandchanging.Yet,
theexpertintervieweesfromMWMAUPprovidedtheirperspectiveandknowledge
aboutthiscasestudy.
2. Communityinvolvementinprofessionalpractice:Itisimportanttounderstandthe
roleofcommunityinprovidingandregulatingPOSandhowtheyarebeinginvolved.
Aspectsofpublicparticipationwouldbediscussedwithexpertinterviewees;yet,
selectingintervieweeswhoareinvolvedinpracticefromthecommunitywouldfurther
helptogainrealinsightintocommunityinvolvementinpracticeandtesthow
successfulthisapproachwasinrelationtofindings.InBlock-338,theroleof
communityindesignandmanagementofthespaceandtemporaryintervention
appearedsignificantinthecollecteddata.Inparksandgardens,theroleofFriends
Groupswasrevealedinthecollecteddataaswellasinotherexpertinterviews.Hence,
theselectionherewereasfollowing:
• Al-RiwaqArtSpace,acommunitycentreinBlock-338:ThefounderofAl-Riwaq
ArtSpace,ArtistBayanAl-Baker,
• FriendsGroupsofParksandGardensinBahrain:GeneralCoordinatorofthe
AssociationofFriendsGroupsandVicePresidentoftheFriendsGroupsofthe
CapitalGardens,MohamedAl-A’ali.
3. Socialandprofessionalresponsibilityindealingwithdifferentpracticesinpublic
spaces:Thiscategoryisspecificallyrelevanttoparentingandcleanlinessthemesand
mainlytothequestionofwhoisresponsiblefordealingwithemergingissuesinPOSin
Bahrain.Issuesrelevanttoparentingandcleanlinesswouldbediscussedindifferent
expertinterviews,andsincetheconflictscontinuedtoprevail,Isoughtdifferent
99
expertperspectivesfromprofessionalfieldsotherthanplanning,designand
managementofPOS.WithaspectsrelevanttoparentingissuesinPOS,Iwantedto
investigateifthereareanyregulationsinBahrainaboutchildrenbeinginpublicspaces
andhowsuchregulations,ifany,couldaffectchildren’srightsinusingparksand
gardens.Itwouldbealsoimportanttoexploreanyconcernsraisedrelevantto
parentingpracticesinpublicspacesfromanexpertperspectivetotriangulatethe
findings.IwasalsolookingformoreunderstandingaboutpoliciesthatregulatePOSin
Bahrainwithregardtodifferentpracticesinpublic.
Underthethirdbroadcategory,inBahrain,therearenospecificorganisationsthat
dealwithissuesrelatedtoparentingandcleanlinessinpublicspaces.Hence,the
decisionwastointerviewthefollowingexpertindividualswithrelationtothe
obligationofpublicorganisationsinBahrain:
• MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomen-PresidentoftheArabSociety
forthePreventionofViolenceAgainstChildren,Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahrooswas
interviewedtoobtainanoverviewofpoliciesrelevanttoparentingpractices
andprotectingchildren’srightsinusingpublicservices.
• Attorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpublicinternationallaw,Dr.Ahmed
Farhanwasinterviewedforfurtherunderstandingofregulationinpublic
spaces.
Dr.AhmedFarhanalsohighlightedtheabsenceoforganisationsthatworkundera
cohesionandintegrationagendainBahraincomparedwiththewesterncountries,and
explainedthatthepoliciesofmigrationintheregionaredifferent.Thisexplainswhy
itwasnotpossibletofindakeyinformantrelevanttothecategoryofcohesionagenda
andintegrationinrelationtomigrationinBahrain.Asaresultofhispositionand
specialisation,Dr.AhmedFarhanalsocontributedtotheresearchhisknowledgeof
migrationpoliciesandhisperspectiveonmigrantsuseofurbanspaces.
c)ContextofInterview:
Thesemi-structuredquestionsfortheexpertinterviewscoveredthreekeyareas:
1.Understandingtheprofessionalroleandperspectivesoftheinterviewees.
100
2.Gainingadditionalcontextualdataonthelocalhistoriesandpolicyofsomeorallofthe
casestudylocations.
3.Sharingsomeoftheemergingdataandreflectingonthefindings.
Forthefirstkeyarea,thequestionsweredesignedtounderstandin-depthabouttheir
professionalroleandexperience.Thequestionstookageneralandopenapproachsuchas
askingaboutthegreatestchallengestheexpertsfacedintheirprojects,different
collaborationsandinputsessentialforinformingbriefsordecisions,aspectsofthescheme
theyaremostproudof,andexperiencesandskillstheygainedfromundertakingcertain
projects.Forthesecondkeyarea,somequestionsdirectlyrelevanttothecasestudies
highlightingstrategies,processanddecisionforplanning,management,designandfunding
andthestoriesbehindthecasestudiesconcernedwererequired.Ialsoaskedforsupporting
documentationssuchasreports.Forthethirdkeyarea,theinterviewees’perspectivesabout
themaintopicoftheresearchwereobtainedbyaskingabouttheirexpectations,andany
changestheyhadobservedovertimeabouthowpeopleusethePOS.Withintheexpert
interviews,clarificationsandreflectionswerealsosoughtwhentheparticipantsintroduced
topicswhichhademergedinthefieldworkasrelevanttotheresearchthemes(e.g.leisure
activities,openspacemanagement,walkability,notionsofpublicness,socialinteractions,
parentingandcleanliness).
Theemphasisbetweenthesesectionswouldvarydependingonthenatureoftheexpert’srole
andthetimingoftheinterviewwithintheresearchproject.Forexample,wheninterviewing
expertsfromaprofessionalfieldotherthanbuilt-environment,questionsaboutdesignand
managementwerenotasked.Timinghadalsoanimpactonwhatcontentcouldbeaddressed
inindividualinterviewsandinthisresearch,someinterviewswereconductedatanearlier
stage.
d)GeneratingData:
Toturntheexpertinterviewsintodataandusethemintheresearch,allinterviewswere
recordedandtranscribed.Ireadandlistenedtothemseveraltimestomakedetailednotes
andhighlightthemaintopics.Table3.4presentsthelistoftheeightexpertinterviewsanda
summaryofthecoveredtopicsorganisedwithinatimescale.Thesemaintopicswere
comparedtothefindingsfromtheothermethodstoidentifycorrelationsandcontradictions:
wheretheysupportedorelaboratedandwheretherewereconflictsordiscrepancies(as
analysedanddiscussedinChapterEight).
101
1 NouraAlSayeh:ArchitectandHeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityofCulture 16.09.14
• Managementofculturalandheritagesites(specificallySahatandBabAl-Bahrainrenovations).• Integratingelementsandconceptsofcontemporaryurbandesigninthehistoricalsites(suchasmicro-
POS,walkability,waterbodiesandmicroclimate).• Consideringcontemporaryneedsinhistoricalsites.• ReflectionsontheimpactPOShasonsocialinteractionincontextsofculturaldiversity.• Limitationsofcurrentunderstandinginprofessionalpracticewithregardtosocialinteractionacross
difference.• Relevanceofpoliticalcontexts.• Potentialoftemporaryinterventions.
2 FatemaHamza:MaintenanceandOperationEngineerinParksandGardensDepartmentinManamaMunicipality 20.01.15
• Mainproceduresinthemaintenanceandoperationofparksandgardens.• Patternsofuseaffectthemaintenance(suchaslitteringandmisuse).• Theactionstakentominimisecertainpractices(placinginstructionsboardsinparksandgardens,
increasingnumberofsecurityguardsandraisingawarenessforexample,FriendGroups).• Examplesofcontactsthatwouldbeinitiatedbetweenthework-team(e.g.supervisors)andtheusers.
3 WafaSharif:ArchitectandChiefofUrbanObservatoryinMinistryofWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrbanPlanning. 29.12.15
• InformationaboutdecisionsandstrategiestakeninassigninglandforPOS.• PlanningstandardscategorisePOSasparksandgardensaccordingtotheirdifferentsizesto:National
ParksandNeighbourhoodGardens.• Thesignificanceofprivateinvestmentsinprovidingpublicspaces(e.g.Amwaj-lagoon).• Challengesofpoliticalandeconomicforcesinshapingplanningdecision.• Reflectiononsocialexclusiondevelopedfromcertaindecisions.• Roleofdesignandmanagement(particularlydistributionofactivitiesorwalkability)insupportingsocial
interactionandlimitationinpracticeinreflectingandunderstandingpeople’slives.• CleanlinessisamanagementprobleminPOS.
4 ZuhairAl-Dallal:LandscapeArchitectandDirectorofPropertiesandParks 06.01.1607.01.16
• TheimportanceofPOSinBahrain.• Differentdecisionsandprocedurestakenindifferentcasestudies,includingparksandgardens,Block-
338andBabAlBahrain.• Communitygardens(orneighbourhoodgardens)aresmall-sizedgardensandserveasmallerpopulation
andarelocatedwithinresidentialareas,whilstthenationalparksservealargerpopulationandtowhichtheusershavetodrivetoaccess.
• Thesizeoftheparkdeterminesthenumberoftheprovidedactivities.• ReflectiononsomelimitationsindesignandmanagementofPOS,suchascurrentdesignstandardsof
parksandgardens(nationalandneighbourhood)arenotreflectingcontemporaryneeds;theimportanceofwalkabilityqualityinBahrainisnotformallyconsideredinpractice;thereisnopropercooperationbetweenplanning,managementanddesign;restrictionsinplanningregulationsonprovidingnewactivitiesinfluencedesignandmanagement;therearenoevaluationsofprojects;andtherearenopropersiteinventoryforbetterunderstandingofdifferentsocialfactors.
• Howpatternofuseaffectmanagementprocedures(unexpectedvandalism,litteringandmisuse)andthattheactionstakeninmanagement(security,instructionboard,lockingtoilets,eliminatingseating)toovercomethesechallengesarenotalwayseffectivetoresolvethem.
• CallingfornewvisionintheconceptofPOSanddesignofparksandgardensthatreflectdiversityinpopulationandthatpeoplearechanging.
• Block-338isasignificantinitiativeofPOSprojectinBahrainwithwalkabilityquality.
102
5 MohammedAl-A’ali:GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsandVicePresidentoftheFriendsGroupoftheCapitalGardens 11.01.16
• ThestorybehindlaunchingFriendsGroupinBahrain.• ThestructureofFriendsGroupandadescriptionoftheirrolesandduties,theirachievements,the
limitationandtheproblemsthegroupfaced.• FriendsGroupscouldbemoreeffectiveindealingwithmisusethansecurity.• TheconceptofvolunteeringinBahrain.• ThefuturevisionforFriendsGroupinBahrain.
6 BayanAl-Baker:ArtistandfounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpace,anon-profitprivatespacetosupportthecommunity. 14.01.16
• TheroleofthepublicinmanagingBlock-338andinarrangingactivities.• Theroleofthedevelopmentprojectsforpublicbenefits.• Thechallengesoffundingincommunityprojectsastheyarewithoutanyfinancialrewards.• Protectingtheroleofpublicspacesandprovidinghighstandardspublicservicesthatrespectpeople’s
needsandsuitthepublictaste.• Theimportanceofelevatingpeople’sfeelingofresponsibilitytowardowningandsharingpublicspaces
withothers.• Differencesandthatpeoplechange,whichisreflectedinthehistoryofManama,tobeacceptedand
recognisedandtobeconsideredinprovidingpublicspacesandevents.• TheroleofAl-RiwaqCenterandtheroleofartinprovidinghighstandardpubliceventsandoutdoor
urbanactivities.• Theconceptofshort-termprojectsandurbandesigninthestreetsofBlock-338.
7
Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahroos:PaediatricianandprofessorattheFacultyofMedicineandBiomedicalSciencesattheArabianGulfUniversity,MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomenandaformerpresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceagainstChildren
21.01.16
• Overviewofthecountry’sobligationstowardsprotectingchildren’srightsinusingparksandgardens.• Children’slawasapolicyframeworktoshapetheprovidedservicesbydifferentorganisations.• Theprovisionofpublicparksispartofthepublicservicesforchildren’sbenefitsaretheresponsibilityof
thecountryandtheorganisations.• RegulationsregardingparentingresponsibilityinpublicspacesarenotestablishedinBahrain.
8 Dr.AhmedFarhan:Attorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpubliclaw 24.01.16
• Insightintopoliciesrelevanttomigrants’situationinBahrain.• TheregulationinPOSparticularlyregardingmisuseorlittering.• ReflectiononthenatureofsocialmixingbetweenlocalandmigrantsinpubliclifeinBahrain,whilethere
islimitationofpoliciesonintegration.• Philosophyoflawandjurisprudenceofassigningfeesorpunishment.• RegulationinPOSshouldbeunderthemanagementauthorityofthespacenotunderthelaw.• Assigningentryfeesforpublicparksandgardenscouldbeadangerousstrategy.• Clarityandspecificitiesofregulationandengagementofpeopleshouldbeconsideredwhenassigning
regulation.• StorybehindtherecentfeeregulationinKhalifaGarden.Itwastargetingusersyoungerthan20years
old,astheresidentsperceivethatitisusersinthisagegroupwhomisusetheGarden.• Perspectivesonthemisuseofpublicspaceasshapedbytheclassofusersandtheireducationand
culture.• Thoughtsontheimportanceofconsideringtransparencybetweendifferentclassesandculturesinthe
managementofPOS.
Table3.4Listoftheexpertinterviewsandasummaryofthecoveredtopics.
103
3.5.4Overviewoffieldworkmethods
Mainaims
Objectives
Broadethnography
(Observationandinterview)
In-depthethnograp
hy(Go-alongInterview)
ExpertinterviewAim1:Toun
derstand
theeveryd
ayactivities,p
referencesand
motivationsfo
rusing
POSinBah
rain,w
ithapartic
ular
emph
asisontheexpe
riencesofu
sersfrom
migrant
backgrou
nds
Understandhowtheuseofoutdoorspacesisreflectedacrossdifferenttypologies
ofspaces.
Pilotsite
visits,D
ecem
ber2
013,M
ay201
4:Selectin
gcasestud
iesa
ndGen
eralund
erstan
dingofthe
sites
Pilotg
oalon
g:Totestth
efeasibilityofcon
ductingthisin-dep
thinterviewinBah
rainand
inadd
ressingtheresearch
aims
Spendingtimeonsiteand
observationbuilton-site
interpretationsandnarrativedescriptionof
whatishappeningatdifferenttimes.
Theinterviewsupportedthe
observationwithmore
understandingofdifferentactivitiesandpersonaldatafromparticipants’responsesand
description,whichsupportedthe
narrativeaccount.
Participan
tled
interviewwith
morede
tailsofp
articipan
ts’
observationan
dinterpretatio
nofwha
tish
appe
ning,indiffe
rent
placesand
atd
ifferen
ttim
es,w
hoareth
eusers,and
more
detailsofp
aste
xperiencesand
places. Analysisof
theconductedinterviews,supportedbythenarrativedescriptionof
theobservationandvisual
evidencestoachieveaimoneandtwo.Theanalysesprovidedmore
understandingof
interactionofdata.The
observationalsoprovideddataaboutthespatialandphysicalqualities.(These
findingsarecoveredinChapters
Five,SixandSeven)
Triangulatethefindingsandprovidea
collaborativeanalyticallenswhichaddaprofessional
perspectiveandvoicetotheresearch.Testtherelevanceoffindingsforpracticeandshapealandscape
architecturalspecificitytotheresearchoutcomes,whichframethefindings
fromtheothermethods.
Provideabroadunderstandingofthepoliciesandgather
additionaldataandfurther
understandingofthehistorical
andcontemporarycontext.(The
findingscoveredin
ChapterEight)
Investigatehowtheseusesare
reflectedatdifferenttimesofthedayand
year,Howtheyarereflectedwith
intersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatus,generationand
migrants’identities.
Addresshowthehistoryofmigrationshapesthevaluesandpreferencesof
usingPOS.
Aim2:Toexploreho
wcon
viviality
is
supp
ortedoraggravatedinurban
pub
lic
spaceswith
inth
econtexto
fanethn
ically
diversepo
pulatio
n.
Explorehoweverydayactivitiessupportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractioninformalandinformal
spaces.
Theobservationprovidedgeneralunderstandingofinteractionof
differentactivitiesacrossdifferent
sites.
Theshortinterviewalsobroadenedthescopeofthein-depthinterviewtoincludewidersectorofthe
users. Thisprovided
in-dep
thdatafrom
participan
tpo
into
fviewwith
regardto
und
erstan
ding
socialinteractioninsiteacrossc
ulturaldiversity
anddiffe
rentpracticesand
affo
rdan
ceso
fspaces.
Investigatehowconvivialityisshapedwithregardtocultural
andethnicdifferences.Examinebothsupportiveand
problematicspatio-temporalnegotiationintransculturaluseof
POS.
Aim3:Toiden
tifythepo
tentialo
fplann
ingan
dde
sign
ofP
OSforsup
portingconv
ivialityin
tran
sculturalp
ublicsp
aces.
Addressthecurrentpoliciesfor
implementingPOSinBahrain.
Identifyculturallyappropriate
opportunitiesforsupportingconvivialityinpublicopenspaces.
Informdesignapproachesand
policiesforplanningandmanagingopenspacesspecifically
withinMiddleEasternandIslamiccontexts.
Table3.5Summaryofthefieldworklinkingresearchaimsandmethods.
104
Asanoverview,thisresearchwasprimarilybasedoncasestudystrategysupportedby
multipledatacollectiontechniques.Observation,shortinterviewsandgo-alonginterviews
wereconductedintheselectedcasestudieswithethnographicapproachtocollectarangeof
datafromabroadtoin-depthunderstandingofthesocialrealityinPOSinBahrain.Thedata
collectionandanalysisfromthecasestudieswerealsosupportedandvalidatedwithexpert
interviewsatdifferentstagesoftheresearch.Thecombinationofmethodsisappropriatefor
fulfillingtheobjectivesoftheresearch,whichthereforemeetstheoverallaimsassummarised
inTable3.5.
3.6Qualitativedataanalysis
Theresearchanalysiswasconductedusingqualitativedataanalysisapproach(QDA).This
approachincludesarangeofprocessesandproceduresthatdevelopthecollecteddatainto
someformofcoherentexplanation,understandingorinterpretationoftheinvestigatedsocial
situations(TaylorandGibbs,2010).ThemainpurposebehindQDAistoidentifypatterns,
concepts,themesandmeanings.Creswell(2003)explains,“Thequalitativedataanalysismay
beadescriptionofboththestoryandthemesthatemergefromit”(p.56).BogdanandBiklen
(2003)defineQDAas“workingwiththedata,organisingthem,breakingtheminto
manageableunits,codingthem,synthesizingthem,andsearchingforpatterns”(p.159).
Differentapproacheswereusedtoanalysethecollecteddataatdifferentstages,which
yieldeddiverseoutcomes.
3.6.1Organisingandtranscribingofdata
OrganisingdataispartofQDAprocess.Inmyresearch,thedatawasorganisedcontinuously
throughoutthedatacollectionprocessandafilingsystemwasestablishedtosaveallthe
collecteddata.Thehandwrittennotesfromshortinterviewsweredirectlytypedupaftereach
sitevisit.Allthevoicememosweretranscribed,andthephotographswerearrangedbydate,
timeandcasestudies.TheArabicinterviewsweretranslatedintoEnglishimmediatelyeither
duringtheinterviewonsite,orwhentyping3.Allrecordedgo-alonginterviewswere
translatedandtranscribedimmediatelyafterthefieldvisit.Itookthedecisiontodoallthe
organising,transcribingandtypingofthedatabymyselfasitwouldenablemetounderstand
thedataasawholethroughouttheprocessandsupporttheanalysis.Organisingthedata,
3TheinterviewswereconductedinEnglishorArabic,butmanyparticipantswereusingamixofArabic-Englishlanguage
105
includingfieldnotes,maps,voicememosandphotographshelpedmetodevelopaninitial
frameworkorcodingplan.
3.6.2Coding
TheQDAbroadlytooksomeprinciplesfromtheGroundedTheoryAnalysisApproachthat
developedthesecodesdirectlyfromthedata,whichsupportedtheresearchprocess.Codingis
ananalyticterminGroundedTheoryApproach(Charmaz,2006).Charmaz(2006,p.46)
explains,“Groundedtheorycodingfostersstudyingactionandprocesses”.Hestates,“Codingis
thepivotallinkbetweencollectingdataanddevelopinganemergenttheorytoexplainthese
data”(p.46).Healsofindsthat“codingismorethanabeginning;itshapesananalyticframe
fromwhichyoubuildtheanalysis”(p.45).InQDA,therearedeductiveandinductive
approaches(i.e.top-downandbottom-upcodingsystems).Thedeductiveapproachusesthe
researchquestionstogroupthedataandthenlookforsimilaritiesanddifferences,whilethe
inductiveapproachusestheemergentdatatogroupthedataandthenlookforrelationships
(BraunandClarke,2006;TaylorandGibbs2010).Manyrealqualitativedataanalysesusesome
ofeach(MilesandHuberman,1994;BraunandClarke,2006).
Intheresearch,thedecisionwasmadetocodethetranscriptsofboththeon-siteshort
interviewsandthego-alonginterviews.Theexpertinterviews,fieldnotes,photos,voice
memosandothersecondarydatawerenotcoded,buttheywereusedtosupporttheanalysis
asexplainedfurtheraboveinSection3.5.1.1forthefieldobservationdataandSection3.5.3
fortheexpertInterviews.Thecodingprocessinthisstudywasconductedsometimeswordby
word,linebylineandmostlyincidenttoincident(Charmaz,2006).AccordingtoCharmaz
(2006,p.53)‘people'sactionsinapublicplace’isbettertobecodedincidenttoincident.He
asserts:
“Togainanalyticinsightsfromobservationsofroutineactionsinordinarysettings,firstcompareandcodesimilarevents.Thenyoumaydefinesubtlepatternsandsignificantprocesses.Later,comparingdissimilareventsmaygiveyoufurtherinsights”(p.53).
Forthecodingsystem,Ifoundbothpre-codingandbottom-upapproachesusefulforanalysing
thefieldworkdata.Thebottom-upcodingframeworkprovidesnewcodesfoundinthedata
andwiththeon-goingprocessofopencoding;top-downcodingprocessisdecidedona
specificpre-determinedcategorysimultaneously.Bottom-upcodingtechniquewassuitable
forthisresearchbecauseitintenselyexaminestherealities.Throughouttheinductivecoding
process,codingwasbasedonthecontent(usedwordsandinterpretedmeaningsofthecoded
106
partinthedata)anddifferentnames(labels,titlesorphrases)wereusedtospecifythe
emergentcodes.
Thecodingwasdonetofindrhythmandpatternsandcategorisethedatabasedonthecoding
systemandthemessuchas:activities,valuesandbenefit,casestudies,otherplaces,climate,
economicfactors,time,daily,difficultiesandmobility.Thereweremanycodes,buttheywere
categorisedorclusteredandlinkedtodevelopintonewthemesorintotheinitialthemeplan.
Focusedcodingestablishesrelationshipsbetweentheselectivecodes,usuallythrough
clusteringrelatedcodestogetherandrelatedcategoriesandsubcategories(Charmaz,2006).
Theclusteringcodesanddevelopingthemesinthisresearcharesupportedbytheoretical
coding.
3.6.3Structuring
Aprocessofstructuring(orTheoreticalCoding)wasusedtoidentifypatternandconnection
andmakesensefromcodes.Thisanalysisstagefoundthecoherenceandtheflowacrossthe
data,andhowthecodesaresetwithinthewholenarrativeinwhichstoriesarerevealed.
Charmaz(2006)defines:
“Theoreticalcodingisasophisticatedlevelofcodingthatfollowsthecodesyouhaveselectedduringfocusedcoding.[…]Theoreticalcodesspecifypossiblerelationshipsbetweencategoriesyouhavedevelopedinyourfocusedcoding”(p.63).
Charmaz(2006)furtherexplainsthattheoreticalcoding:
“canaidinmakingyouranalysiscoherentandcomprehensible.Dependingonthedatayouhaveandonwhatyoulearnaboutthem,youmayfindthatyouranalysistakesintoaccountseveralcodingfamilies.Forexample,youmayclarifythegeneralcontextandspecificconditionsinwhichaparticularphenomenonisevident.Youmaybeabletospecifytheconditionsunderwhichitchangesandtooutlineitsconsequences.Youmightlearnitstemporalandstructuralorderingsanddiscoverparticipants'strategiesfordealingwiththem”(p.63).
Atthisstage,themesaredevelopedintotheoreticalideas,whichwereusedforwritingup.
Theoreticalcodingisashiftfromdetailedcodingtoamoreliterarystylewherecertainthemes
andcodingindicatedimportantsectionsandheadersforthisthesis.
107
Themainaimatthisstageischeckingandcomparingthecodingtothetheoryandother
codes.Theselectedcodeswereinterestingbecausesomeofthemappearedintheliteraturein
othergeographicalcontextsorbecausetheydidnotappearintheliteraturebutprevailedin
myfindings(suchasparentingandcleanliness)andyieldednewunderstanding.Using
‘constantcomparison’,agroundedtheoryanalysisapproach,meansconstantlyreadingandre-
readingthroughthecodesbeingcurrentlyattributedtothedataandcomparingbetween
codesandtheorytocheckbothconsistencyandcontradiction(Creswell,2003).Forexample,I
consideredthecodesthatspecifysocialinteractioninrelationtotheorytodefinehow
meaningfulencountercouldbegeneratedandhowlooseencountercouldbemeaningful.
TheoreticalcodingalsoallowedmetofindaconnectionbetweenwellbeinginPOS,social
interaction,meaningfulnessandmigration.
3.6.4UsingofQDAsoftware
TheanalysisofqualitativedataisfacilitatedbyNvivo;computer-assistedqualitativedata
analysissoftware(Bazeley,2013).Nvivowashelpfultostorethedata,sortthemandarrange
themsystematicallybywhichthecodingwaseasilyaccessible.Thesoftwareenabledmeto
readthroughthedataseveraltimes,andtheprovidedtoolshelpedmeinmanagingthecoding
ofthelargeamountofdata.Thetoolsofthesoftwareallowedmetodotheanalysis
correspondingtothetypeofinterviews,people,placeandanyothervariables.TheNvivoalso
madeiteasytotracethequotestosupporttheanalysisandwritingthroughwhichthekey
findingsemerged.
Thedocumentsofshortinterviewsandgo-alonginterviewsweredownloadedonNvivo.These
documentsinNvivowereclassifiedundercasestudiesandtypeofinterviewusingCase
ClassificationandPersonClassificationtools.Attributesofage,origin,gender,thenumberof
yearsinBahrain,language,locationofinterviews,typeofinterview,occupationandplaceof
livingwereassignedtothePerson’sClassification.IcreatedNodes(termusedinNvivo
equivalenttocodesandthemes)inrelationtotheresearchthemesinahierarchicalformwith
MotherandChildNodes(categoriesandsubcategories).Theexpertinterviews,fieldnotes,
photos,voicememos,andothersecondarydatawerenotdownloadedinNvivo,buttheywere
usedtosupporttheanalysis.
MyresearchanalysissupportsthecasethattheQueriestoolinNvivoishighlyusefulfor
checkingcodes,compressionandcross-codinganalysis(Bazeley,2013).Usingtheoptionof
TextSearchCriteriainQueriesallowedmetosearchforcodesandtheirsynonyms
108
correspondingtotheliterature.Forinstance,thetermspicnic,meetandgatheringareusedin
literatureassynonymsforgatheringandhaveameaningofsocialinteraction.TheQueriestool
allowedmetostudytherelationbetweencodesthroughCodingQueryCriteriaoptionthat
helpedinTheoreticalCodingandstructuring.
3.7Positionalityandreflexivity
Whenundertakingaqualitativeresearch,thereisaninherentneedtocriticallyevaluate
positionality,reflexivityandpowerrelationsinthecontextoftheresearchtoensureanethical
andparticipatoryresearchprocess(Sandsetal.,2001;Das,2010;Teye,2012;Powelland
Rishbeth,2012).Qualitativeresearchiscontext-dependentandsensitivetothechanging
contextsandsituationsinwhichtheresearchtakesplace(DenzinandLincoln,2000;Mason,
2002).Inqualitativeresearch,moreover,theculturalposition,personalidentityand
experienceoftheresearcherplayanimportantrole;hence,thepositionalityoftheresearcher
needstobeconsidered(Sandsetal.,2001;Das,2010;Teye,2012;Oliveira,2012).Explaining
this,Mason(2002)states,“Thisisbasedonthebeliefthataresearchercannotbeneutral,or
objective,ordetached,fromtheknowledgeandevidencetheyaregenerating”(p.7).
ThisresearchdrawsonmypersonalexperiencesandIrecognisethatmy‘positionality’asa
Bahrainimotherworkinginacademiacouldaffectmyresearchprocess.Examiningmy
positionalityinthelightofmyresearchcontextneedstobecritiquedwithinthefieldwork
contextandintheinterpretationofthefindings.MyidentityasaBahrainimothersupported
myabilitytorecruitandconductinterviewsinpublicdespitethechallengesofcultural
sensitivityinthegivencontext(Addas,2015).Thisisbecauseitcouldbemucheasierfora
femaleresearchertointerviewbothmenandwomeninpublic,whichisdifferentfromAl
Ansari’s(2009)caseinBahrainandAddas’(2015)caseinSaudiArabiabothofwhomwere
maleresearchersandfacedobstaclesininterviewinglocalwomen.Myidentityprovided
commonalitieswithsomeuserssuchasparents,femalesorresidentsinBahraindespitehaving
differentethnicitiesandsocialpositions,whichfacilitatedmyresearchprocess,particularly
thatIintroducedmyselfasaresearchstudent.Havingsomethingsincommonfacilitatedthe
interviewsandbridgedthepowerdifferencesbetweentheintervieweeandtheinterviewer
(Sandsetal.2001;Oliveira,2012).Furthermore,myexperienceasamigrantduringmystudy
mayalsoprovidemeacommongroundwithsomeparticipantswithmigrantbackgrounds.
However,mypositionalitycouldinfluencemyinterpretationofthedatabasedonmy
perceptionsinvaluingPOSassafe,accessibleandconvenientspacesformothersandchildren.
109
Asaresultofmypositioninlandscapearchitectureacademia,Imighttendtosupport
investmentinlandscapedesignandinimprovementsontheuseofopenspaces;therefore,it
isimportanttounderstandmypositionandbereflexiveindatacollectionandanalysis.
Toaddresspotentialbias,itisimportanttounderstandmypositione.g.assomeonewho
believesinthepositivepotentialofgreenspaceandbroadlysupportiveofmigrationandtobe
reflexiveindatacollectionandanalysis.Analysisofthedataalsoinvolvesconsideringthe
broadercontextoftheevidenceand‘thewholeinmind’andconsideringconsistencyand
contradictionrequiredreflectionontheentireresearchcontext(HollwayandJefferson,2000;
PowellandRishbeth,2012).Theon-goingorganisingofdatawasusefultosupportreflexivity
andunderstandthefragmenteddatainrelationtothe‘wholeofthedata’.Hollwayand
Jefferson(2000,p.53)highlight“theimportanceofthewholeinunderstandingapart”.They
saidthatintheirresearch“todothisinvolvesthoroughlyfamiliarisingourselveswiththerest
oftheinterviewtranscriptmaterial”(p.53).Accordingly,thefindingsdidnotemergeonlyat
theendoftheresearch,butdevelopedduringthedifferentphasesthroughreflexivity.
Simultaneously,organisingthedataandreflectingalsohelpedmetoevaluatethequalityand
theprocessofthecollecteddata,myskillsinconductinginterviewsandobservationandalso
howtonegotiatewhenapproachingparticipantsinthefieldandensuresubjectivityinthe
analysis.
Besidesbeingreflexive,themethodsofthisresearcharedesignedtoovercomethechallenges
ofpositionality.Participant-ledinterviewsinthisresearchcontributedtoreducingthepower
relationbetweentheinterviewerandinterviewee.Duringthego-alonginterviews,theIndian
motherandthemigrantworkersinBabAl-BahrainandtheSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden
appearedastheinsiderswhileIwastheoutsidereventhoughmypersonalidentityasBahraini
wasclear.Thego-alonginterviewmethodalsoreducestheinfluenceoftheresearcher’s
presuppositionsasitissupportedbytheparticipants’interpretations.Roseetal.(2010)add
thatgo-alonginterviewsgivedirectevidenceofwhattheinterviewermeansinthe
conversation,andtheabilityforboththeresearcherandparticipantstosharethisexperience
tosomeextent.Conductingaparticipant-ledwalkinginterviewreducesthedetachment
betweentheresearcherandparticipantsandhelpsinacquiringtheinterpretationfromthe
participants’viewandnotonlyfromtheresearcher’s(Jonesetal.,2008;Carpiano,2009;
Rishbeth,2014).Rishbeth(2014)adds,“Theparticipantmayhavethebestquestionsaswell
thebestanswersandmayperceiveadifferentmorerelevantscopetotheareaofinquiry"
(p.102-103).Conductingmixedmethodswasalsoaqualitativeapproachtosupportthe
analysisandmyinterpretationfromdifferentperspectivesandtovalidatethefindings.
110
3.8Ethicalconsideration
Thisresearchinvolveshumanparticipants;therefore,itrequiredethicsapprovalviatheEthics
CommitteeintheDepartmentofLandscapebeforethefieldworkwasconducted.Sincethe
datacollectionforthisresearchtookplaceinBahrainandthereisnoresearchethicsreview
procedureinBahrain,approvalthereforewasgrantedbasedontheUniversityofSheffield’s
EthicsReviewProcedure.
SincethefieldworkwasconductedinpublicspaceswithpeoplewhomIdidnotknow,safety
wasanissueraisedduringtheresearch.Tomanagethis,eachtimeIwasworkingon-site,
someonehadbeeninformedandIensuredtohaveamobilephonewithme.Ialsoavoided
conductingthefieldworkinanyisolatedplacesorgettingintothecarwithaparticipant.Imet
participantsatthesitesinplaceswheretherewereotherpeoplearound.
Iconsideredculturalsensitivitywhentakingpicturesandinterviewingmenparticularlyingo-
alonginterviews.Takingphotosofpeopleinaplaceofleisurecanbeaninvasionofprivacy
(Alderson,2004).So,Ihavetriedtoavoidinterferinginsituationsthatweretrulyprivate,e.g.
whereafamilyorcoupleswereinanisolatedspotawayfromthecrowd.
Regardinginterviewsandculturalsensitivity,contactbetweenmaleandfemalehassome
reservationsinArab-Islamicculture(Addas,2015);however,asdescribedinthepositionality
section,itiseasierforawomantointerviewmeninpublicthanviceversa.Inresponsetothe
culturalsensitivity,Ihadtoconsidermyappearanceandbehaviourinmyroleasanacademic
researcher.Yet,duetocomplexityofintersectionalityanddifferentperceptions,duringthe
walkinginterviewswithmen,myhusbandaccompaniedmeorattimestheintervieweeswere
accompaniedbyafemalememberasitwasnotjustamatterofculturalsensitivitybutalsoof
safety.
Itwasnotexpectedthatthisresearchwouldcauseanyphysicalorpsychologicalharmtothe
participantsanditdidnotinvolvevulnerableparticipantsoranysensitiveissues.Itwas
possiblethatsomeparticipantsmayhavesomebadexperiencesormemoriesaboutPOSso
thattheymightfeeluncomfortabletalkingaboutit.Therefore,Iusedparticipant-led
interviews(Rishbeth,2014),andtheformatoftheinterviewswasdesignedtobeneutraland
opentotheparticipants’honestreflection.Ialsorespectedthetimeoftheinterviewees.In
thisresearch,alltherespondentswererecruitedonavoluntarybasisandtheywereinformed
thattheywerefreetowithdrawfromorrefusetotakepartintheprocessatanytime.The
111
samplingwasmainlybasedonpeople’swillingnesstobeinterviewedtogetherwiththeir
languageabilityandalsoontheirdemographicandculturalfactors.
Additionally,throughoutthefieldwork,Irespectedtheanonymityandconfidentialityofthe
participantsandtheinformationtheyprovided(HollwayandJefferson,2000).Duringtheshort
interviewsurvey,thenamesoftherespondentswerenotrequested.Inthego-along
interviews,Iknewsomeoftheparticipants’namesandsomepersonaldetailsfromthe
interviews.Toensureconfidentiality,alltheparticipantswereprovidedwiththeoptionto
suggestapseudonymforthemselves.Sincelocationscanalsohelptomappersonal
information,carewastakennottoidentifytheparticipants’homeaddressornamesofother
peopleintheirneighbourhoods.Intheexpertinterviews,thequestionswereconcernedwith
planning,designandmanagementpoliciesrelatingtopublicopenspaceandnopersonaldata
wasrequested.Ialsodiscussedwiththemhowthedatamightberepresentedintheresearch.
Regardingtherecordingprocess,thego-alongandexpertinterviewswererecordedwiththe
participants’consent(Kusenbach,2003;Wilesetal.,2006;Roseetal.,2010).Consentwas
obtainedthroughconsentformsingo-alonginterviewsandexpertinterviews.Forgo-along
interviews,theprocessofrecordingwasexplainedintheinformationsheetfortheprotection
oftheparticipants.Theinformationsheetandconsentformweregiventotheparticipantsin
advancetohelptheparticipantstounderstandthepurposeandrequirementsoftheresearch
project,withthechancetoreaditcarefullyanddiscussitwithothers.
Therecordingwasconductedviasmartphoneanddeletedassoonasitwastranscribed.A
copyoftherecordingandthetranscriptsoftheinterviewsweresavedinapassword-
protectedcomputerandsubsequentlydeletedfromthephone.Moreover,noone,apartfrom
thesupervisors,wasallowedaccesstotherecordings.Theinterviewswereanalysedforthe
purposeofthePh.D.researchstudy.Followingthis,thevoicedatawillbedestroyed.
3.9Conclusion
Thischaptershowshowthechosenapproachandmethodsareappropriateforaddressing
researchquestionsinthecontextsoftransculturalcities,encountersinpublicspace,and
professionalpracticeinurbanPOS.Thecomplexityoftheresearchcontextwasachallenge,
butthiscomplexityshapedtheselectionofmethodsandanalysisprocess.Followingthe
qualitativeapproachwascrucialtoaddresstheresearchquestionstoexplorenuancesof
meaningsandexperienceswithculturaldifferencesanddynamicsintransculturalcontexts.
112
Casestudymethodappearedsignificantinthisresearchincontributingtothecurrent
complexity.Selectingvarietiesofcasestudies,informalandformalwithdifferentsurrounding
contexts,demographicprofileandgeographicallocations,wouldcontributetoovercomingthe
challengesofculturaldifferencesthatshapeindividuals’perceptionsandleisureactivities.The
affordancesoftheopenspacesfordifferentactivitiesarealsoperceiveddifferentlyand
shapedbypeople’sculturalvaluesandtheirhistoryofplaces.Havinganumberofcasestudies
couldanswerquestionsrelevanttospatialandtemporalexperiencesandsocialinteractions.
Thecasestudymethodaddsoriginalitytothisresearchintermsofunderstandingthe
adaptationprocessinrelationtodifferenttypologiesofplacesaswellasconvivialityandsocial
encounter.
Observationandon-siteinterviewsweresignificanttounderstandingthesocialandcultural
dynamicsandpatternsofuseinPOSinrealityintheirnaturalsettings.Substantiatingthe
observationswithinterviewssupportedtheanalysesinrelationtousers’values,
intersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatus,generationandmigrants’identities,as
culturaldifferencesisachallengeintransculturalcities.
Go-alonginterviewswereappropriatetoaddin-depthfindingsrelevanttosocio-spatial
experiencesinPOSastheseexperiencesareshapedbyparticipants’identitiesandhistory.This
approachisanimportantconsiderationinlandscapearchitecturetheoriesandpractices
becauseitwilladdtothevaluesofPOSandunderstandingsofhowculturallyappropriate
theseplacesaretosupportsocialinclusivityandwellbeing.Walkinginterviewscouldalso
investigatehowplacescansupportadaptationspatiallyandtemporallyandconstructhybrid
identities,whichaddtothetheoriesoftransculturalstudies.Asthisinterviewisledby
participants’outlookonthereality,italsocouldinvestigatenuancesofmeaningsofeveryday
encounters.Itcouldaddtounderstandingonhowsuchmeaningsarerelevanttothevalues,
howsuchencountersshapethefuturetranslatedfrompastexperiencesandhowsuch
encountersshapeusers’perceptions.Thishybridmethodisusedtoobserveandtoanalysethe
datawithsocio-spatialqualitiesandphysicalcharacteristic,whichcanrelatethefindingsto
landscapearchitecture.
Theexpertinterviewmethodwasimportanttobetterrelatethefieldworkfindingsto
professionalpractice.Themethodprovidedanoverviewofthepoliciesandhelpedgather
additionaldataonthehistoricalandcontemporarycontexts.Theoutcomesfromtheexpert
interviewsgaveadditionalrichnessandcontexttotheon-sitefieldworkthusensuringthatthe
researchanditsimplicationsweregroundedintherealityofprofessionalperspective.
113
ChapterFour:TheSelectedCaseStudyAreas
4.1Introduction
Thepurposeofthischapteristogiveanintroductiontoeachofthecasestudyareas.As
outlinedinthemethodology,theresearchusedacasestudystrategytoinvestigatethe
researchquestionsframedwithinalandscapearchitecturediscipline.Caseswereselected
becausetheyweresuitableforthecontextoftheresearchandappropriateforansweringthe
researchquestions(Bryman,2004);inthiscase,theresearchisfocusedonsociabilityin
relationtotransnationalurbanspaces.Theselectionoftheseareaswasmainlyrelatedtothe
aimsandobjectivesoftheresearch,whichinvestigatethespatialandtemporaluses,diversity
ofsocialusesandvaluesofeverydaypublicopenspacesinBahrainicities.Firstly,theselected
areashadtobeinurbansettingsandincontextsofeverydaymixed-usespaces.Thesecond
criterionwastoconsiderthediversityofresidentsandusers.Forthis,Ihadtorelyonboththe
censusdataandinitialsitevisitstotheselectedareas,thoughastheresearchprogressedit
becameapparentthatusersarenotalwayslocalresidents.Variedperceptions,mobilityand
people’sjourneysduringtheirdailyroutinesalsocreatemorediversityamongusers(and
frequentusers),whomaynotnecessarilyliveorworknearby.Thirdly,theselectedcase
studiesincludediversespatialtypologies,whichsupportedthestudyofsocio-spatial
associationanddiverselandscapeperceptionsandvalues.Thischapterinitiallyfamiliarisesthe
readerwiththenatureofurbanpublicopenspaces(POS)inBahrain,andsubsequentlythe
locationsoftheselectedcasestudyareasareillustratedonthemapofBahrain.Finally,I
includedeightA3visualportfoliostointroduceeachcasestudysiteandprovideareference
forunderstandingthefieldworkcontext.
4.2PublicopenspacesandurbanforminBahrain
Thissectioncoversthreemaintopics.Firstly,itdescribesthebroadcharacterofoutdoorurban
spacesinBahrain.Then,ithighlightsthespatialandtemporalleisurepatternsinrelationto
typesofspacesindifferentseasons,andlastly,thissectionbrieflyaddressestheroleof
professionalpracticeinrecenturbandevelopment.
114
IncontemporaryBahrain,althoughmanynewurbandevelopmentshavebeeninitiated,some
oftheoldcityformsstillsurviveincludingsometraditionaloutdoorurbanformssuchasalleys,
‘souq’,'Sikka',‘Baraha’and‘Saha’.Theterm'Sikka'meansthestreetintheneighbourhood
thatwasusedforthemovementofcartsandanimalsandwasalsocommonlyusedbypeople
tohangout.Theterm'Baraha'wastheunusedland;aspacethathasthepotentialtobebuilt
on,wherethechildrenplay,particularly,football.Theterm‘Saha’meantanopenspaceand
hasasimilarconcepttoaformalpublicopenspace.Thistermismainlyusedfortheopen
spaceinfrontofthemosque.Thesespaceswereformerlyutilisedfornecessaryandleisure
activitiesandtheyalsoenabledsocialinteraction,particularlybetweenmenduringeveryday
practice1.Thosetraditionalsocialactivitiesseldomexisttoday.Globalisationandeconomic
andpopulationgrowthhaveresultedinurbanexpansionanddensificationinBahrain,i.e.new
housingtypologies,newlandusesandmoretrafficcongestedroads.Thishasalsoledtourban
complexityandspatialvariation,whichshapedformsandtypesofurbanopenspaces.Many
large-scaledevelopmentshavealsobeeninitiated,andseveralareashavebeenconvertedinto
carparksorprivatisedforinvestmentdevelopments2(Ben-Hamouche,2004).However,there
havebeenbenefitsasrecreationlandusessuchasparksandgardenshavebeenincreasedand
moreattentionhasbeenpaidtothequalityoflandscapedesigninbothprivateland
developmentprojectsandinPOS,e.g.streets,squares,parksandgardens.
TheweatherisaprimeconcernwhenoutdoorsinBahrain,particularlyinsummer;hence,the
weathershapestheleisureoutdoorpatterns.Thebeaches,usuallylocatedontheperipheryof
thecities,havealwaysattractedresidentsinsummerforleisurepurposes.Recently,duetothe
privatisationofmostbeaches,publicbeacheshavebecomerareandpeopletendtousethe
informalbeachesintheundevelopedorreclaimedareasaroundthecountry(Al-Ansari,2009).
Thoughpopular,theseinformalspaceshavenofacilities,arenoteasilyaccessibleandarenot
inpublicownership.Thefishermenalsousethecoastlineforgathering,eitherininformal
spacesorintheprovidedharbours.Al-Ansari(2009)investigatedtheformalandinformal
waterfrontopenspacesinparticularanddiscoveredthatwithprivatisationandreclamation,
only3to8%oftheIsland’sshorelinehasformalpublicaccessibility.
1Forwomen,thecourtyard,whichisaprivateopenspaceinthehouse,wasmostlyusedforsocialising.2Withglobalisationandtheeconomicboom,Bahrainstartedseekingdiversificationinitseconomytoprepareforanydeclineinoilreserves,andthishasresultedintheinitiatingofinvestmentsinbanking,finance,tourismandindustry.Aspartofthat,malls,cinemas,hotels,clubs,resorts,luxuriousrestaurantsandcafésspranguparoundtheisland.
115
Inwinter,itiscommonforpeopletousethedesertfortheirleisureactivities.Campinginthe
deserthasbeenformalisedthroughregulationsstipulatedbythemunicipalityauthority.
Presently,campingispermittedindesignatedareasonlyatfixedtimesduringtheyear;namely
thewintermonths.BahrainisandArabsawaittheseasonwitheagernesstosetuptheircamp
facilitiespriortothestartofthecampingseason.Suchaculturalpracticewithadayornight
outisinfusedwithjoygeneratedfromthetemporarinessofplace(Hailey,2008).The
extravagancesonecanseeinthefacilitiesinatentdependuponthefinancialcapacityofthe
campers,eventhelesswealthyresidentsandmigrantscanenjoyadayinthedesert.They
demarcatetheirboundarieswiththeircarsinsteadofcamping,orsetthemselvesupinareas
wherethereisfoliageorraisedtopography.Additionalactivitiesinthedesertaredriving
throughthesandanddrifting.Thoughthesepracticescouldbeillegalinsomepartsofdesert
astheydisturborharmthedesert’sfragileecosystem,theybringjoytomanyArabs,especially
males.However,increasingculturaldifferencescanalsoshapetheseasonalleisurepatternof
useofdifferenttypesofPOS.
TheMinistryofWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrbanPlanningisresponsibleforthe
planning,designandmanagementofmostofPOSinBahrain.Theurbanhistoricalsitesare
undertheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquities.Inrecenttimesgovernmentalbodiesarealso
intheprocessofinvolvingtheprivatesectorsinpublicprojectstoachievebetterqualityand
contributetoincreasingPOSinBahrain.ConsultationwiththeMunicipalBoardandtheir
approvaliscompulsoryforpermissionorcontrolofanyproposedpublicprojects,whichcanbe
seenasastepforwardinpublicaccountability.ThemembersoftheMunicipalBoardare
electednotonlybythecitizens,butalsomigrantswhoownrealestateandhavetherightto
vote.UrbanplanninginBahrainhasbeenexposedtovariousdevelopmentstrategies.Most
recently,thesignificant2030NationalPlanningDevelopmentStrategyaimstopreparethe
statefortheanticipateddeclineinoilrevenue,andatthesametimeimprovethequalityoflife
forresidents,improvethequalityoftheenvironmentandprepareBahrainforglobal
challenges(Skidmore,OwingsandMerrill,2007).Inaddition,thisstrategyincludesnew
conceptsandprinciplesforopenspaces,inwhichitspecifiesthatitwillprovidemore
attractivePOSforfamiliesinBahrain.The2030strategyproposalforPOSinBahrainincludes
increasinggreenspaces,providingpedestrianavenues,moreoutdoorseatingarrangements
andtacklingtheissuesofcarparking(Skidmore,OwingsandMerrill,2007).Thisstrategywas
preparedontheassumptionthatthepopulationwillreach1millionbetween2020and2030;
however,thepopulationinBahrainhasalreadyexceededthatestimate.Further,thestrategy
doesnotmentionanythingregardingthediversityofthepopulation.Toaddresstheseglobal
116
challenges,itisnecessarytounderstandthatcommunitiesinBahrainarechangingina
transnationalcontextandhowthetransformationofurbanopenspaceshasaffectedcultural,
socialandspatialpractices.Theselectedcasestudymethodcouldbeinnovativein
understandingsocio-spatialvariationsintheuseofPOSincontemporaryBahrainwithits
culturaldynamics.
4.3Locationoftheselectedcasestudyareas
Bahrainisdividedintofourgovernorates,asillustratedinFigure4.1,andthethreemain
largestcitiesinBahrainareManama,RiffaandMuharraq,whicharelocatedinCapital,
SouthernandMuharraqGovernoratesrespectivelyandtheselectedcasestudyurbanareas
aresituatedinthesecities.Figure4.2(page117)showsthedistributionofBahrainiandnon-
Bahrainipopulationinthesedistricts.
Figure4.1BahrainGovernorates(SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau,2015).
117
ViewingtheaerialmapofBahrain,wefindthattheurbancontextisconcentratedinthe
northernhalfofthecountry.Thisurbanplanningdistributionaffectsthepatternofuseof
urbanopenspacesandshapestheselectionofthecasestudies.Fourcasestudiesarelocated
incongestedurbanareas,twoinwaterfrontlocations,andtwoinlow-densityareas(Figure4.3
onpage118).
Eachcasestudyisfocusedonasignificantpublicopenspacebutconsidersthesurrounding
context.Therefore,eachcasestudyincludesformalandinformalPOS.Foreaseofreference,
eachcasestudyistitledbythenameofthemainformallyprovidedpublicopenspaceinits
area.
ItisworthnotingthatBahrainisaverysmallcountryandalsoincludesagroupofislands,and
thattheseahasplayedasignificantroleinconstructingthelandscape,culture,historyand
identityofthecountry(Dayaratne,2012).Alansari(2009),inhisresearchonformaland
informalwaterfrontopenspacesinManama,addressesthehistoriesofreclamationand
peoples’linkstothesea.However,thisresearchdoesnotfocusprimarilyonwaterfrontpublic
spaces.Withculturaldifferencesthatcouldshapeaccessibilityandperceptions,theaimsand
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
CapitalGovernorate
MuharraqGovernorate
NorthernGovernorate
SouthernGovernorate
PopulaJonwithunknownlocaJon
CapitalGov.:LocaeonofBabAl-Bahrainsquareandsouq,AndalusGardenandBlock-338MuharraqGov.:LocaeonofthePearlingTrail,AradBayParkandAmwajlagoonSouthernGov.:LocaeonofHunainiyahParkandKhalifaGarden
Bahraini
Non-Bahraini
Figure4.2DistributionofBahrainiandnon-BahrainipopulationinBahraindistrictswith%oftotalpopulation(CentralInformaticsOrganization(2011).
118
objectivesofthisresearcharefocusedoneverydayPOSwhethertheyarelocatedonthe
waterfrontorinhinterland.
4.4Theportfolioofthecasestudies
ThissectionincludestheeightA3visualportfoliosoftheselectedcasestudies.
Figure4.3LocationofthecasestudyareasontheaerialmapofBahrain(CentralInformaticsOrganization,2013).
The square does not act as square, it is mainly used by cars, however, the round-about is fully occupied by migrant workers
This case study area is located in Manama, in the capital governorate, and 78% of the popu-lation here is non-Bahraini residents. This site is a place where the old city meets the new one; where the Souq meets the Financial Harbour (FH). The souq and the housing area still feature vintage building forms (dating back to over 90 years). Bab Al-Bahrain is a historic and heritage monument that was originally built in the 1920s, but has been through extensive renovation periodically. The site has also a city centre context; it is congest-ed and surrounded by high-rise buildings and towers. The renovated area together with the surrounding neighbourhoods integrates a combination of urban fabric between main-tained and unmaintained souq and residential neighbourhoods.
The area in front of the monument is consid-ered the �rst public open public space in Bah-rain and the Gulf region. The square together with the souq includes a number of used open spaces, such as the small open spaces in front of monument, the souq alleys, the round-about, street sides, traditional cafés, pedestri-an streets and a bus stop.
Physically, the space is accessible from di�er-ent parts of Bahrain through roads network and it is also visually accessible from the surrounding towers. Considering the fact that the Bab Al-Bahrain is located not far from the seafront, it bene�ts from the soft coastal winds. The �at topography in this case study is hardscape with an evident lack of vegetation and water, except in the fountain at the round-about in front of Bab Al-Bahrain and some maintained plants in the roundabout and in front of a few buildings. The area also attracts a number of bird species especially pigeons.
The management of the souq and Bab Al-Bah-rain moved back and forward between the municipality, the Ministry of Trade and Indus-try and, currently Authority of Culture is also involved.
Case Study Area One: Bab Al-Bahrain Square and Souq in Manama
Location of the case study area The scale of the roundabout in the square The pedestrian avenue through the mall
Car Parking between the FHand Bab Al-Bahrain Square
A view from the souq to theone of the harbour towers
A traditional alley inBab Al- Bahrain Area
One of the souq alleys
Bahrain Financial Harbour
Parking area
Post Office: a histori-cal building
Historical neigh-bourhoods
The Fish Plaza
Historical souq
New erected mall
Bab Al-Bahrain Monument
Bab Al-Bahrain Square
City
Cen
tre
imag
eSo
uq im
age
Case Study Area Two: Andalus Garden in Manama
This case study area is located in Manama, in the capital governorate, and 78% of the population here is non-Bahraini residents.
The two gardens in this case study are exam-ples of early-implemented gardens in Bahrain with applications of urban planning practice. Salmaniya and Andalus Gardens were constructed in 50s and 60s of the previ-ous century. Although these gardens have historical and social values; no publication has been found documenting them.
In the early days, these gardens were collo-quially termed as male and female gardens according to the users; mostly men frequented Andalus and women went to Salmaniya.
Andalus Garden went through a renovation process and reopened in 2007.
The area of this case study has a high-densi-ty population and is surrounded by high-rise buildings: residential and commercial. Most of the surrounding multi-storey buildings are with no access to private outdoor area.
The Andalus Garden has only one gate in the east side, while in the west side it has access directly to a pedestrian bridge. This garden includes a walkway track, children’s playground, shaded sitting areas, lawn, retail units, sport �eld and services building.
The Salmaniya Garden includes a fountain; lawns, kids’ playground, sitting areas, gaze-bos, a centre for special needs, football court and multipurpose open court. This court is mostly used to play cricket, a sport common-ly played amongst Asian migrants. Salmani-ya Garden has two entrances; one in the east from the parking area, and the other one in the west. The garden has also a direct access to the bridge.
Thus, the gardens are used as a short cut in the area and many residents in the western side of the site go to Andalus through Salmaniya.
Location of the case study area
The pedestrian bridge links the two gardensacross the road
Salmaniya and Andalus are two nearbygardens in this area
Walking track in Andalus Garden
A view to Salmaniya Garden from the bridge
The sitting area with arcade designin Andalus Garden
Service building, administration, retail units including shops and cafeteria
The garden gate
Parking area outside the gate
Football / Volleyball court
Sitting area with arcade
design
Lawn
Case Study Area Three: Pedestrian Quarter; Block-338 in Manama
Block-338 is located in Adlyia, in the city of Manama in the capital Governorate, where the Non-Bahraini residents are 78% of the population.
This site has high-density, but with no high-rise buildings.
Block-338 is the �rst kind of modern pedestrian quarter in Bahrain.
It is an up-market street with cosmopoli-tan characteristics.
It consists of a series of street restaurants and cafes.
The new luxury restaurants are targeted by middle and high-income users, while the residents in the area are migrant workers.
The space is under the management of the municipality, but a lot of public events are arranged and managed by Al-Riwaq Art Space.
The area is also distinguished with the outdoor galleries and artistic murals created by the public participation orga-nized by Al-Riwaq Art Space.
Location of the case study area
AL-Riwaq Art Space
Parking area
Al-Riwaq Art space
Block-338 with al fresco cafes and restaurants and pedestrianized inner streets
Parking area
View
s in
Blo
ck-3
38
Location of the case study area
Case Study Area Four: ‘Sahat’ in the Pearling Trail Project in Muharraq
The Pearling Trail is a cultural landscape site that docu-ments the history of an era when the economy was dependent on the pearl. This site has been added to the UNESCO World Heritage Sites in 2012. This case study is located in a historical neighbourhood in Muharraq. Non-Bahraini residents in this area comprise 44% of the population here. Many studies elaborate the social, urban and architectural aspects of the traditional Muharraq. Dayaratne (2012) claims, “If there is an architec-ture that re�ected the deep roots of people inhabiting the island ‘Bahrain’, it would be the traditional urbanism of Muharraq." The city of Muharraq has witnessed a series of preservation and restoration of several buildings, not only because of their physical and architectural character but also for their Bahraini traditional, historical, cultural and social values.
The Pearling Trail Project is in process under the manage-ment of Bahrain Authority for Culture and Antiquities. As part of Bahrain’s tourism initiative, a large part of the site is now pedestrianised and features heritage homes, which have been transformed into either centres for display of local culture or into elegant cafés. The project will be provided with a walking path through a series of heritage and historical sites and buildings in the area. The project will also create 19 micro-POS or ‘sahat’ along the path. Two of them have been accomplished during the �eldwork. The term ‘sahat’ means public open spaces; singular ‘saha’. These two pedestriansed sahat were designed by private international architectural �rm and the design concept “revives tight streets of the historic neigbourhood of the pearl merchants on the island of Muharraq in Bahrain” (Abitare, 2014). This case study area will consider the recently pedestrianised streets and two micro-public spaces (or sahat). The research will also consider the various informal POS in the neighbourhood. Within walking distance, the surrounding context of the selected site includes a new cultural centre with heritage homes, cafés, and a traditional souq; ‘Qaisareia Souq’, in addition to residential areas.
During restoration
Life pattern in the nightAfter implementing the design
A tr
aditi
onal
alle
y
Location of the case study area
Case Study Area Five: Arad Bay Park in Muharraq
Arad Bay Protected Park is located in Muharraq. Non-Bahraini residents in this area comprise 44% of the population here.
This area is a natural preserved bay, which the government transformed into a park that was opened formally in 2010. The area is a habitat for migrant birds, shrimps and rare marine life. The visitors can also see the �ocks of �amingos, which make the island their winter home.
The implementation and management of this area is under the Supreme Council for Environ-ment.
Immediately, the park is surrounded by residen-tial areas and social housing, hotel, airport and public services buildings, this is in addition to the water (the bay itself ). The area has low densi-ty and no high-rise buildings. The park is also visually accessible from above as it is adjacent to the airport.
The area is linked to the surrounding areas by two elevated pedestrian bridges crossing two highways.
The site is also considered a distant destination for users from di�erent parts of Bahrain.
The area consists of restaurants, cafés, a water fountain, playground, picnic areas, mosque, toilets, shaded and un-shaded benches, parking areas and the longest walking track in Bahrain (three-kilometre along the parameter of the bay).
One of the elevated pedestrian bridges linkingthe park to the neighbourhood
Examples of marina life in the protected bay
The bay
Site of the park
Housing
Housing
Airport
The walkway track The wooden walkin bridge over the bay
The park siteplan
Case Study Area Six: Amwaj-lagoon in Muharraq
Location of the case study area
This area is located in Amwaj; arti�cial islands in the northern coast of Muharraq. Amwaj was established in 2001.
Amwaj is a gated community in which the right of entry for visitors is controlled by security personnel positioned at the entrance.
A�uent migrant residents are the majority on these islands.
Amwaj-lagoon is a private development project and managed by a private company, but publicly accessible.
The Lagoon is a focal point for Amwaj.Amwaj-lagoon is a one-kilometre long water's edge commercial destination that was built along the lines of London’s Covent Garden.
The lagoon space is structured as an outdoor pedestrian pathway- in a tra�c- free zone- encircling an elongated, curving lagoon and interspersed with restaurants and cafes that o�er a choice of both indoor and al fresco dining facilities.
The lagoon-area
A causwayconnecting Amwaj artificial island tothe island of Muharraqal
Amwaj Artificial Island: a gated community
Sitting areas The Lagoon
Pedestrian pathway with restaurants and cafes >>
The lagoon-area
The surroundingongoing
development
Case Study Area Seven: Khalifa Al-Kubra Garden in Ri�a
This area is located in the centre of Ri�a city in the southern district. The non-Bahraini residents in this district are 44% of the population. Ri�a is considered a low-densi-ty city compared to Manama. The garden, which was opened in 2012, is under the management of the municipality and designed by a private o�ce.
The site is located in a residential zone and the area also includes commercial build-ings and public services with no high-rise buildings (maximum four storeys). All the surrounding buildings and roads are relatively new.
Khalifa Garden is the main formal public open space in this area. The surrounding area also includes a series of restaurants and cafes with outdoor dining overlooking the roads. There are also informal uses of outdoor areas in the neighbourhood. The garden and al fresco café add permeable character to the area.
The garden has visual accessibility from both the attached houses and the perme-able fence. The garden has also number of gates.
The functions in the garden include football, volleyball and basketball courts, an outdoor �tness area, walking tracks with distances marked, an interactive fountain, playgrounds for under and above six years with a rubber ground �nishing material, sitting areas, picnic areas, administration, toilets and two parking areas. The garden is an example of no smoking area beyond the entrance gates.
The design has utilized the topography with respect to the cool north wind. For example, the ridges are kept exposed and open which receive the highest �ow of breeze. The garden also provides an educa-tional facility through the labelled plant materials. Opening a well-designed and maintained garden in this context is some-thing unique and also attracts other users.
Location of the case study area
Relatively well-designed and large garden, about the size of a national park, located amidst houses
Al fresco cafes in the commercialcenter next to the garden
A view outside the gardenboundary shows the fence
The green ridge
<< >>
>>
Parking area behind the gate
Volleyball court
Sitting area
Artificial mounds
Green ridge
Stage anddancing fountain
Parking area outside the gate
The neighbourhood mosque
Football court
Playground for kids under 6 years old
Basketballcourt
Sitting area
Toilet
Outdoorfitness area
Playground for kids above 6 years old
A path through the garden<<
View to the garden from the ridge
Case Study Area Eight: Hunainiyah Park in Ri�a
Hunainiyah Park is located in Ri�a city where Non-Bahraini residents are 44%.
The area is distinguished with a desert valley called Hunainiyah Valley and is considered an important natural indige-nous feature in the landscape of Bahrain.
This area of the case study is also consid-ered a historical area with the 17th century renovated fort and old neighbourhoods. In the history, Hunainiyah had a famous well that was targeted by many people from all over the island seeking its fresh water. The park has been erected in the well location.
The park is visually accessible from the surrounding ridges. The fort is a landmark and also visually accessible from the whole valley and from the opposite sides of the valley’s edges.
The fort also houses a Cafe, which over-looks the Valley.
The area is also provided with number of prepared land for playing football or crick-et.
The neighbourhood areas are used by kids to play, by boys to gather and by men who sit outside either in front of the houses, shops, mosques, and bus stop or even in the pedestrian side roads.
Location of the case study area
View from the ridge to the garden. A long stair from the neighbourhood to the Hunainiyah Valley is provided for the pedestrians
Migrants playing cricket in the prepared land for sport >>
<<
Sports fields
Eid pray yard
Militarymuseum
Social housing
Golf course
The fortover the ridge
Deprivedneighbourhoods
Thepark
The park
The fort overlooking the park
The park site plan
119
4.5Conclusion
Thisstudyaimstoinvestigateindepththeselectedcasestudiesareasandtoexploreissues
thatmightcontributetotherelevantresearchknowledgeorrelatetothepractice.Thecase
studyapproachcanprovideabetterunderstandingofthesocialrealityinaparticularresearch
contextandthewiderresonancesofthestudiedphenomenon.Thevarietyofcasestudiesis
notonlylookingatdiversetypologiesbuttestingdifferenttheoreticalideasandquestions
raisedineachcasestudyarea,integratingparticipants’perceptionsandvalues.
Theselectedurbanspacestogetherwiththeirimmediatesurroundingsareareflectionofa
superdiversepopulationandmixedlanduse,whichcontributetotheresearchontranscultural
citiesandcosmopolitaneverydayspaces.Thediverseusersatdifferenttimepatternsprovide
anopportunitytostudysocio-spatialdynamics.Theseselectedsitesaredestinationsfor
leisure;therefore,consideringavarietyofattractionswiththediversityofpopulationisan
importantdimensioninthisresearch.
Eachsitehasalsospecificities.Amwajoffersthechancetolookatanareashapedby
globalisationandmigration,butinaverydifferentsphereofaffluence,securityandclassto
thatintheBabAl-Bahraincasestudy,forexample.Theareaisanewurbandevelopmentfora
privatecommunitybutisopentothepublic,whichillustratesinteractionacrossdifferent
socialpositions.AndalusGarden,locatedinacongestedcontextwith78%migrantresidents
(majorityworkers)whodonothaveaccesstoprivateopenspaces,differswidelyfromAmwaj,
wherethemajorityareaffluentmigrants.AradParkoffersafamilydestinationforrecreation
andfocusesonparticularformsofleisureandattractionsincludingseaview,park,awalkway
andmarinelife.Openingawell-designedandmaintainedgardensuchasKhalifaGardenin
Riffaisaninnovativeventureasitcouldalsoattractusersfromdifferentcities.Comparedto
theothercasestudiesinthisresearch,KhalifaGardenisadistancefromthesea,isnotinthe
citycentreandhaslowdensity.InBabAl-Bahrain,withtherenovationofthespace,the
diversityofusersandamixofmaintainedandunmaintainedurbanfabrics,adimensionof
gentrificationisadded.Thishastobeconsideredintheanalysisandinstudyingusers’
perceptionsandhowgentrificationcouldreflectonconviviality.Block-338affordsanew
perspectiveforstudyingtheroleofopenspacesinusers’everydaylivesinapedestrian
friendlyenvironmentinacongestedandbusycontext.Block-338isalsoatouristarea;
therefore,aspectsofgentrificationhavealsotobeconsideredhere.Thenewluxury
restaurantstargetmiddleandhigh-incomeusers,whiletheresidentsaremigrantworkers,
120
whichalsogivesinsightintohowsocialinteractionsacrosssocio-economicdifferencescould
beenacted.Inthisarea,theusers’perceptionstowardsmuralandoutdoorartcouldalsobe
considered.ThePearlingTrail,BabAl-BahrainandHunainiyahareheritagesitesandare
inclinedtopromotetourism.Thesehistoricalneighbourhoodsshowsomeevidenceof
traditionalurbanpublicopenspaces.Inaneraofmigrationandglobalisation,weneedto
understandwhatthesevernacularoutdoorspacescouldmeanfordifferentculturalpractices.
UnderstandinghowmigrantsfeelaconnectionwithheritagesitesinBahraincouldaddtothe
studiesontransculturalcities,whilethedeprivedresidentialneighbourhoodsintheseareas
couldalsobeconsideredasculturallydifferent.
Acasestudystrategyinvolvesempiricalinvestigationofaparticularcontemporary
phenomenonwithinitsreal-lifecontextusingmultiplesourcesofevidence(Robson,2002;Yin,
2003).Inthisresearch,studyingsociallifeinpublicspaceswithinacontextofadiverse
populationissignificantgiventhecontemporarytrendofglobalisationandmassivemigration.
Thecasestudystrategywasfollowedwiththequalitativeapproach,andbothallowedforan
in-depthunderstandingofthesocialphenomenainitsnaturalsetting.Thenexttwochapters
presentthefindingsofthesixmonthsofin-depthfieldworkstudy.
121
ChapterFive:UnderstandingtheEverydayPatternsofDiversityinPublicOpenSpaces
5.1Introduction
Thischapterpresentsresultsfromthefieldwork,whichdiscusstheeverydayactivities,
preferencesandpatternsofdiversityinpublicopenspaces(POS)inBahrain,addressingthe
firstaimoftheresearch.Thecollecteddataillustratedthedynamicsofthespatialand
temporalpatternsofuseanddemonstratedevidenceonhowtheseusesareintegratingand
changingalongwithpeople’svaluesforPOS,transnationalidentitiesandintersectionalities
withgender,ageandsocio-economicvariables.Thecollecteddataforthischapteristheresult
ofmultiplemethodsofdatacollectionusedduringthemainfieldworkthatwasscheduled
betweenJuly2014andJanuary2015.Thedataisgeneratedfrom85shorton-siteinterview
transcripts,13go-alongin-depthinterviewtranscriptsandfieldnotesandphotographsfrom
80sitevisits.
Analysisofthetranscriptsshapedthestructureandcontentsofthischapter,whicharebased
onthepatternsrevealedduringtheanalysisofthedataandfromthecategorisationofthe
codes:casestudylocation,activities,time,climate,otherlocations,users’profile,difficulties,
values,sensoryqualitiesanddesignelements.Theobservationprovidednarrativedescriptive
data(fieldnotes)onthehappenings,theirtimeandplaceandaresupportedbyvisual
accounts(photographs)anddescriptionsofthespatialquality.Theon-siteinterviews
supportedthedefinitionsoftheusers’culturalgroupsandtheirmotivationandpreferences.
Shorton-siteinterviewsandgo-alonginterviewsprovidedevidenceabouttheusers’activities
atdifferenttimesofthedayandyearandtheirmotivationsandvaluesforbeingoutdoors.The
go-alonginterviewsalsoprovideddescriptivedatafromtheparticipants’pointofviewand
theirinterpretationsandtacitknowledgeofeverydaypractices.Forthepurposeofresearch
ethicsandintegrity,describingculturalidentitiesis(whereverfeasible)basedonhowthe
participantsdescribetheirownorotherusers’origins.Someparticipantsdefineusers’origins
fromtheirappearance,colour,behaviours,dress,languageoraccent.
122
Thecollecteddatainthischapterisdividedintosevensectionsaccordingtothethemesinthe
analysis.Thefirstfoursections(5.2-5.5)areabouttheactivitiesandpatternsofuseofthe
casestudysites.Theselectedcasestudysitesarearrangedintothreebroadspatialtypologies:
parksandgardens(AndalusandSalmaniyaGardens,KhalifaGarden,AradBayParkand
HunainiyahPark),pedestrianisedurbanspaces(Amwaj-lagoon,Block-338,BabAl-Bahrain
SquareandSouqandthePearlingTrailsite)andtheinformalopenspaces(e.g.sidewalks,the
frontofhouses,mosquesandshops,parkingareas,oremptyplotsintheneighbourhood).The
structureofthesesectionsisarrangedbasedonthedetailsandsimilaritiesoftheresults.For
example,thepatternofuseinparksandgardenappearedtobesimilar,buttheuseof
pedestrianisedstreetsdifferedcomparedtothatinparksandgardens,soeachmeritedaclear
introduction.Therefore,Igroupedthepedestrianisedspacesaccordingtotheircharacteristics
e.g.placingthePearlingTrailandBabAl-Bahraintogether,andAmwajandBlock-338together.
However,thesectionsofthesebroadtypologiesarestructuredaccordingtotheusers’
diversity,dailytemporalityandseasonalpatterns.Theseasonalpatternsareshapedby
climate,schooltermsandoccasionalevents.Incidentalspaceswerenottheprimaryfocusof
thefieldwork,butIdescribedtheactivitiesascollectedinthefield.Section5.5alsodescribes
theactivitiesintermsofreligiousobservancesandsupportedwithexamplesfromdifferent
casestudyareas.Sections5.6and5.7summarisethebarrierstousingPOSandthefinal
sectionoutlinessocialandsensoryvaluesforPOSinBahrain.Thefollowingpointsarea
summaryofChapterFivefindings.
1. ThediversityofpopulationinBahrainisreflectedintheopenspaceswheredifferent
practicesandpatternsofusearevisible.
2. LeisureandrecreationactivitiesarecommonmotivationsforusingPOS,thisincludes
migrants,indicatingthattheprovisionofPOSsupportsadaptationandintegrationof
newresidents.
3. InthetransculturalcontextofBahrain,withitssuperdiversepopulationandthe
prevailingsocialandculturaldynamics,itispossibletobroadlydescribetheshared
spatialandtemporaldiversepatternsofuseacrossdifferenttypologiesofoutdoor
spaces.
4. Practicesofsharedpatternsofuseacrossdiversityprevail;yet,culturalvariablesand
differencescanbebarrierstousingoraccessingPOS,withpossiblenegativeimpacts
onwellbeingandequalitiesframedbyunderstandingsofsocialjustice.
123
5. Spatialqualities,physicalcharacteristicsandfacilitatedeventswithchoicesofhowto
engagearecentraltoharmonyinsharingspacesandpatternsofuse.
5.2Formalpublicopenspaces:ParksandGardens
5.2.1Users’diversity
Frominitialobservations,mostusersintheparksandgardensaremigrantfamilies,andduring
thefieldwork,Iencountereduserswhooriginatedfromawiderangeofcountries.The
interviewsinKhalifaGardenrevealedthattheusersaremostlySyrian,Yemeni,Egyptianand
Jordanianalongwithnon-ArabuserssuchasFilipinos,Indians,NepaleseandPakistanis.Khalifa
Gardenisawell-designedgardenlocatedinRiffa,alow-densitycity,withinaresidential
neighbourhoodwhereafairlymiddleclassandmostlyBahrainipopulationlive.Themost
frequentusersareusuallyfromvariouslowsocio-economicneighbourhoodseitherinRiffaor
thesurroundingareas.Someoftheseuserstravellongerdistancesfromdifferentcitiesand
villagestoKhalifaGardenwheretheyfeelmoreintegrated.Forexample,inago-along
interviewinKhalifaGarden,twoSyriansisters,BadraandZaina1,whohavelivedinBahrainfor
thelast20years,theysaidthat,sincetheGardenwasopened,theymeetupwithafamily
fromHamadTown:“Wheneverwecome,weseethemsittinghereintheGarden”.Thesisters
aremothersintheirearly30s,homemakersandilliterate.Inthisinterview,thoughtheGarden
isrecentlyopened,theSyriansistersmentionedthattheydonotfeelascomfortableinother
parksandgardensbecausetheyarenotasfamiliarwiththosespacesastheyarewithKhalifa
Garden.InAndalusandSalmaniyaGardens,locatedinManamainacongestedcontextwhere
78%ofresidentsaremigrants,theusersaremainlyFilipinosandIndians,buttherearealso
usersfromArabNorthAfricaandMediterraneancountriesaswellasBahrainisasrevealed
fromtheethnographicapproachofspendingtimeon-site.Thissocialmixisreflectedbythe
demographicsofthesurroundingresidentialcontext;therearealsousersfromdifferentcities
andvillagesinBahrain,thisobservationwassupportedbybroadon-siteinterviews.For
example,aFilipinowomanwhowasrestingonthelawnafterjoggingsaidthatshelivesin
AradbutpreferstocomeandwalkinAndalusGarden,travellingaloneeverydaybypublicbus.
ShealsomeetsherboyfriendintheGardenwheretheyjogorplaybadminton.Shestatedthat
thisGardenismoreconvenientforherthangoingtoAradBayParkwhereshelives.InArad
BayProtectedParkinMuharraqcity,themajorityofusersareofYemeni,Egyptianand
Jordanianorigins.TherearealsoFilipinos,Europeans,IndiansandPakistanisofvariedsocio-1Allthenamesinthedescriptionofthecollecteddataarepseudonyms.
124
economicbackground,aswellasBahrainis,sinceitislocatedwithinanareathathousesmany
diverseinhabitants.InHunainiyahPark,adesertedgelocation,theusersaremostlyYemeni,
PakistaniandBalochioflowsocio-economicmigrantstatusfromthesurroundingpoor
neighbourhoods.AffluentpeoplefromvariousareasvisittheHunainiyahParkasalocaltourist
attractionforthefortandtheluxurycoffeeshopinthefort.
Classandincomebracketcanalsointersectwithmigrants’backgroundandinformsthe
patternsofuseandactivities.Hala,ayoungmotherofPalestinian-Syrianbackgroundwhohas
livedinBahrainwithherfamilyfor12years,said,“Youdon’tfeelthatKhalifaGardenisforus,
theRiffapeople.YoufeelthatpeopleinRiffaarenotforgardens;maybeMalls”.Halahere
raisedanimportantpointobliquelyrelatingtoclass:theresidentsinRiffa,whoaremostly
affluent,havedifferentinterestsfromthegardenusers.Shahrazad,ayoungBahrainiwoman
andtalkingbroadlyaboutmoreaffluentBahrainis,explainedthatBahrainisprefer
sophisticatedplacessuchas“coffeeshops,cinemas,mallsorthesea”.Sincetheparksand
gardensdonothaveluxuryfacilitiesthatattractaffluentusers,middleandhigh-classpeople
areusuallylessvisibleinparksandgardens.ABahrainistudentinterviewedinacafénextto
KhalifaGardensaidthatthepeoplewhoareusingKhalifaGardenaredifferentfromthosewho
areusingthenearbycafésandtheir‘lifestyles’and‘preferences’aredifferent.Hence,the
brandedcafésandrestaurants(likewiseinAmwaj-lagoonandBlock-338,aswillbeexplainedin
Section5.3)areattractionsforhighandmiddle-incomeusers.
However,thefieldworkfoundthatuserswithamiddle-classprofilefrequentparksand
gardensforwalking,playingfootballorfortheirchildrentoplay.Inago-alonginterviewin
KhalifaGarden,Rashid,ayoungBahrainifatherandphysicianwholivesnexttoKhalifaGarden
andfrequentlyvisitsthegardenforhissonstoplayortowalk,saidthatBahrainisandother
affluentmigrantsinKhalifaGardenaregenerallyfromthenearbyhousesandcometowalk,
exercise,playsportortobringtheirchildrentoplayandsotheyusuallyonlystayforashort
time.Headdedthattheyusuallydonotpicnicintheprovidedpicnicpod.Otherinterviewees
inKhalifaGardenandAradBayParkalsosharedRashid’sobservation.
125
Theobservationsshowedthediversityofwalkersandjoggers(Figures5.1);theycomefrom
differentmigrantandsocio-economicbackgrounds,but,accordingtosomeinterviewees,itis
lesscommonforBahrainisandaffluentuserstohavepicnicsinparksandgardens.However,it
isnotconclusivethatBahrainisdonothavepicnicsintheparksandgardens.Fromthe
collecteddata,itwasextremelycomplextospecifyhowpatternsofuseareshapedbyusers’
profileswhenpayingattentiontoclassandincomebracketintersectionality,butitwas
possibletobroadlydescribethespatialandtemporalpatternsofuseacrossdifferent
typologieswithreferencetotheselectedcasestudies.
5.2.2Dailytemporality
Fromrepeatedvisitsandspendingtimeinparksandgardensatdifferenttimesofthedayand
daysoftheweek,Ibecameawareofthedailypatternofuseinthesespaces.Intheearly
morning,mostuserscometotheparksorgardensonaregularbasisforexercise,runningand
teamsport.Somepeoplealsodoaerobicsonthelawnareasingroupsorindividually,while
Figures5.1Thediversityofusersandeverydaypatternsofuseisvisibleinallparksandgardens,particularlyamong
walkersandrunners.
126
KhalifaGardenalsohasfitnessequipmentinstalled.Eveninthecoolerclimate,whichis
importantforschedulingaroundbusyroutines,fitnessenthusiastschoosethequiethoursof
themorningtodotheirdailyexerciseroutinesandthenleavetocontinuetheireverydaylife
activitiessuchastakingtheirchildrentoschool,goingtoworkordoinghouseholdchores.
Someparentsdroptheirchildrenatschoolandthenarriveataparkoragardentowalkor
exercise.Intervieweesmentionedthatmorningsarealsotheperfecttimetostroll,study,read
orparticipateinrestorativeactivities.Womenandolderusersalsochoosethislessbusytime
ofdaytoparticipateintheiractivitieswhiletherestofthefamilyareeitheratworkorschool.
Itisusualtoseewomenbringingtheiryoungpreschoolchildrentotheparksandgardensto
playatthesetimes.Someofthemcomeoccasionallyingroupstohaveabreakfastpicnic,
eitherinthearbouroronthegrass.Atthistime,someuserswhoareeitherdoingtheir
exerciseorwiththeirfamiliesarenightshiftworkers.(Figures5.2-5.3below)
a b
c
Figures 5.2 Morning times in parks and gardens are the less busywhen users can participate in activities of their choice (a-c).SunbathingisnotcommoninPOSinBahrainbutcanbeobservedinthemorningduringcoolweather(b).
127
Theanalysisoftheinterviewsrevealedthatdifferentuserssharedthevalueofthemorning
hours,thoughwithdifferentmotivationsasexplainedbytwoyoungadultwomenatAradBay
ParkinMuharraqcity.Leen,anIndonesianbybirthwhohaslivedinBahrainforanumberof
yearsinJufair2andworksasanairhostess,visitsthisparkfrequently.Shetalkedabouthowthe
morninghoursaresignificanttoher:
“Morningisalittlebitquiet,forme,itismorepeaceful.It’sniceandtheweatherisnothot.So,itisjustperfect.Morningismorerelaxingbecausesomepeopleareworkingandthekidsarestillintheschool”.
2AsuburbanareainManamawheremostlyinhabitedbymiddleclassandaffluentmigrants.
Figures5.3Studying,workingonlaptops,reading,restingorsleepingaresomecommonpatternsbymigrantsinparksandgardens,particularlyduringthequietmorninghours.
128
WhileLeentalkedaboutmentalrelaxationduringmorninghours,Shahrazad,wholivesin
Manamacity,explainedhermotivationforwalkingeverydayatdawninthispark:
“IparticularlylikeAradBayParkatdawntime[…]Peopleareseriousatthattime;therearethosewhocomefromclubstodoexercise.Iwasfat(laugh)sothebesttimeforexercisetoburnfatisat4:00amAftertheprayercall,yougothereforpureair[…]itisaveryniceplace,especiallywhentheskystartstobecomelight,andtheviewofthesunrise,itispureness”.
Afteraquieterperiodofuseduringthemiddleoftheday,thedatafromthebroadscopefield
observationandon-siteinterviewsrevealedthattheparksandgardensbecomemorevibrant
between4:00pmand8:00pm(afterworkinghours)forleisure,enjoyment,relaxation,or
escapingfromindoorspaces,dailyroutineandresponsibilities.Observationdatasupportedby
shortinterviewsillustratedusersaresocialisingandparticipatinginavarietyofconcomitant
passiveandactiveuses,suchaspicnicsandgatherings,havingmealsoutdoors,exercising,
playingsport,relaxingor,forchildren,playing.Teenagersalsogatherforchatting,hangingout,
sportandpractisingdancemoves.Withinthisvibrantpatternofuse,someuserschooseto
partakeinapassiveortranquilactivityoftheirown(Figure5.4).Anumberofusersmentioned
thattheychoosetocomeafter8:00pm,whenthespaceisquieter.Duringthefieldwork,all
thegardenswereclosedby10:00pmormid-night,exceptAradBayPark,whichwasopen24
hours;meaningindividualsandgroups(maleandfemale)couldcomeregularlytowalkand
Figure5.4AgroupofuniversitystudentschosetopreparefortheirexamatHunainiyahParkonabusyFridayafternoon.
129
exerciseevenaftermidnight,whichalsoappearedintheobservationsandinterviewsduring
sitevisitsatdifferenttimes.
Byconductingtheethnographicapproachofspendingtimeon-siteandrepeatedvisits,I
becameawarethatuserswerespendingdifferentlengthsoftimeintheparksandgardens.
Somefamiliesstayintheparksforashortperiod,foronehourorlessfortheirchildrentoplay
orforonlythetimeneededforjoggingorwalking,whichmayvarybetween45minutesand
twohours(Figures5.5).Thosevisitorswhocometoparticipateinmultipleactivitiestendto
remainlonger.Someusersspendmoretimethereoftengatheringandstayingfromlunchtime
untilmidnight(Figures5.6onpage130).FromthefieldobservationsinKhalifaGarden,some
familiesandgroupswhostayedforlongerperiodshadfooddeliveredfromrestaurants.Inthe
nightandespeciallyonactivedays,therewereanumberofmotorcyclesoutsidethegate,with
deliveryboysdeliveringfoodforthegarden’susers.
Figures 5.5 From the data, it appears that the concept of health and wellbeinginfluencesthepatternsofuseintheparksandgardens.Walkersand joggers inthedifferent POS in Bahrain allocate time in their daily routines for healthy activitiesregardlessoftheirbusyschedules.Socialisingandrestorativeactivitiesalsoinfluencetheregularityofpeople’suseoutdoorspaces.
130
Figures5.6 It isa familiarsighttoseevisitors insmall and largegroups settingoutpicnicmats, foodbasketsand flasks,with someusersbringing along radios,boardgames,playingcards,babycotsandchangesofclothingforchildrenandotheritemsthatallowthemtospendfivetoeighthoursawayfromtheirhomes.
131
5.2.3Seasonalpatternsofuse
5.2.3.1Climate
Theclimatelargelyaffectsthepatternsofuseintheseopenspaces.Thesummerisveryhot
andthisextremeheatcoupledwithhighlevelsofhumiditypreventspeoplefromparticipating
inoutdooractivities.Observationandon-siteinterviewsrevealedthatinthehotseason,the
crowdsgravitatetoindoorspacesandmallsfortheirleisureactivities,whilesomeusersof
parksandgardensshifttheirleisureactivitytoeveningsaftersunsetorreducethedurationof
theirstay.Theperceptionsofuserstowardsbeingoutdoorsinsummervaryeveninthenight.
Forexample,inKhalifaGarden,onanightinAugust,aretiredJordaniangrandfatherinhis60s,
whovisitstheGardenseveraltimesaweekthoughlivinginanothercity,assertedthatdespite
ahumiditylevelof70to80percent,heenjoyedbeingoutdoorsonsummernights,reasoning
thathisBedouinancestorshadlivedinsimilarweatherconditionsinthedesert.
Whentheclimateiscooler,parksandgardensdrawlargercrowdsandbyearlyafternoon
groupsoffamiliesarefoundcongregatingforpicnics.Fromobservationsinthesemonths,the
activitiesaremoreprolongedfrommiddayuntilmidnight.Duringinterviews,some
respondentsmentionedthattheyfrequentparksandgardensonlyinwintermonths3.
However,fromanalysis,Iascertainedthatusersofpublicspaceshaddivergentviewsonthe
useofoutdoorsspacesinwinter,asencounteredindifferentinterviewsinvariousgardens.
Faiza,ayoungIndiansinglemotherwhovisitsKhalifaGardenweeklyexplainedduringthepilot
go-along,“Inwinterwearealwayscomingtothegarden.Itisniceandweenjoytheweather.
Wewearnicewarmclothes”.Someemphasisedthatthosefamilieswithyoungchildrenand
olderusersfavourafternoonsinthewinter,whentheyhavetheirlunchorapicnic,asafter
sunsetitbecomesverychilly.AccordingtoBahrainstandards,even17degreesisconsidered
toochillytobeoutdoors.Forexample,twoEgyptiansistersinterviewedinAndalusGardenin
theeveningduringDecembermentionedthatthegardenisverybusyduringweekends,but
withtheonsetofwintertheusernumbersdecline.Thesistersareteachersandmotherswho
havelivedfor10yearsinBahrainwiththeirfamiliesintheneighbourhoodclosetothegarden
andvisitthegardeneveryweekend.
3InBahrain,thewintermonthsarefromNovembertoMarch,whenthetemperaturevariesbetween25to17Degrees.
132
Figures5.7Aspacebetweenplantsprovidesprivacyforwomenand iswarminwinter(a).Thegreen ridge is aspatial choice fora family during lateafternoon in thesummer (b). The green plaza in Khalifa Garden is analternativepicnicspot(c).
c
a
b
133
Climatealsoshapesspatialpatternsofuseinparksandgardens.DuringaninterviewinKhalifa
GardeninAugust,ayounghomemakerandmother,whowasraisedinYemenandhaslivedin
Bahrainforthelast8years,wassittingonaportablechairwhilehavingapicnicwithher
friendsintheopenpicnicpodnexttoanartificialmound.Sheexplainedthatinsummerthey
prefertogatherontheopenlawn,andeverytimetheysitatthesamespotinalargegroupof
morethantenwomenandtheirchildren,andthiswasverifiedduringthesitevisits.Sheadded
thatinwintertheydonotsitonthegrassbutusetheprovidedseatingareasbetweenthe
treesandshrubsasFigure5.7ashows.TheYemeniwomenvisitKhalifaGardeninRiffacity
everydaydespitelivinginanothercity.InDecember,duringtheinterviewwiththeSyrian
sistersinKhalifaGarden,oneofthesistersexplained,“Whenwestartedcomingtothisgarden,
wechosetosithereinthislocation;butwhenitishot,wegoupthehill(pointingtothenatural
slopedtopographyinthegarden)”.Hersisteradded,“Nowitiscold,manypeopleavoidgoing
upthehill”asdisplayedinFigure5.7b.
InKhalifaGarden,peoplealsousetheplazaareainfrontofthegate.Theplazaispavedand
includesastage.Figure5.7cshowsaplateauraisedwithafewstepsandcoveredwithlawn
overlookinganinteractivefountain.AyoungIndianfatherinterviewee,whohasworkedasa
mechanicalengineerforanumberofyearsinBahrain,saidthathevisitsthegardeneveryday
withhiswifeandchildrentowalk,haveapicnicorfortheirchildrentoplay;thiswas
supportedbyobservation.Theyweresittingonthelawnoftheplateauandsaidthatthey
preferthatspotbecauseitiscool,breezyandhasawideviewofthewholegarden.However,
thisareadoesnotprovidetheprivacyArabianfamiliesseekforwomen,whogenerallychoose
otherareastohaveapicnicinthisGarden.Thesephotographsareevidencefromthesitevisits
illustratingtherelationshipbetweensocialpatternsandspatialcharacteristics.
Comparedtootherparksandgardensintheselectedcasestudies,thesizeandcontextof
KhalifaGardenislargerwithanaturaltopography,whichprovideschoicesinuse.Salmaniya
andAndalusGardensareprovidedwithpicnictables,gazebosandshadedgatheringareasthat
areusedasmoreappealingalternativesforcongregating,particularlyinwinterwhenthelawn
iswet.Theobservationdatashowedexamplesofthesedifferentchoicesintheselectedparks
andgardensasdisplayedinFigures5.8(page134).
135
5.2.3.2Schoolterms
SimilartomanyotherArabiccountries,educationistakenextremelyseriouslyinBahrain
(WorldBank,1999;Akkari,2004),soschoolcommitmentslikehomework,examsandprivate
tuitionshapethepatternsofleisureanduseofparksandgardensduringschoolterms.The
Syriansistersliveclosetothegarden;butBadrasaid“Schoolcommitments,thisistheonly
thingthatstopsusfromcomingeveryday,asthechildrenhavehomework”.While,hersister
Zainaaddedthatduringsummervacations,KhalifaGardeniscrowdedandthereisnoplaceto
walkaspeoplesitingroupsand‘matonmat’.Inthisregard,Badracommented,“Insummer,
wecomeatsunsetandstaytillmidnight,oruntilitisannouncedonthemicrophonethatgates
areclosing”.Thiscrowdingalsopersistsatweekendsandonpublicholidays(Figure5.9).
Figure5.9Oncrowdeddaysitis‘matonmat’.
136
5.2.3.3Events
Occasionally,differentevents,suchasmarkets,thesaleoffood,promotionalevents,walking
eventsandnationalcelebrationdaysofBahrainandthoseofotherusers'countriesareheldin
theseparksandgardens.Figures5.10illustrateexamplesofsucheventsduringsitevisits.For
instance,fromobservationduringweekends,HunainiyahParkisusedforsellinggoods,which
isappealingtolocalresidentswithoutprivatetransport.Thiswasalsoconfirmedinthe
interviews.Ahousewifeinher40s,whowasraisedinYemen,sellsherproductsinHunainiyah
Parkeveryweekendtoearnalivelihood.InothersitevisitstoKhalifaGarden,groupsof
a b
c d
e f
Figures 5.10 Formal and informal events in parks and gardens: Discover Islamarranged by Muslim migrants in Bahrain in the parking area of Andalus (a);vending inHunainiyahParkarrangedbymostlyYemeniwomen(b-d);aformallyorganised market for the celebration of the national day of Bahrain in KhalifaGarden(e);andaformaleventinAndalus(f).
137
womenwereseenhavingapicniceverydayandalsousingtheopportunitytoinformallyvend
cosmetics,clothingandsimilargoods.WhileinAndalusGarden,throughmyvisitsand
especiallyatweekends,Iusuallyencounteredcommunaleventsorcelebrationse.g.birthdays,
marketsforsellingmigrants’foodandgoodsorpromotionalevents;andononeofthesite
visits,therewasaboothforDiscoverIslam.Assupportedbydifferentinterviewees,mostof
theseeventsarearrangedbymigrants.ShahrazadandherfriendsclaimedthatAndalus
Gardenalwayshaveeventse.g.weddings,dancecompetitions,saleofcottoncandyand
popcornorsettingupaT.V.towatchlivematches.Theobservationshowedthatmanyof
theseactivitiesareconductedcommunallyandopenlyinawaymakingitdifficulttoascertain
whichareformallyorinformallyarranged.
5.3Pedestrianisedurbanspaces
BabAl-Bahrainarea,Block-338,andPearlingTrailincludepedestrianisedurbanspaceswithin
neighbourhoods.TypicalofmanyneighbourhoodsinBahrain,lifeintheseareasstartsassome
residentsgofor‘Fajer’prayer(dawnprayer),taketheirchildrentoschoolorleavefortheir
workandbusiness.Theselocalurbanspacesarealsotouristdestinations.Iftheusers
appreciateaheritageurbanareaor‘souq’(traditionalmarketspace),theyvisitBabAl-Bahrain
orMuharraq.BoththePearlingTrailinMuharraqandBabAl-BahrainSouqinManamaare
partiallypedestrianisedsites,underrenovation,locatedinhistoricalneighbourhoods.While,
thePearlingSiteismuchquieterthanBabAl-Bahrain,thelatterhasamoredistinctivedaily
patternasacitycentrearea.IfanindividualprefersaEuropeanormodernstylewithalfresco
cafés,hisdestinationcouldbeBlock-338orAmwaj-Lagoon;although,thebuilt-upwalkwayor
theseaviewattractsmoreuserstoAmwaj.
5.3.1SahatinthePearlingTrail
AsintroducedinChapterFour,thePearlingTrailisaUNESCOWorldHeritageSiteandis
currentlyundergoingarestorationprocessasatourisminitiativeandintegrateselementsof
contemporaryurbandesign.Theprojectwillbeprovidedwithawalkingpathand19micro-
POSor‘sahat’4inthesitesofsomehistoricalhouses.Withintheresearchtimescale,twoof
thesemicro-POSwereimplemented.Thesurroundingareaoftheselectedsiteincludesanew
culturalcentre,heritagehomes,traditionalcoffeehousesandasouq.
4Thetermsahatmeanspublicopenspaces,singularsaha.
138
5.3.1.1Users’diversity
ThiscasestudyislocatedinoldMuharraqwheretheresidentsareBahrainis,seniorcitizens
andmigrantworkers.Thesitealsoattractsdiverseusersfromdifferentsocio-economic
echelonswhoareresidentsofMuharraqorothercities.Fromobservationsandinterviews,
duringtheday,thevisitorswhowalkinoraroundthenewculturalcentrearethemore
affluentBahrainisormigrantpopulaceortourists.Atnightaftertheculturalcentreisclosed,
themigrant-workerresidentsstartgatheringinthesemicro-publicspaces(sahat)tospend
time.TheMuharraqSouqisalsoapopulartouristdestinationespeciallyamongGCCtourists.
Bahrainiandmigrantresidents-mostlynon-affluent-usethespacefrequentlyformeeting,
sittingorstrollingleisurely.Theno-trafficzoneattractsfamilieswithchildrenwhocanplay
safely.Throughinterviews,Igatheredthattheresidentuserswerepleasedwiththerecent
changesintheappearanceofthespaceasmanyofthemusethespaceeverydayastheygo
abouttheirroutinelifeorwalkthroughthespacetotheirrespectivedestinationsasitis
shorter.
5.3.1.2Dailytemporality
Fromsitevisitsusingethnographicmethods,itwaspossibletoobtainabroadunderstanding
withnarrativeaccountsofthedailypatternsofuseinthisPearlingTrailarea.Inthedaily
temporality,theusersandresidentsintheareaparticipateintheirroutineculturalandsocial
practices,goshoppinginthesouqordineintraditionalcoffeehouses.Withtheopeningofthe
souqandculturalcentres,moreusersenterthearea.Asianworkerscrowdthesouqwhere
theyalsoworkorlookforjobsandtheseniorcitizensmostlygatherinthetraditionalcoffee
shopsorinfrontoftheshops.Theno-trafficzonesofsahatandpedestrianisedstreetsprovide
opportunitiesformeeting,sitting,strollingaroundandexchangingpleasantrieswithothers.
Duringfieldwork,thesemicro-spacesappearedalsoasameetinglocusforsomeresidentsor
teenagersandabriefretreatforsomewomen.Althoughitwaspossibletodifferentiate
betweenthemaintainedrenovatedurbanspacesandnon-maintainedonesinthiscasestudy,
thewalkwaysareinterwovenbetweenthePearlingTrailProjectandthesurroundingcontext.
Thesepatternsofusearealsosupportedbythephysicalaffordancesandelementsofurban
designasdemonstratedinthephotographsinFigures5.11-5.13takenduringsitevisits.
139
Figures5.12Oneofthesahatsites(micro-POS),watergardenandsouqintheareaofthepedestrianisedPearlingTrailProject.
Figures5.11Thepedestrianisedstreetsandthebenches,whichareprovided,supporteverydaypatternsofuseinthePearlingTrailarea.
141
5.3.2.BabAl-BahrainSquareandSouq
BabAl-Bahraincasestudysitecomprisesthesquareandsouq.Thissitehasacitycentre
characterandincludeshigh-risebuildingsandahistoricalresidentialareathatstillfeatures
traditionalbuildings.BabAl-BahrainSquareisconsideredtobethefirstformalPOSinthe
region.Initsinitialyears,itoverlookedtheoldManamaport.TheSquare’snameisderived
fromtheBabAl-Bahrainheritagemonument,whichmeansBahraingateway.Thesouqthatis
directlyaccessedfromthegateisanArabicculturalurbanspace.
5.3.2.1Users’diversity
BabAl-Bahrainwastheepicentreofcommunitylifeinthepastandisstillafrequentlyvisited
locationforbothresidentsandtourists.Thedatafromobservationsandinterviewsshowed
thatmostoftheresidentsinBabAl-BahrainareaareAsianlow-incomemigrants,elderly
citizensandunderprivilegedfamilies.Fromtheinterviews,itwasnotedthatalargenumbers
ofmigrantworkerswhopopulateBabAl-BahrainsquareandsouqdonotworkorliveinBab
Al-Bahrain,butonFridaysandholidaystheycrowdtheseopenspaces(Figure5.14).
Figure5.14Theflowofmigrantsinoneofthesouqalleysalongthemall.Thewallofthemallbuildingseparatesthestreetfromtheatrium.
142
SeniorcitizensalsopopulatetheBabAl-Bahrainarea;someofthemarenotresidentsany
morebutcontinuetofeelintegratedandrevivetheirmemoriesthroughtheoldurbanfabric
ofthespace.Rashidstated:
“BabAl-Bahrainareahasasociallifeespeciallyforpeoplefromoldergeneration.SeveraltimesIwentthereIsawoldpeoplearegatheringstillinthesouq,walkinginthesouqorsittingintraditionalcoffeeshopsthere.Soithassocialroleforoldpeople”.
AnelderlyretiredBahrainiteacher,livinginanotherareawhowasinterviewedinBabAl-
Bahrain,claimedthathevisitsBabAl-Bahrainfrequentlyinordertowalkinthesouqorto
congregatewitholdfriendsandotherretiredteachersinacoffeehouseor‘Gahwa’5andalso
tomeetnewpeoplefromdifferentpartsofthecountrycomingforthe‘Gahawi’ortopray.
TheubiquitouspresenceofveteranJewish,Indian,ArabandPersiantradersincurrency,gold
andotherbusinessesisalsoadistinctivefeatureofthisspace.Thereareseveral‘mattams6’,
mosquesinthisvicinityanda200-year-oldHindutempleislocatedintheheartofthesouq.
Thesebuildingsarealsogatheringpointsforthediverseusersasrevealedduringthesitevisits.
5Gahwa,plu.Gahawi:traditionalcoffeehouse6MattamistheShaiIslamicworshipcentreormosque
Figure5.15TheAtriuminthemallactsasattractionpointformiddleclassuserstoBabAl-BahrainArea.
143
ObservationsandinterviewsrevealedthattheaffluentandmiddleclassusersvisittheBabAl-
BahrainSouqforthecommercialandbusinesscentresortheyaretourists,particularlythe
peoplefromGCCcountries.Arecentlyconstructedmallwithluxurioustraditionalcoffeeshops
alsoattractsmorewealthyusers.ThoughFaizaassertedthatshefindsthenewmallattractive
andshelikestostrollinside;shedoesnotshoporeatthere,asshecannotaffordit.
Laughingly,sheadded,“Wethinkifwesit,wehavetopay,wedon’thavethatmuchmoney”.
Thisfeelingofsegregationwasmentionedbyanumberofinterviewees.However,Faizatried
toadoptahumorousstanceratherthanafeelingofhumiliation.ThisisbecauseBabAl-
Bahrainitselfprovidesmanyalternativeactivitiesandaffordancesfordifferentsocialgroups
includinglow-incomegroups.However,thisgentrificationattemptofbuildingamalltoattract
adifferentcategoryofuserstothisspacecouldbeimplementedwithouttheconstructionofa
‘fortress’7wall(Figure5.15aboveonpage142)thatseparatestheusersofthemallfromthe
usersofthesouqalleysjustbesidethismall(Figure5.14onpage141).Evenso,someofthe
mallusersmentionedthattheyprefertohavemoreinteractionwiththestreet.
5.3.2.2Dailytemporality
BabAl-Bahrainsouqandsquarestartstobustlewithactivityaspeoplegatherearlyfor
breakfastinthecoffeehouses.Someoftheseareopenforbusinessfrom5:00am.The
repeatedvisitswithmultipleethnographicmethodsprovidedanarrativeunderstandingofthe
dailypatternsofuseinthisarea.Forexample,inago-alonginterviewintheBabAl-Bahrain
areawithKareem,aBahrainifatherinhis50’sandanemployeeinamajorcompany,he
recountedthatattheweekendafter‘FajerPray’8,accompaniedbyfriendsorfamily,heoften
comestothisareatowalk,havebreakfastorexploreotherpartsonfoot.Kareemwasraisedin
BabAl-Bahrainareaandlatermovedtoadifferentcity.
Inthemornings,mostuserscometothesouqforthecommercialactivities,whilethespaceis
morecrowdedattheweekendandintheeveningforleisureactivities.Faiza,inherwalking
interview,alsodiscussedtemporalpatternsinBabAl-Bahrain:
“Afterfive,morepeoplebringtheirfamiliestoenjoythemselves,shopandwalk.Also,youcanseemanycoupleshereintheafternoon-wifeandhusband,boyfriendandgirlfriend[…]Morningisonlyforshopping,working,andbusiness,onlyfornecessaryactivities,ortheyareresidentsortourists.Peoplearebusyinthemorning;theydon’thavetimeforsocialgatheringunlessitisholiday.Anditisalsohotinthemorning”.
7AtermusedbyWhyte(1980)todescribewhenarchitecturecreatesexclusionandsegregation.8Dawntime
144
Similarly,inanothergo-alonginterview,Irfan,ayoungIndianemployeewithatemporarywork
contractandwhohaslivedfortwoyearsinBahrain,claimedthatheandhisfriendsmeetin
BabAl-Bahraineveryweekend–ThursdayeveningsandFridays-forchatting,hangingoutand
shoppingastheyworksixdaysaweek.TheroundaboutinBabAl-BahrainSquarehasaunique
appearanceintheareawithitsmanyincidentaluses.Onatypicaleveningoronparticular
weekendsorholidays,asillustratedinFigure5.16,crowdsofAsianmigrantmaleworkers
congregatearoundtheroundabout,sitorliearound,specificallytomeetfriendsandsocialise.
Oncethenightarrivesadifferentcategoryofusersandusesstartsappearing.Intheinterview
withIrfanintheareaonFridaynight,hesaid,“Atthistimepeopleareleavingbecauseshops
areclosingat9:00pmandotherpeoplearecomingnow,forhotelsandrestaurants”.Kareem
alsosaid“Inthenight,mostpeoplecomeforthehotelsfordrinking;Bahrainisornon-
Bahrainis,andalsoyoucanseemigrantswholiveintheoldhousesorapartmentsinthisarea
walkingaround”.Fromobservations,thenightclubsshutaroundearlydawnandsomeoftheir
usersmovetothetraditionalrestaurantsandcoffeeshopstohavebreakfast.
Issuesrelatedtothenightlifeareraisedbysomerespondentsastheyarecontradictorytothe
Arabic-Islamicculture.ThoughFaizaalsodisapprovedofthebadreputationofsomebusiness
activities;shejustifiedtheirpresencebymentioningthatitisacharacteristicofthespace.In
Figure5.16TheSquareonaFridaynightisaleisureurbanspaceformigrantworkers.
145
herwords,“Manypeopleliketocomeheretoenjoy.BabAl-Bahrainisniceforenjoyment[…]
Nobodywatchesyou[…]wecallitpublicplace(laugh)”.Similarly,Irfanofferedhis
interpretationonthecommonenjoymentfoundinthislocation:
“ApersonwhocomestoBahrainhastovisitthisplace,goodplacetoshopandspendtime.Thisisaplaceyoucanfindanything.Also,maybeyoufindthisisanabuse,butifsomeonecomesonlyforenjoymenthecaneasilyfindinthisarea.InBabAl-Bahrain,youcandowhateveryoudoandnobodydisturbsyou.Peoplearecomingheretoenjoyandpasstheirtime”.
5.3.3Amwaj-lagoonandBlock-338
5.3.3.1Users’diversity
AmwajIslandispredominantlyagatedcommunitywhereaffluentmigrantsreside(mostly
fromEuropeandNorthAmerica).Thelagoon-sideinAmwajisapublicspaceandisaccessible
toresidentshereaswellasnon-residentswhocomefromdifferentareasanddifferentsocio-
economicbackgrounds.Theuserscometoenjoybeingoutdoorsinafacilitatedspace.In
Amwaj,peopledonotappeartoberestrictedfromenteringthepublicspace.However,the
restaurantsandcoffeeshopsarefrequentedmostlybymiddleclassvisitors.Similarly,Block-
338isanup-marketfoodstreet;however,itislocatedamidstresidentialareasthataremostly
forlow-incomemigrantworkers.Thiscreatesasocialmixofpeopleintheopenspacesin
thesecasestudyareas,peoplefromdifferentclassandincomelevelsandcountryoforigins,as
revealedfromtheobservationsandinterviews.
ThelagoonareaandBlock-338arealsopopulardestinationsamongvisitorsfromneighbouring
GCCcountries.Inaninterviewinthelagoonarea,ayoungSaudiengineerlivinginSaudiArabia
(SA)saidthathedrivestoAmwajIslandatleasttwiceaweek.Heclaimedthatittakeshim
aroundthreehourstogettoAmwajwhichincludedcrossingtheborder.Forhim,Amwajisa
luxuryamenityandarealikethosefoundinDubai.AnotheryoungIndianmotherwhoalso
livesinSAwasinterviewedinAmwaj,sheelaboratedthatshecomestoAmwajwithher
husbandonceortwiceduringtheweekend.Bahrainhasbecometheweekenddestinationfor
manyvisitorsfromtheEasternProvinceofSAafteracausewaywasopenedbetweenBahrain
andSAin1986.Bahrainhasvarietiesofentertainmentandrecreationthatcanmeetdiverse
needs.TherearealsomanyaffluentmigrantswholiveinBahrainwhileworkinginSAandthey
traveldailybetweenthetwocountries.Forthem,lifeinBahrainiscomparabletothe
Europeanwayoflife.Similarly,Halaclaimedthat,“inAmwajresidentsarelivingastheyarein
Europe.TheypracticetheirlifeasiftheyareinEurope”.
146
5.3.3.2Dailytemporality
Both,Block-338andthelagoon-sidehavedistinctrhythmsduringdifferenttimesoftheday.
Theyincluderestaurantsandcafésthatofferachoiceofbothindoorandalfrescodining
facilities.Individuals,couplesandlargeandsmallgroupsofpeopleandfamiliescanbeseenin
theseurbanspaces,socialising,reading,havingbusinessmeetingsorstudyingwhileenjoyinga
mealorcoffeeormerelystrollingaroundandsittingonthepublicbenches.Inaddition,shisha-
cafésattractanumberofusers.Intheseprecincts,lifestartswhenanumberofcafésstart
servingbreakfast;whileinAmwaj-lagoon,therearealsopeoplejoggingorexercisingfrom
earlymorning.Thetranquilenvironmentduringtheearlypartofthedayandthescenicsea
views,ararityinBahrain,werementionedasprimereasonsforwalkingenthusiaststo
frequentthisareaatthistimeoftheday.Bothareasalsohaveaflourishingnightlife
throughouttheweekandgetevenbusierattheweekendsandonpublicholidays.Someof
theseeateriesdonotcloseuntil1:30am,whichalsoattractadifferentcrowdofpeople.
Amwaj-Lagoonalsohasawalkwaytrack,acyclingtrackandrentalservicesforbicyclesand
SegwaysasillustratedbelowinFigures5.17-5.18.Thecollecteddatafromfieldobservation
andinterviewsshowedthatcyclesareavailableforallthevisitors-maleandfemaleof
differentages.ABahrainimotherinherthirtiesresidinginRiffa9interviewedatthelagoon-
sidementionedthatshecomestothisareatowalk,alongwithherhusbandandchildren.She
addedthatthemostattractivefeatureofAmwaj-lagoonistherangeofactivitiesforallages
groups;whilesomepeopleenjoyamealatoneoftheseveralrestaurantshere,thechildren
canhaveapizza,playandridebicyclesorscooters.
945minutesdrivingtimebetweenAmwajandRiffacity.
147
Figures5.17Affordancesofthelagoon-sidewithdiverseactivitiesthatcaterforthedifferentneedsofage-genderintersections.
148
Amwaj-lagoonisnotagardenininterviewees’perceptions;hence,theactivitiesmaydiffer.
Forexample,duringago-alonginterviewinAmwajwithSamar,aBahrainistudentanda
residentofthegatedisland,sheexpressedsomedispleasureatoncehavingseenagroupof
ladieslayingoutapicniconthelandscapedturfinthelagoonarea.Figure5.19(below)shows
thisoccasionwhereagroupofmigrantwomenhadtakenasecludedspottohavetheirpicnic
inafamilyatmosphere.AccordingtoSamar,“ItisthefirsttimeIhaveseenpeopledoingthatin
Amwaj-lagoon,andIdonotthinkit’safittingactivityhere”.
Figures5.18Examplesofpatternsofdiversityanduseatthelagoonarea.
Figure5.19AgroupofPakistaniwomenhavingpicnicatthelagoon-side.
149
Ontheotherhand,duringmyfieldworkinBlock-338,Iobservedtwoclearlydemarcated
zones.Theprecinctwithcarparkspacesandtheroadappearcongestedandnoisywithtraffic
andpeople,whilethemoresecludedinnerareahasasereneambiance.Observationdatain
Figures5.20to5.22(below)showthepatternsofuseinBlock-338,whichdemonstratehow
spatialterritoriesallowforthedifferingrequirementsofBlock-338residentsascomparedto
thetouristsandhigh-endleisureusers.
Figures5.20ThedifferentspatialterritoriesatBlock-338provideaffordancesfordifferentresidentsandtouristsneedsinthearea.
150
FieldobservationandinterviewsrevealedthatthequietzoneislargelyusedbyAsianmigrant
workersandneighbourhoodresidents.Thosewhoresideinthevicinitygenerallydonot
frequenttheplushestablishments;theytypicallyusetheopenspacetogather,meetfriendsor
strollaroundafterwork.Asianmigrantworkers’familiesalsofrequentthiszoneastheir
childrencancyclearoundorplay,whiletheaccompanyingadultscansitonthebenches
placedalongthepavement.AccordingtoamalerespondentfromBangladeshwhomovedto
Bahrain20yearsagoandiscurrentlyunemployed,heenjoyssittinginBlock-338areatosee
different‘interestingpeople’astouristsfromdifferentcountriesandfromBahrainvisitthis
area.Hestatedthatmostofthevisitorscomeherefortherestaurants.Duringtheinterview,
hewassittingoutsideonabenchandsocialisingwithafriend.Healsoemphasisedthatwhen
theweatherispleasantoronholidays,afewresidentssimplysitaroundonthebenchesand
sharethepackedmealstheybringwiththemormeetfriends,whilstafewunemployed
workerscometothisareatosearchforwork.Anotherinterviewee,aFilipinowhomovedto
BahrainanumberofyearsagoandlivesandworksinBlock-338,hadjustfinishedworkand
wasrelaxingoutsidehisapartmentwithafriendwhohadcomefromanotherareaofBahrain
onhisbicycle,tovisithimwhilewaitingforthecallofprayeratthelocalmosque.Anothertwo
Bangladeshimaleworkers,whomovedtoBahrainfouryearsago,saidthattheycamealong
withtheirfriendswholiveandworkindifferentareasinManama.Theycongregateinthe
streetsofBlock-338duringtheirleisurehours,takephotosandthenstrolltoBabAl-Bahrain.
Figures5.21ThestreetcafésinBlock-338.
151
However,someofthevisitorstotherestaurantsalsousethepedestrianisedstreetstowalkor
havealeisurelystroll,whichprovidesaspectsofsimilaritiesinusebetweenusersofdifferent
socio-economiclevels.ABritishcouplelivinginadifferentcityandwhohadmovedtoBahrain
fiveyearsagomentionedthattheyoccasionallydriveheretoeatatoneoftherestaurants.I
observedthemwalkingdownthestreetslowlyandsittingonthestepsoverlookingthe
cobbledstreetswhilethemanhadasmoke.Theystatedthattheyenjoytheareabecauseitis
Figures5.22ThepedestrianisedzoneatBlock-338.
152
quiet,pedestrianisedandtheycanalsostroll,sitoutsideandsmoke.ABahrainiemployee,
whowasalsostrollingoutsidearestaurantwithafriend,whilstsmoking,supportedtheBritish
couple’sviewpoint.HementionedthatBlock-338isperfectforstrollingaround,socialisingor
enjoyingamealwithfriendsatoneoftherestaurants.Onseveralinstancesduringmysite
visitsinBlock-338,groupsofpeoplewerechattingonthestreetswhilstwalkingtotheirparked
carorstandingnexttotheircars.Duringpeakhoursintheeveningsandatweekends,itis
usualtoseepeoplewaitingoutsideforatableatoneoftherestaurants.
AsinAmwajarea,itiscommoninthesespacestoseesomeaffluentormodernactivitiessuch
asusersplayingtheirguitarsorskateboarding,aswasapparentfromtheobservationsand
interviews.Similarly,thecobbledpavementsinBlock-338attractyoungsterswhousethe
traffic-freezonestoskateboard.Theskateboardersgenerallyconfinetheiractivitytothe
quieterzonesintheareaandhencehavegainedsocialacceptanceamongtheusersofthis
Figures5.23Skateboardinganddogwalkinghavebecome popularactivitiesamongbothmigrantsandBahrainisinAmwajandBlock-338aswellasinotherurbanlocalities.
153
openspace.SomewaterfrontactivitiesappearedontheboundariesandseashoreinAmwaj:
sailing,jet-skiingandotherwatersports.Suchactivitiesarenotrestrictedtoresidents,but
largenumbersofvisitorsalsoparticipateinformallythroughoutweekendsandonpublic
holidays.InAmwaj,dogwalkingisapopularactivityamongbothmigrantsandBahrainis,and
isstartingtobecomenoticedinotherurbanlocalities.Suchactivitiesarequiteanoveltyin
Bahrainandtherefore,contributetoanauraofmodernityinthespace.(Figures5.23above)
5.3.4Seasonalpatterninpedestrianisedurbanspaces
Likethegardensandparks,theusersinthepedestrianisedurbanspacesaresharingthe
dynamicseasonalpatternsofuseinacollectivemanner.Conductingtheethnographyin
differentseasonsrevealedthatthesespacesadoptafestiveappearanceinthewintermonths
aspeopleusethespaceforlongerhours,unlikeinsummerwhentheusersmostlyappear
aftersunset.Forexample,itappearssignificantthatthelagoon-sideislargelyawinterspace
andthereisadramaticdropinusernumbersintheoutdoorspacesduringthehotmonths;
thisobservationwasalsosupportedbyinterviewees.Insummer,thevisitorsofAmwaj-lagoon
andBlock-338gatherindoorsattherestaurantsandcafésorsitoutdoorsaroundthecooling
unitsprovided,whileinthecoolermonths,theopenspacesbecomemorevibrantandare
Figure5.24Theinformalfabriccoversofthealleysprovidingshadefortheusersandtheitemsforsell.
154
furnishedwithtablesandchairs.SimilarlyinBabAl-Bahrainarea,theelderlyretiredteacher
statedthatinwinter,hepreferstowalkaroundthesouqduringthedayandhaveteaorchat
withfriendsinoneofthestreets’traditionalcoffeehouses;butinsummer,hehashisteain
themallorotherindoorspacesinthearea.Likewise,anelderlyBahrainigrandmotherinBab
Al-Bahrain,wholivesinanothercitybutfrequentsthearea,statedthatinsummershecomes
toBabAl-BahrainSouqforshoppingintheearlymorningbeforetheheatbecomesexcessive,
andafterquicklyfinishinghershoppingsherelaxesintheair-conditionedatriumandhas
breakfastandfreshjuice.Sheaddedthatinwinterthetimeisnotaconstraintforherandso
shecanlinger.Besidesclimate,fromthefieldwork,itisevidentthatchildren’sschoolandafter
schoolcommitmentsshapepatternsofuse.
Block-338,Amwaj-lagoonandBabAl-Bahrainplayhosttoanumberofculturalandsocial
activitiessuchasexhibitions,open-airmarkets,liveconcerts,festivals,carnivalsandtraditional
streetmarketsthatdisplaylocalwares.Theseeventsaretypicalfeaturesduringtheweekends
inthecoolermonthsandattractcrowdsfromallpartsofBahrainandaremanagedbypublic
orprivatesectors,asrevealedintheobservationsandinterviewsduringsitevisits.InBabAl-
BahrainSouq,theprovisionofamallwithahighwall(fortress)isastrongsegregationdesign
elementforaffluentusers;however,differentweeklyeventsarecreatedintheoutdoor
pedestrianisedavenueandintegratedwiththemallspace,whichattractdifferentsocial
groups.
5.4Informalandincidentalpublicopenspaces
ThissectionexplorestheusesofincidentalspacesinBahrainasrecordedduringthefieldwork
period.Theinterviewsandobservationsprovideanunderstandingofwhypeopleappropriate
specificplacesoverotherplaces.Thereareanumberofarchetypesthatofferatruesenseof
howtheseinformalspacesareusedinBahrain.Figures5.25–5.30showpatternsofusein
informalPOS,whichincludesstreets,sidewalks,parkingareas,vacantlands,traditional
coffeehouses,orspacesinfronthouses,shopsandmosques.
InBahrain,thereisadistinctiveandlivelystreetlife.Thesidewalksinseveralareasareused
forpurposesofleisure,gatheringandsocialisingaswellasforwalkingandexercise(Figures
5.25-5.27below).Thespacesinfrontofthelocalshops(coldstoresormini-supermarkets),
‘karak’(teashops)and‘Khabaz’(traditionalbakeries)arecommonplacesforyoungmalesor
migrantstogatheraswellasforresidentstomeet.Figures5.25showexamplesofhowthese
micro-spaces,predominantlylocatedaroundstores,foodoutletsortakeawaycafeterias,are
155
popularforimpromptuget-togethersamongthepeoplewhofrequenttheseoutlets.
Additionally,vendorssellfruitsandvegetables,fish,popcornoricecreamonsidewalksas
showninFigures5.26.Activitiesofthistypewerechieflyobservedinthedeprived
neighbourhoods,wherethepeoplehaverestrictedmobilityacrossthecityandlimitedoptions
ofotherleisurefacilities.Figures5.27showanexampleofaneighbourhoodinHunainiyahsite.
Manyresidencesinthesepoorerareashaveaporchoranoutdoorextension,whichextends
ontothestreetandservesasapointforgatheringandsocialisingbothforthehomeowners
andotherneighbourhoodresidents.Itiscustomarytofindlocalresidentschattingoveracup
ofteaormigrantworkersmakingconversationabouttheirhomelandorjobopportunities.
ThiswasespeciallyapparentintheHunainiyahcontext.Someresidentsalsousetheincidental
spacesandsideroadstoplaycaroms(tablestone)orcards.Mengatheringinfrontofhouses
arealsocommoninoldMuharraq,whereseniorcitizensarepreservingthisBahraini
traditionalpractice.Thethresholdbetweenbuildingsandthestreetisanimportanttypology
ofplaceforsuccessfulintegrationandbelonging‘frombelow’(Alexanderetal.,2007).
Figures5.25Beingoutdoorsisamundaneculturalpracticeamongstthediversepopulation.
156
Figures5.27Insomedeprivedneighbourhoods,theice-creamvanoracornershopcouldbetheonlyprovidedleisure.
Figures5.26Vendorsandvegetableshops,usuallyoperatedbymigrants,providesocialinteractionpointsinstreets.
157
Figures5.29PlayingfootballorcricketarecommonininformalPOSbyBahrainisandmigrants.
Figures5.28Usingthesidewalk,streetcornersandparkingislandforrestingandgatheringbymigrantworkers.
158
Similarly,parkingareasandvacantlandsinneighbourhoodsarealsousedforsocialgatherings
andinformalmeetings,particularlybymigrantsandteenagersandbychildrenforplaying
(Figures5.28–5.29onpage157)Vacantlandsandsidewalksarealsousedasparkingspots,
whichgenerallydeterpeoplefromusingthemforrecreation.Streets,parkinglotsandvacant
plotsinaneighbourhoodareoftenusedforinformalleisureactivitiesmainlybymen,young
childrenandyouths.AdultIndiansandPakistanisalsosometimescometoplaysportssuchas
footballorcricket.Thesestreetsandparkinglotsarealsofavouredbyyoungchildrenforriding
bicycles.Insomepubliccarparksandonsomeroads,Arabmaleyouths-includingBahrainis-
participateinactivitiessuchaslingeringaroundtheircarsormotorbicyclesandchatting,
doinggroupriding,exhibitingcarsandmotorbicycles,cardriftingorwashingandpolishing
theircars.
InbothMuharraqandBabAl-Bahrain,the‘gahawai’(coffeehouses)aresignificantspaces
duringthedailyroutineasshowninFigures5.30.Thesespacesholdadistinctiveappealto
gatherfor‘Gahwa’(coffee)orchai(tea)andhavealwaysbeenaprevalentfeatureinArab
cultures.The‘gahawi’arecurrentlyusedmostlybymen,bothArabandnon-Arab,and
primarilybytheolderBahrainimen,reflectingatraditionthatwasfashionableintheir
generation.Recently,AsianwomenworkersfromthePhilippinesandIndiahavealsobeen
seenusingsomeofthesecoffeehouses.Bahrainifamiliesfrommiddle-incomegroupswere
alsoseeninsomeoftherenovated‘gahawi’inthecasestudies.AyoungBahrainimotherand
employer,livinginadifferentcityandinterviewedina‘gahwa’inBabAl-Bahrain,mentioned
thatsheregularlycomesattheweekendtohavebreakfastinoneoftheserenovated‘gahawi’
Figures5.30‘Gahawi’ortraditionalcoffeehousesinstreetsareheritageurbanspacesandprovidesocialinteractionpointswithinthediversepopulation.
159
withherhusbandandtwoyoungdaughtersastheyvaluethetraditionalatmosphereofBab
Al-BahrainSouqdespitetherenovation.These‘gahawi’arescatteredonthesidesoftheroads
andthebenchesandchairsoutsidethecoffeehousesarealsoplacesforoptionaluses(Gehl,
2011),e.g.forwearyorhungryvisitorstositforawhile,restorwaitfortheirtransportand
alsocreateinstancesfordirectinteractionbetweenthe‘gahwa’usersandpassers-by.Inthese
spaces,theseatingarrangementsusuallyspillontothestreetsandprovidevisiblepointsfor
peopletosocialise.
Walkingforexerciseisaneverydaypracticeandisthepredominantactivityintheurbanareas
inBahrainasappearedfromconductingethnographicmethods.Althoughtheactivityof
walkingforexercisehasalreadybeenaddressedearlierinSection5.2informalgreenspaces,it
isalsorelevanttounderstandthisactivityinthecontextofincidentalspaces.Theroadsand
pavementsinBahrainarenotparticularlyconduciveforwalkingorrunning.Recently,a
numberofwalkwaysandpathsinformalPOShavebeenconstructedforthesafetyand
convenienceofwalkersandjoggers.However,therearestillresidentswhopreferwalkingor
joggingonthestreetsorpavementsintheirimmediatevicinity.Oneofthemainreasonsfor
doingthisactivityontheroadsistoavoidthecrowdsinthegardensandparks.Another
rationaleistosavedrivingtime,sincemanypeopleneedtodrivetoreachthenearest
providedwalkwaytrack.However,thewalkersandrunnersavoidbusystreetsandjunctions
andinsteadchooseroadsofappropriatedistances,withsidewalks.Someissuesputforwardby
theusersofthesespacesrelatetothefactthatsomepedestriansidewalksarenotpavedor
aretoonarrow,whichledtosafetyconcerns.Accordingly,walkersandjoggersinthese
contextspreferthemainroadstotheneighbourhoodstreetsbecausemanystreetsinsidethe
neighbourhoodsarewithoutpedestrianpathsorthesespacesareoccupiedbyresidentsfor
parkingtheircars.
Asmanyoftheincidentalspaceshavebecomeinconvenientorlessaccessibleforfamilies’
leisurepracticesandsociability,theincreasingnumberofparksandgardenshasappearedas
analternative.Forexample,theJordaniangrandfathersaid,“Beforeweweregoingtothe
desert,butwiththeurbandevelopmentwearegoingtothegardensmoreasthecountryis
providingthem”,hencetheparksandgardenshavereplacedthedesertleisurepractices.
160
5.5Religiousobservances
Althoughpeoplemayfeelmorecomfortableandintegratedinspacessharedwithsimilar
religiousgroups,segregationbyreligionwasnotobservedinmyfieldwork.Spacesmaybe
sociallydefined,suchasmosque,templeorchurch;however,thesedifferentinstitutionsare
seenincloseproximityontheroads(Figure5.31).ItisafamiliarsightinBahraintoseepeople
congregateinthecarparkofareligiousbuildingoronthestreetandopenspacesadjoininga
busymosque,mattam,temple,orchurchafterworship.Thesespacesalsoattractvendorswho
sellfruit,vegetablesandotherwarestotheprayer-goersandprovidepointsforencounters.
SinceIslamisthesharedreligionamongstthemajorityofpopulationinBahrain,ithasa
distinctiveeffectonthepatternsofuse.
5.5.1Prayertimes
PrayertimesdirectlyshapethetemporalityofMuslims’dailylifepattern.Thefieldworkshows
howtheprayertimeaddsacommunalpatternofuse.Forexample,observationsindicatethat
severalMuslimusersofKhalifaGardenenterthespacedirectlyafterprayersattheadjoining
mosque10.AnIndianaccountantdiscussedhowhecomestoKhalifaGardenimmediatelyafter
10AtDhuhr(midday)-prayertimetheGardenisclosed,althoughinwinterwhentheweatherallowsbeingoutsideatmidday.
Figure5.31Theproximityofreligiousinstitutions.
161
‘Maghreb’(earlyevening)prayereverydayandwalksuntil‘Isha’(lateevening)prayer,thereby
doinghisexercisetimebetweenthesetwoprayers.Similarly,aphysicianmother,asecond
generationwithPalestinianroots,statedthatherfatherwalksinKhalifaGardeneveryday
after‘Fajer’(dawn)prayer,evenin‘Ramadan’(fastingmonth).OnFridaysinwintermonths,
thefieldworkalsoshowsthatfamiliesstartgatheringandhavingpicnicforlunchafter
‘Jema’ah’(Fridaymidday)prayer11.
Anymosquenexttoaparkorgardenalsohasasocialroleforbothmenandwomen.InKhalifa
Garden,manyregularworshippersvisitthegardenordotheireverydaywalkingaftertheir
prayersinthemosque.ThefieldworkinKhalifaGardenshowsthattheadjacentmosqueisnot
onlyusedjustbyresidentsinsurroundingneighbourhoodsbutalsobytheusersinthegarden
whocomefromothercities.Rashidexplained:
“Themosquenexttothegardenhasasocialrole,manyworshipperspraytheFajer(dawn)andgotothepark,andsimilarlymanypeoplefromthegardencometothemosque,andintheweekendthemosquehasmanypeoplewhoarenotfromtheneighbourhood;theycometothemosquefromthegarden”.
5.5.2ThetemporalityofRamadanMonth
IntheIslamiccountries,theHolyMonthofRamadan(fastingmonth)issignificantlydifferent
toothertimesoftheyear,whichshapestheactivitiesinthecities.InBahrain,thestartand
endofthefastingperiodisannouncedwiththetraditionalfiringoftheRamadancannon.At
thetimeandplacewherethecannonsarefired,manypeoplegatherwiththeirfamilyand
childrentoenjoythemoment,e.g.inFigure5.32a(below)acannonissetoverlookingthe
Hunainiyahvalley.However,oncethecannonsignalsthefastbreakingtime,thereisalullin
activitiesaroundthecountryandthestreetsandneighbourhoodsarevirtuallydeserted.
Justbefore‘Iftar’(breakingthefast),theroadsgetbusywithpeoplerushingtoeithermosques
orhomestobreaktheirfast.After‘Iftar’andthelateeveningprayers12,peoplegatherin
marquees,tents,‘majles’13orcoffeeshopstosocialise.Itiscommontovisitextendedfamilies
andclosefriends,andthestreetsarebusywithpeopleoutshoppingormeetingfamiliesand
11KhalifaGardenisclosedaslunchtime.Thegatesareopenfrom4:00amto8:00amandthenclosedtobereopenedfrom4:00pmto10:00amor12midnight.12Themosqueshaveadditionalnightprayers.13Sittingandgatheringroomorhallinthehouse
162
friends.Tantalisingaromasoftraditionalfoodwaftdownthestreetsandtherestaurantsand
coffeeshopsareopenforbusiness,someuntildawn,asduringthedayMuslimsfast.
Themosquesserve‘Iftar’mealsforneedyfamiliesandpeople;itismostlymigrantworkers
whofrequentthese‘Iftar’meals.Thisactivityusuallyhappensintheopenspacesnexttothe
mosquesorinmarquees.SucheventsarealsoheldbysomecharityorganisationsintheBab
Al-Bahrain’spedestrianisedavenue(Figure5.32b).
Parksalsogetbusyduringthenight.SomeMuslimmigrantshavetheir‘Iftar’and‘Sehor’(a
latemeal)inthegardens;suchanactivitybeingmorepredominantinAndalusandSalmaniya
gardensbynon-Arabmigrants.Usersfromdifferentreligionsalsofrequentthegardensand
Figures5.32RamadancannonovertheridgeofHunainiyah(a).ArrangingPublicIftarinBabAl-Bahrainusuallyattractsmigrantworkers
(Alwasatnews,2015)(b).
a
b
163
parksasatothertimesoftheyear,buttheyrefrainfromeating,drinkingorsmokingduring
thedayaseatingisbannedinpublicspacesduringfastingtimes.Migrantsarealsomore
visibleastheworkinghoursareshorterinRamadan.Anumberofpeoplecontinuetheir
habitualexerciseschedule,walkingorjoggingatdawn,afternoonornight.Itiscustomaryto
seeanumberofpeople,walkingorrunningintheparksortheroadsjustbeforebreakingthe
fast.
InRamadan,thereareanumberofBahrainifolkeventsthattakeplaceinoutdoorspacesthat
Iencounteredduringthefieldwork.ThesefolkeventsareknowntobepartofBahraini
heritage,butarenotreligiousevents.‘Qerqa’on’night,celebratedinthemiddleoftheHoly
Month,isaneventexclusivelycelebratedinBahrainandisnolongerculturallysignificantin
otherGCCcountries.Childrenweartraditionaloutfitsandgofromhousetohousesinging
traditionalversesandplayingthetambourineordrum.Sweetsandnutsaredistributedto
thesegroups.The‘Fresa’(ahorsemodel)isalsotakenoutinsmallprocessionsindifferent
neighbourhoodsatthistime.Anotherpracticeis‘Wedaeia’(farewellnight),whichfallsatthe
endoftheHolyMonth,wheregroupsofmenchantsongsandwalkintheneighbourhood.
Thesefolkeventsarealsosharedbyfamiliesfromdifferentorigins.
5.5.3ThetemporalityofEiddays
DuringtheEiddays,thetrendisforfamiliestovisittheirrelativesandgatherintheirhouses.It
isalsoatraditionalpracticeforthechildrentowalkaroundtheneighbourhoods,goto
differenthousestoseekblessingsandtocollect‘Eidia’(money).Theparksandgardensspaces
arealsousedforleisureactivities,andarespecificallyimportantformigrantswhodonothave
relativesinBahrain.Inthenightthatprecedes‘EidAl-Adhha’orFeastoftheSacrifice,thereis
alsoaBahrainifolkcelebrationcalled‘HeiaBeya’fortheyoungchildren.Thiscelebrationtakes
placeinPOSatseashoresandinHunainiyah(Figures5.33below).Childrenjoinfriends,
neighboursandfamilytosacrificetheirbelovedplant,whichtheyhavecarefullygrownina
basketinthedaysprecedingtheevent,bythrowingitintotheseaorintothevalley.
Observationsrevealedthattheseactivitiesarealsosharedbyfamiliesfromdifferentorigins.
164
5.5.4Muharram
InMuharrammonth14,theuseofincidentalspacesinparticularreflectsreligiousactivitiesand
incertainareasinBahrain,worshipperscongregateinverylargenumbersonthestreets.In
BabAl-Bahrain,inthedaysbeforetheMuharaam,Iobservedthepreparationsforthese
events,whichdramaticallychangedthespace.ThespacebecomescrowdedwithBahraini
womenandfamilieswhocometopreparefoodinmattamsandgoshoppingforblackclothes
andgreenflagsandaccessories.Duringthesitevisits,vanswithfoodandgoodswereseen
14MuharramisthefirstmonthinthelunarIslamiccalendarandisnotfixedcomparedtoGeorgiancalendarmonths.ParticularreligiouspracticesareconductedbyShiaMuslimsinsomePOSinBahrainduringthismonth.
Figures5.33Atraditionaleventinthenightthatprecedes‘EidAl-Adhha’inHunainiyah.
165
deliveringforthemattamsaspartofthepreparationprocedure.ThefacadeinBabAl-Bahrain
isalsocompletelytransformed.Figures5.34showhowtextilebannerscoverthewallsofthe
alleysandarealsohungoverthecanopies.Inthedaysandnightsofrelevantevents,thepolice
aredispersedintotheareatoensuresafety.Themattamsprovidepermanentandtemporary
shadeandoutdoorseatingareas,whichalsopromoteeverydaysociability.Thecongested
spacesarenotconvenientforbigcrowds;however,thespacehassignificantlyimportant
mattamsthatattractlargecrowdsduringtheseevents.ResidentsinBahrainarefamiliarwith
suchlargereligiousgatheringsinMuharramandsotheychangetheirtimeanddurationofuse
ofBabAl-Bahrainaccordingly.
5.6Politicaluprisinginthefield
TherecenteventsinBahrainstemmingfromtheArabSpringaffectedtheuseofsomeurban
outdoorspaces,butdidnotprevailorappearsignificantinthecollecteddata.Most
intervieweesdidnottalkaboutconflictsinthisrespect,exceptforsomeintervieweeswho
elucidatedthattheyavoidedplaceswheredisorderoccurred.Forexample,duringawalking
interviewwithIrfaninBabAl-BahrainonaFridaynight,Iobservedalargepresenceofriot
policemen,Irfansaid,“Shopscloseearlynow,afterfightingandproblemsonthestreets[…]
usuallywestayhere3-4hoursbutifthereisafightoraprobleminthearea,weleavesoon”.
Duringthefieldwork,therewerenoobviouspoliticalobservances,exceptthedelaysonthe
Figures5.34TheurbantemporalityofMuharram.
166
roadifthereweresomeprotests.Theseaffectedthefieldworkononlyafewdays.Thedelays
causedduetoroadsbeingblockedwasalsomentionedbysomeintervieweesasdifficulties
thathamperedtheirmovements.
5.7MovementBarriers
InBahrain,acarisanecessityformany,andthedesignoftheurbanenvironmentreflectsthe
prioritygiventoroadtransport.
“RememberhowshockedyouwerewhenyouarrivedinBahrainanddiscovereditwasconsiderednormaltohopinacarsimplytocrossaroad?[…]Anddoyourememberhowquicklyyougotusedtodrivingeverywhere,notevenconsideringwhetheritwaspossibletowalkfromAtoB?”(TimeoutBahrain,2011)
However,notallpeoplehaveacarordrive,particularlymigrantworkers,lessaffluentfamilies,
elderlyandyoungpeopleandsomewomen15whodependonthemalefamilymembersto
drivethemaround.Inthego-alonginterviewinHunainiyahonamid-weekmorning,Nazir,a
BalochifatherwhomovedtoBahrain10yearsago,expressedhisconcernsregardingcar
availabilityandlongworkinghoursthataffectedhisfamily’saccessibilitytoPOS.Hesaid:
“I‘vebeenworking12hoursshiftandIdidn’tsleepyet.IjustcamefromworkbutIhavetotakethekidsout[…]NearwhereI’mstaying;thereisnospacetoplayorsitoutdoors.[…]Mychildrenwaitformyday-offtotakethemoutside”.
Workinghoursalsoshapedthepatternofusesofaffluentusers.ForexampleinAmwaj,a
BulgarianintervieweeinAmwaj-lagoonstatedthatinspiteofthefacthelivesonAmwajIsland
anditonlytakesafewminutestoreachthelagoon-side,hedoesnothavetimetovisitas
oftenashewouldlike.Heoccasionallymeetsafriendforcoffee.Atthetimeoftheinterview,
hementionedhewasrecuperatingfromsurgeryandhencehadsometimetoenjoywalkingat
thelagoon-side.However,hisfourteen-year-oldsonrideshisbicycletotheareaandspends
timewithfriends.SamaralsostatedduringthewalkinginterviewinAmwaj:
“Peopleherearebusyastheymostlyworkinhighpositionsandtimeisveryimportantforthem;theydon’thavemuchtimetogooutwithfriends.Also,alargenumberofresidentsareGCCnationalswhobuypropertyhereasasecondhome”.
15InBahrain,womenareallowedtodriveanditiscommontoseeBahrainiwomenorwomenfromdifferentmigrantbackgroundsdriving.Fordifferentreasons,intersectedwithclass,culture,incomeorage,somewomenchoosenottodrive.
167
Anotherbarrierincitiesorneighbourhoodsistheinconvenienceofwalking.Forexample,
duringtheprayertimes,itiscommontoseetheelderlywalkingtothemosqueandcrossing
theroadsinanunsafeandinconvenientsituation.Oneofthemaindifficultiesthroughoutmy
fieldworkwasthepracticalchallengeofwalkingthroughdifferentneighbourhoodseitherin
thego-alonginterviewsorduringthesitevisits.Manyroadshavenosidewalk;thereare
limitedpedestrianbridgesandlimitedpedestriantraffic.Mostoftheavailablepedestrian
sidewalksareunpavedandnarrowandseveralareusedforparkingduetoinsufficientparking
spaces.
Lackofparkingareaswasanotherbarrierforaccessingsomeplaces.Thisissueappearedacute
incongestedcontexts,especiallyinBabAl-Bahrainareaandwasmentionedbymany
participants,whoavoidtheareabecauseofthis.InsomeneighbourhoodsinBahrain,eventhe
mosqueshavenoparkingspaces,andcarsoftenblockthestreetsduringprayertimes.
Walkingfromplacetoplacecanalsobeinterpretedasalowstatusactivity,whichcouldbe
linkedtothepoorphysicalqualityofthepavementsinstreets.Someparticipantssuggested
thatwalkingconveystheimpressionofbeingasecond-classresidentormigrantworker(as
narratedbyHala,Faiza,BadraandSamarinthego-alonginterviewsandsupportedbytheon-
siteinterviews).Badrasaid:
“Ifyoudon’thaveacar,inBahrain,itisaproblem.IthappensthatIneedtotakemydaughterfromschool,ifsheishavinganactivityafterschool.Then,Ihavetowalktotakeher.Ifeelembarrassedtowalkandcrosstheroad.IknowBahrainihabitsaredifferentfromSyrians’;Iknowtheydon’twalkorcrosstheroads.ButwhatIcando?Ihavetobringmydaughterfromschool.Ican’tallowhertocomealone”.
Halaalsosaid:
“Allthepeoplelookatyouifyouarewalking.Idon’tlikethisfeelingthatI’mdoingsomethingweird.But,ifIwalkinAmwajnobodylooksatyou.Itisverynormal,peopleareusedtowalking.AndthesamethinginBabAl-Bahrain,itisalsonormaltowalk”.
HalafoundthatwalkinginAmwajisacommonpracticeasforeignersoftenwalkintheir
neighbourhood,whilesheexpressedfeelingalienatedifshewalkedwhereshelives.
168
Currently,thepublictransitsystemiscommonlyusedbylow-incomegroups.InApril2016,
afterthefieldwork,anewpublictransitsystemwithbetterbusesandincreasingnumberof
routeswasintroduced.Theideaofusingthetransitsystemisstillnewtothepublicand
thereforeitcannotbeevaluatedforitsefficacy.However,duringthefieldwork,interviewees
includingaffluentusersmentionedtheneedforpropertransitroutes.Havingclearbusroutes,
convenientandshadedbusstopsprovidedwithbenchesmayalsohaveapositiveeffecton
integrationandsocialising.Encouragingpeopletousepublictransportisalsolinkedto
walkabilityandhasthepotentialtoanimatepedestrianroutesasinterconnectedwithtransit
points.
5.8Multi-sensorypleasuresofsocialisingoutdoors
Inthecollecteddata,theusers’pleasureatbeingoutdoorsinnatureappearedstrongnotonly
ingreenspacesbutalsoacrossthethreebroadtypologies(parksandgardens,pedestrianised
streetsandinformalspaces)andprovideduserswithmulti-sensoryexperiences.Different
patternsofuseexposeuserstodiversesensoryexperiencestogetherwiththe‘leisure-
pleasure’ofbeingoutdoors.Pink(2008)highlightsthatdifferentactivitiesinoutdoorspaces
wouldcreate‘sensorysociality’experiences.Thesensoryexperiencesofseeingandbeing
amongstothersinPOSalsointertwinewithnaturalsensoryqualities.Thisismentionedby
AmandaWisewhensheconsiders‘beingarounddifference’assensoryqualitiesthatemerged
inaqualitativeresearchaboutencounter(Neal,2015).Inthego-alonginterviewwithRashidin
KhalifaGarden,heemphasisedthevalueofsittingoutdoorstoenjoythedifferentsensory
experienceswithotherseitherinagardenorinastreetcafé,“Peoplewanttohavenice
outdoorsittingareaswithscenicviewandgoodweatherwheretheycangatherandsee
Figures5.35Atthebusstop,migrantworkersarevisible.
169
others.”Inthisquote,encounteringpeopleappearsaspartofthesensoryexperiences.This
addsasocialdimensiontoarestorativespace(Thwaitesetal.,2011).Similarly,thesoundfrom
thesportfieldsinparksandgardensduringthedayandnightconveyedacordialandsafe
atmospherefrombeinginsharedspaces.Usersenjoysharingaspaceandtheiractivities,
whichfacilitatepositivefeelingsandtherebycreate‘mixedandminglingpopulations’notonly
inparksandgreenspacesasexploredbyNealetal.(2015,470)butalsoinotherurban
contexts.
Differentspaceshavedifferentsensoryqualitieswithdifferentperceptions.Therangeofthe
casestudiesintheresearchshowsthevarietiesofnaturalsensoryexperiencesrelevanttothe
vegetation,deserttopographyorsea.Thepresenceofvegetationinpublicspaceishighly
valuedbymany,bothBahrainisandmigrants.Thoughintervieweespreferredextendedgreen
views;anysmallpieceoflawn16canbevaluedandused,especiallybymigrantsasplantsand
greenspacesprovoketheirhome-countrymemories(thiswillbeexploredinChapterSix).
Additionally,theintervieweessaidthattheypreferredusingthegrassypicnicpodsbecauseit
iscooler,freeandcomfortablesothattheycanliedownorstrollwithoutslippersonthegrass,16ForexampleinAradBayPark,oncrowdeddays,Iobservedsomefamilieshavingapicnicinthesmallgreenislandintheparkingareaorontheroadside.
Figure5.36Bahrainiculturehasastrongrelationshipwithpalmtrees,whicharealsovaluedbymigrants.
170
whichenrichestheirsensoryexperiences.Thepeoplealsotalkedabouttrees,especiallypalm
trees(Figure5.36onpage169),e.g.LeenandherfriendAdam,aMalaysianchefonboarda
liner,saidthat,“ItissomethinguniqueaboutBahrain;wedon’thavepalmsinourcountry”.
ThedeserthasalwaysbeenconsideredanelegantnaturalelementamongArabs.Inago-along
interviewinHunainiyah(thedesert-edgelocation),Rahman,a22-year-oldBahrainistudent,
explained:“Theviewmightnotbeniceforsome.Butitisdesertnaturalviewforthosewholike
thedesert”.Thisareaprovidesquietnessandextendedviewsawayfromthehustleandbustle
ofcongestedurbanspaces.Rahmanexplainedthatsomeusers–groupsorindividuals-seek
thistopographicallocationinthevastnessofthedesertforserenityandtranquillity.He
claimedusersinthisspotrespectothers’motivationforquietnessandprivacy,asharedvalue:
“theyeventurnofftheircarlights.”Similarly,inanotherinterviewinHunainiyahPark,two
fathersofAraborigin,whowereraisedoutsidethecountrybuthavelivedinBahrainfor
decades,foundthatbecausetheareaofHunainiyahissurroundedbythedesert,openfromall
directionsand“notblockedbybuildings”ithas“nicecleanairandisnotpolluted”.Thedesert
characterinHunainiyah’scontextalsooffersdesertactivitiessuchasdrivingthroughsand.
(Figures5.37-5.38below)
Figure5.37TherenownedvalleydesertviewfromtheridgeinHunainiyahsite.Thispicturewastakenfromtheridgenexttoaneighbourhoodinthissite.HunainiyahPark
islocatedinthisvalley.
171
Bahrainisanisland-countryandlikemostislanderstheresidentshereshareadeepbonding
withthesea,however,anaturalseaedgeandviewisrareinthisurbanisedcontext.Hala
drives45minutesseveraltimesaweekinthemorningtoAmwajtowalkalongtheseaedge.
Similarly,inashortinterviewinAradBayPark,anelderlyCzechgrandmotherandhousewife
whohaslivedinBahrainfor30yearsmentionedthatshedrives45minuteseverymorning
fromherhouseinSaartopickupherGreekandCypriotfriendsfromJuffairandthencometo
Figures5.38ThetopographyoftheridgeinHunainiyahcreatesasubstantiveinformalsettingfortheresidentsintheareaandvisitors(a).Socialsetting
andrespectingprivacyontheridge(b).
a
b
172
AradBayPark,wheresheandherfriendsjogalongtheseafrontforthefreshairduringthe
lesscrowdedtimes.Thisisadailyritualforthemduringthewintermornings.Thefeelingof
beingcomfortableandrelaxedinthefreshairincloseproximitytotheseaappearsasashared
value.
WhiletheclimateinBahrainisoftenperceivedasaconstraintforoutdoorleisureactivities,
oneofthemoststrikingthemesthatemergedwasthepleasureofbeingoutdoorsingood
weatherasanaturalsensoryexperience.InBahrain,wintermonthsareusuallyperceivedas
‘goodweather’.However,peopleusuallyhavedifferentperceptionsaboutweather,which
shapetheirtemporaloutdoorleisurepatternofuseasexplainedpreviouslyinthischapter.
NazirinHunainiyahParksaid,“Ifit’scloudy,mywifesaysitisgoodweather,youhavetotake
usoutsideandnotstayathome”.ThephysicianmotherinKhalifaGardensaidthatinsummer
shedoesherwalkingintheGardenonlyduringthenightsoffullmoonbecauseitisbreezy.
Manyintervieweesexpressedhowsensoryexperienceswhenincontactwithnaturehave
restorativebenefits(GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).Intheparksandgardens,theparticipants
highlighttherestorativevaluesinsomespecificlandscapeelementssuchasthewaterfountain
andflowersandalsowildlifesuchasbirdsandfish.TheSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden,Nazir
inHunainiyahParkandMaysa,aSyrianmotherinArad,narratedthebenefitsofgettingaway
fromhomeandindoorspacesandfeelingrelaxedandcomfortablewhilebeingaroundnature.
DuringoneofthesitevisitsinthemorningtoAradBayPark,Isawnursesfromamental
hospitalwiththeirpatientssittingonthebenchesfacingthefountainintheplaza.Smellinthe
outdoorspacesalsohasrestorativevaluesandappearedveryrelevanttothemigrantsinthe
fieldwork,especiallyinthepedestrianisedcasestudies.ForFaizaandmanyothermigrant
communitiesinBabAl-Bahrain,thearomaoffoodsbeingcookedintheIndianrestaurantsand
theincenseburningfromthetemplesprovoketheirmemoriesandbringmeaningfulnostalgia.
Thesensoryexperiencesofbeingarounddifferentpeopleorspendingtimeoutdoorswith
friendsandfamiliesalsohaverestorativevalues.Escapeorgetawayinthecollecteddatadid
notalwaysmeangettingawayfromacrowd.Usersgotoplaceswitha‘goodcrowd’tosee
people.Formanyusersthegoodplaceistheonethatoffersunforgettableexperiencesof
gatheringoutdoors,meetingothers,orevenbeing‘alonetogether’(BynonandRishbeth,
2015).Peoplehavedifferentperceptionstowardsseeingfamiliarordifferentculturalgroups,
whichallinfluencerestorativevalues.Thiswillbeexploredfurtherinthenextchapter.
173
5.9Conclusion
Thefieldworkshowedthattherearedifferentspatialpatternsofuseinpublicopenspaces,
andthatthetemporalityoftheseactivitiesreflectspersonal,communalandseasonalrhythms.
Bahrainhasahighlyethnicallydiversepopulation,andthisdiversityisreflectedintheopen
spaces.Themundanepracticeofbeingoutdoorsforleisurecanbeinterpretedasbotha
culturalpracticeandasasupportforpersonalwellbeinginahighlyurbanisedcontext.Hence,
barrierstobeingoutdoorsneedtobeconsidered.
IninvestigatingpatternsofuseinPOS,migrantexperiencesacrossbordersanddifferent
heritagepracticesthatflowwithmigrants(Hou,2013)havepredominatedinthefindings.
Lingeringandbeingoutdoorswithpatternsofsociabilityandextensivegatheringappearedas
leisureculturalpracticesinthefindings.Leisureactivitiesarecontextdependent(Byrneand
Wolch,2009)andthecollecteddatashowedthatinBahrainformalparksandgardensarenot
theonlyoutdoorleisurespaces,soarethepedestrianisedstreetsandinformalPOSwhere
necessaryandleisurepracticesintertwine.Forexample,BabAl-Bahrainsquareandsouq,the
traditionalcoffeehouses,andopenspacesinfrontofhousesandshopsallshowevidenceof
gathering,socialisingandspendingleisuretimeoutdoorsamongstothers.Supportingthe
necessaryactivitiesinPOSwithoptionalactivitiessuchasofferingoptionstositandlinger
(Gehl,2011;BynonandRishbeth,2015)provideschoicesforcontinuinghomeleisurepractices
inanewplace,whichinturnsupportstheprocessofadaptationandformsoftranscultural
practicesincontemporaryBahrain(NoussiaandLyons,2009;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Hou
2013).Thefindingsalsoshowhowdifferentleisurepracticesareshiftingspatiallyand
temporallybetweendayandnightindifferentseasons.Theseseasonaldynamicsgenerate
collectiveexperiencesamongdiverseuserswithdifferentactivitiesandmotivation.
WithvarietiesofformalandinformalPOSintheselectedcasestudyareas,thefindingsshow
thattheuseofPOS,eithergreenspaces,seaordesertedgesorsouqandstreet,would
promoterestorationandsocialandmentalwellbeing.Thisreflectsindividuals’diverse
perceptionsandextendsthestudiesonPOSandstressrestoration(Kaplan,1995)toinclude
desertandurbanspacesinhotclimatecontextswithaffordancestouseoutdoorsspacesand
socialise.Inthefindings,thesensoryqualitiesofnaturalscenery,cleanandfreshair,and
birdsongaresignificantrestorativeelements(Kaplan,1995;GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).
Likewise,socialsensoryqualities(Neal,2015)ofbeingdifferentorinfamiliarculturalgroups
couldpromotefeelingsofintegration,convivialityandegalitarianismwhensharingspaceswith
174
others(asmentionedbyFaiza,theSyriansistersandMaysa).Migrantscouldfeelwelcomein
POSwheretheycancontinuetheirleisurepracticesthatreflecttheiridentities,which
promotesasenseofbelonging.Beingoutdoorsalsoevokesmigrant’smemoriesofmulti-
sensoryexperiencesofhomecountries,whichinturncontributetothewellbeingofmigrants.
Accordingly,theresearchsupportsthatthequalityofpermeabilityinPOShasaprimerolein
developingasenseofbelongingandsupportingmigrantstoadapt(PowellandRishbeth,
2012).Theselectedmethodshelptounderstandthequalitiesthatsupporttheabilityto
engageinoutdooractivities.Followinganethnographicapproachofspendingtimeon-siteand
repeatedvisitsallowedmetocaptureevidenceofthevisibilityofdifferentpracticesand
affordancesofbeingoutdoors.Supportingtheaffordanceforbeingoutdoorsandfacilitating
repeateduse,lingering,extendedgathering,indulgingandexploringoutdoorspacessupport
adaptationandalsoenlightenuserswithvaluesandsensoryexperiences(RishbethandFinney,
2006).
Inthefindings,culturalpracticesarenotonlyshapedbyreligionororiginbutalsobyother
culturaldifferencessuchaseducation,lengthofresidence,socio-economiclevel,mobility,
workinghours,andfamilycommitmentsandbyaffordancesoftheplacewithsocio-spatial-
temporaldimensionsandsensoryqualities(ByrneandWolch,2009;PowellandRishbeth,
2012).ThesedifferencesandaffordancescouldalsobebarriersforusingPOSandaffectsocial
wellbeingandjustice.Physicalandsocialbarrierscouldalsobestrugglesforadaptationand
transculturalpractices(Hou,2013).Toenactsocialinclusivity,justice(LowandIveson,2016)
andwellbeingandtosupportadaptation,senseofbelongingandtransculturalpractices(Hou,
2013;Rishbeth,2014),theoriesandpracticesonPOSneedtorecognisesocialandcultural
differencesanddynamicsandsupportaffordancesofdifferentplacesfordifferentcultural
practices.Thefindingsshowthatformalgreenspacescouldbesitesforadaptationand
similarlyinformalPOScouldsupportdiverseculturalpracticesandpatternsofsociability.
Hence,thelocationaldisadvantagesinurbancontextsandpoorlyfacilitatedopenspaces
shouldnotbeignored.Itshouldbenotedthatvisibilityofdiversityandbeingamongst
differencesmaynotalwaysbepositive.Themesofmemory,convivialityandresponsibilities
emergedintheanalysis,butthesemaynotbeasamenableastheseresultssuggestandpoints
offrictioncouldalsoappear.Thesethemeswillbeexploredinthechapterthatfollows.
175
ChapterSix:VisibilityofCulturalDifferenceandAffordancesforConviviality
6.1Introduction
Thischapterpresentsdataonthesecondaimoftheresearchofhowconvivialityissupported
oraggravatedinurbanpublicspaceswithinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.
Thedatafromthepreviouschapteriselaboratedheretoexplorehoweverydayactivities
supportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractioninformalandinformalspacesandhowconviviality
isshapedwithregardtoculturalandethnicdifferences.Thisdataresultedfromthemain
fieldworkactivitiesthatwerescheduledbetweenJuly2014andJanuary2015intheformof
interviewtranscripts,photographsandfieldnotes.Thego-alonginterviewsenrichthedata
withstoriesaboutpeople’srelationsanddetailsofsocio-spatialassociationinpublicopen
spaces(POS).Walkinginterviewsalongwiththestorytellingapproachexplorednuancesofthe
meaningsfromtheparticipants’perspective(ValentineandSadgrove,2012).On-site
interviewswereasignificantmethodinsupportingtheethnographicpracticestoexplorethe
meaningsofencountersthathappenedduringtheinterview.
Thischapterisdividedinto10sections.Thenextsectionillustrateshowaspectsof
geographical,historicalandculturaldimensionsintheresearchcontextsupportconviviality.
ThechapterthendemonstrateshowPOScanshapetransculturalbelongingandsupport
transculturalbondingamongmigrantgroups.However,withthevisibilityofdifferentsocial
positionsinasuperdiversecontext,differencesmaynotalwaysbeacknowledgedand
convivialityisnotalwaysstraightforwardaswillbeexplainedinsection6.5.Somethemes
appeartoshapeamoralcode,namelycleanlinessandparentingpractices,andtheseare
discussedinmoredetailinsection6.6.Finally,beforeconcludingthischapter,theresearch
analysestheaffordancesofmundaneanddesignatedPOSforsociabilityandmeaningful
encountersandaspectsofpositivenegotiationaselucidatedinsections6.7,6.8and6.9.
Insummary,thischapterhighlightsthefollowingfindings:
1. Sociability,visibilityofdiversityandthecordialatmosphereinsharedspacesarehighly
valuedbyusers.
176
2. Asenseoflocalbelongingandbeingwelcomedisrevealedintheparticipants’stories,
demonstratinghowinparticularplaces,participantsfeltlikeaninsiderand‘athome’.
Oftentheseemotionsreflectmigrants’identities,pastmemoriesandthehistoryof
places.
3. Parentingandlitteringinparksandgardensappearasminorconflictsfromthe
differentculturalexpectationsregardingsocialresponsibilityandethicsofcarein
public.Theseconflictswerenotshapedbydifferentsensesofbelongingandplace
attachmentnorrelatedtothespatialandphysicalcharacteristics.Someofthese
conflictswerefoundinrelativelywell-maintainedanddesignedformalgreenspaces.
Inspecificlocations,publicresponsestothesedifferencesdoposeapotential
challengetoconvivialityandcanexacerbatesocialdivides.
4. Inresponsetosomeofthese‘minor’conflicts,someuserswithdrawtemporally(adapt
theirtimesofvisiting)orspatially(choosenottovisit)specificlocations.Thiscanbe
alliedtothepatternsofnegotiationinrespondingtodifferentculturalexpectations.
5. Withdrawalcancreatesegregationandlimitstheongoingpotentialforsocial
encounteracrossdifferences.
6. AffordancesforrecreationinPOSwerecentraltoprovidingoutdooractivitiesandare
importantforfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoorsandproviding
opportunitiesforencounterswithdiversepeople.Spaciousparksandgardenswitha
widerangeoffacilitiesarehighlyvaluedbyusers.Streetsthatsupportwalkability
and/orsitabilityarevaluedfortheiraffordancesforbeingoutdoors;particularlyfor
peoplewithabusylifestyleorwithoutaccesstoprivatetransport.
7. IncreasingspatialandtemporalrecreationalactivitiesinPOS,withintegrationand
intersectionoftheseactivities,provideschoicesforbeingoutdoorsandsupports
informalencountersandpositiveformsofnegotiations.
177
6.2Affordancesoftheresearchcontext
6.2.1HybridityandcommonplacediversityinBahrain
Whileaboutonlyhalfofthissmallcountry’slandispopulated,Bahrainranksseventhamong
themostdenselypopulatedcountriesintheworldwithmorethan50%ofthepopulation
comprisingofinternationalmigrants.Intheselectedcasestudies,observationsrevealedthat
thisdiversityisexceedinglyvisibleinthedissimilarityofattires,life-styles,languagesand
accentsamongtheusers.Thisdiversitycanbeobservedwhilstoneishavingamorningcoffee
inacornercafe,walkinginthesouq,joggingontheroad,visitingaparkorgarden,orjust
strollinginaneighbourhood.ChapterFiveexplainedthattheuserswithdiversesocialand
culturalpracticesfromdifferentmigrantsandnon-migrants’backgroundsconductdivergentor
parallelactivities,collectivelyorindependently,inthesharedspaces.Participantsacceptthese
momentsofsharingactivitiesintheoutdoorspaces,andforthemdiversityaddsvalueand
qualitytothespace,whichisaconvivialappealofintegration(Nealetal.,2015).
Manyintervieweesexpressedthattheydonothaveaproblembeingsurroundedbypeopleof
differentorigins.InAmwajIsland,Samar,theBahrainiwomanresident,said,“Bahraindoesn’t
segregatebetweendifferentnationalities,sopeoplegetalongwitheachother.Evenifthey
don’tinteractdirectly,theyareatleastacceptingbeingtogetherinaplace”.Rashid,the
BahrainimaleinKhalifaGarden,alsocommented,“Bahrainisdon’tmindothernationalitiesor
origins,anywhereyougoinBahrainyoucanfinddifferentnationalities”.Forsomeusers,this
diversityfostersafeelingofbelongingandfamiliarityinbeinginacosmopolitanspace(Powell
andRishbeth,2012).Similarly,Wessendorf(2014b)describestheresearchcontextinHackney
that“everybodycomesfromelsewhere”.ThisdiversityfortheMalaysianinterviewee,whohas
livedsevenyearsinBahrain,allowshimtoconsiderBahrainametropolitancitycomparableto
hiscountry.Hestates,“I’mfromthecapital.TomeBahrainisanothermetropolitancity”.
Hence,theconceptofcommonplacediversityappearedtoberelevanttotheresearchcontext,
whichsupportsconviviality(Wessendorf,2014b).
Thefieldworkrevealedthatthediversitydidnotposeathreattotheusers;infact,itlenta
senseofnormalityorrootednesstothem.AnItalianmanwhohasbeenlivinginBahrainfor22
yearssaid(alsocorroboratedbytheEthiopianwomensittingwithhim):
“Bahrainisaverysmallislandandanywhereyougo–forexample,inacoffeeshop,youcanfindmaybe20differentnationalitiessittingatonetableandallaregoodfriends.But
178
ifyougotoUAEorDubai,itishugeandtheyaredifferent,completely.Scandinavianseparate,GermanseparateandBritishseparate,butonlyinBahrain[…]becausetheislandisverysmallandeverybodyisconnectedsomehowtoeachotherandsocialise.Wearefriends”.
Thisdemonstratestherelationshipbetweentheconvivialityandgeographicalcharacteristics
ofBahrain.Inthiscontext,WilliamWhyte(1980)hasarguedthatthereisapositive
relationshipbetweenthesmallcitiesandthesocialinteractionamongtheirresidents.Kareem,
theBahrainimaninterviewedinBabAl-Bahrain,alsojustifiesthisperceptionfromadifferent
viewpointrelevanttoeducationandculture,implyingacultureofhospitality(Section2.3.3).
HesaidthatBahrainhadaflourishingoilindustryandBahrainisaregenerallyhighlyeducated
andprogressive-thinkingpeople,hence,Bahrainexplicitlywelcomesdiversity.Headdedthat
foreignerswhohaveexperiencedlifeinotherArabcountriesreadilyagreethatBahraini
peoplearehospitable,affableandculturedandforthisreasondiversenationalitieshavemade
thiscountrytheirhomeforgenerationsandhavedeep-rootedtieswiththelocalpeople.
However,migrationinBahrainisnotsomethingnewandhybridityhasdevelopedthroughout
itshistory(Section2.2.4.1),whichisalsoshapedbyBahrain’sphysicalandsocialurbanfabric.
Thishybriditycauseddiversitytoberecognisedpositivelyaspartofthehistoryandheritageof
theresearchcontext.Inthesenseofmigration,hybridityincitiesmeansculturalmixtures
fromdifferentgeographicallocationsandoverdifferenttimeperiods;hence,itrepresentsthe
historyofmigrationandculturalpracticesandidentitiesofbothmigrantandhostpopulations
(Hutnyk,2005).Thelayersofcomplexitythatareinterwovenbetweenglobalandvernacular,
traditionalandmodernassumedistinctivehybridandcosmopolitancharacteristics(Nasser,
2004a).Inthecasestudiesandfromobservations,thecomplexityinphysicalcontexts
appearedinmixtureofstyles,functionsandzoningsatmicroormacro-levels.Forexample,in
thego-alonginterviewinBabAl-Bahrain,Faizapointedout:
“Lookattheshops,thereisalsoamixture:Bahrain-Bangladeshcargo,thisisaPakistaniHotelandthisisBangladeshiHotel.Theyarenexttoeachother.LookherealsoaPakistani-BangladeshiInternetshop”.
Hospitality,tosomeextent,canbeseenasaresourcethataidssocialinteractionsinpublic
spaces,butconvivialityisalsosupportedbythegeographicalcontextandhybriditythathave
extendedthroughouthistory,aswellas,bythevisibleeverydaydiversityandcohabitationin
contemporarycities.
179
6.2.2Interculturalsustainedrelations
Inthefieldwork,Icommonlyencounteredfamiliesandgroupsoffriendswithmembersfrom
differenthome-countryorigins.InHunainiyah,Ididashortinterviewwithagroupoffriends
fromSudan,Pakistan,ItalyandRussiawhoarestudentsandemployeesinvariousfields,living
indifferentareasinBahrain.InAradBayPark,thethreefriendsfromCyprusandGreece
routinelycometogethertodotheirwalkingexercisealongtheseafrontandanothergroupof
fiveadultfriendsandfamiliesfromIndonesiaandMalaysiacametotheparkindifferentcars
andhadarrangedtheirrunningandpicnictogether.IalsometthreewomenfromSerbiaand
ItalywholiveinAmwajandhadarrangedtheirgatheringatthelagoon-side.Faizaalso
describedthegroupsofpeoplewhooccupyBabAl-Bahrainarea,“eachgroupgatheringcanbe
fromdifferentmixtureofnationalities”.ShealsotalkedaboutherweeklygatheringinKhalifa
Gardenwithhersister,friendsandneighboursfromBangladeshandIndiaandclarifiedthat
herIndianfriendsarefromdifferentregionsinIndiawithdifferentcultures.Faizaalso
mentionedthatmanyofherfriendsareIndians,buttheirhusbandsareBahrainis.Duringthe
fieldworkintheselectedcasestudies,Imetseveralfamiliesfrommixedmarriages(e.g.
Filipino-Bahraini,Syrian–Bahraini,British-Bahraini,Indian-Bahraini,Pakistani-Bahraini).These
typesofsocialrelationsarenotrelevanttotheconceptofsustainedandextendedencounters
asdescribedbyNealetal.(2016)andWilson(2016).Theseinterculturalrelationsaremore
deeplysustained,buttheirvisibilityinthefieldwork,thoughtheyarenotnecessarilyinitiated
fromPOS,addtotheaffordancesoftheplacetosupportthepotentialfortranscultural
conviviality.
Figures6.1Interculturalsustainedrelationswereobviousinthefieldwork.
180
6.3Memoryandtransculturalpractices:SenseofbelonginginPOS
Inurbansociologyandethnography,momentsanddetailswithin‘cosmopolitancanopies’are
qualitiesthatprovokememoriesbetween‘hereandthere’or‘nowandpast’(Anderson,E.
2004;Ingold,2012).Thesememoriestranslateintomeaningfulattachments,transcultural
connectionsandsocialassociationsinanewplace(Armstrong,2004;RishbethandPowell,
2012).Thisemotionalhybridity(inmemories)appearstofosterasenseoffamiliarityornew
belongingformigrantsinahostcountry.
Inthefindings,participantswithmigrantbackgroundsformedsignificantconnectionsbetween
theirexperiencesofhomeandhostcountryinthehybridformsofmemories,whichhave
becomepartoftheirdaily,socialandculturalpracticespostmigration.
6.3.1InBabAl-BahrainSouqandSquare:LittleIndia
Faiza,theIndiansinglemotherwhomovedtoworkinBahrain16yearsago,whosedaughters
werebornherementionedthatBabAl-BahrainremindsherofIndia.Sheusedexpressions
‘LikemyIndia,’‘Ifeelhereitisourcountry’and‘Ifeelitismyplace’whichunmistakably
expressherintimateaffiliationandbelongingtothearea.RegardingtheroundaboutinBabAl-
BahrainSquare,Faizaadded,“WehaveinIndiaexactlythesameplace:aroundareawith
water[fountain],wherepeoplearesitting,drinkingteaandeatingsamosa.Soitisexactlylike
India”.Inanothergo-alonginterview,Irfan,whohasbeeninBahrainfortwoyears,madea
referencetoabondingwithhishomelandwhenhevisitsBabAl-Bahrain,“Thereisoneplacein
Indiasamelikethis.Itisalsoa‘bazaar’.Whathappenshereissimilartothe‘bazaar’inIndia,
sameactivities”.Forthesetwoparticipants,theBabAl-Bahrainsiteisahybridspacewhere
‘here’(theArabicsouq)and‘there’(theAsian‘bazaar’)areintertwined(Figure6.2onpage
181).
Faiza’sapparentfamiliaritytothespacewasalsoevidentinherreferencetoherselfasthe
‘insider’whowasleadingme(aBahraini)‘theoutsider’.DuringthejourneywithFaizainBab
Al-Bahrain,sheguidedmethroughthealleysofthesouqwithconfidence,prideandfamiliarity
aboutthespaceandthepeople,whichwasclearlyevidentinhervoiceandmanner.She
wantedtoshowmeeverythingabouttheplaceandsaid,“Youhavetocomemanytimesto
knowthearea.Iknowtheareaverywell”.FaizahasneverlivedinBabAl-Bahrainarea;yet,
transnationalbondinghasallowedFaizatofeelthatshebelongsmoretoBahrainthantoher
homecountry,asexplicitlymentionedbyher.IrfantravelstoBabAl-Bahrainonceortwice
181
everyweekendbybus,whichtakesmorethanonehour.Theattachmenttothespaceis
informedbyrepeatedvisitstothearea(RishbethandFinney,2006),inwhichtheyhave
becomemorefamiliarwiththespaceasinsiders(Armstrong,2004;PowellandRishbeth,
2012).
FaizaalsodescribesBabAl-Bahrainas‘ourshoppingcentre’,butthemotivationandvaluesfor
usingthisspacegobeyondthat.ForFaiza,thefactthatshecanmeetandcommunicatewith
peopleandsimulateexperiencessimilartothoseinhernativecountryinspireshertofrequent
BabAl-Bahrain,“Ifmymoodisnotnice,Itakemychildrenandcomehere”.Thearomasofthe
IndianfoodinthealleysallowFaizatoreliveherchildhoodmemories.Thefragranceofincense
fromthetempleisalsopresentinpartsofthesouqalleyallowingavisitortoexperiencethe
feelingasiftheyhavetravelledtoanAsiancountry.Abusysouqalleywithavisibilityofher
culturalgroupshasarestorativevalueforFaiza;shechoosesto‘escape’andconnecttoher
homecountryhere(Section2.4.2.1).
Itwasrevealedfromspendingtimeon-sitethattheusersofthisspacearediverse,butmostly
Indian,sotheHindilanguageisdominant.ItisapparentthatinBabAl-Bahrain,the
relationshipbetweenBahrainisandIndiansiscongenial.FaizamentionsthatinBabAl-Bahrain
alltheregularBahrainiusersspeakHindi:
Figure6.2ThesouqinBabAl-BahrainislikeanIndianbazaar.
182
“WhenyougotoBabAl-BahrainyouseeaBahrainiwhosays‘habanjikaisahai’,whichmeans‘sisterhowareyou?[…]HeremanypeopleknowHindi.Itlookslikethecommonlanguagehere.Notdifficulttotalkwithothersandknowwhatothersaresaying”.
ThisdemonstratesapositiverelationshipbetweenBahrainisandIndiansinthespace.The
historicalbackgroundofthespacehasreflectedonthespatialtransformationofthesouqas
wellasontheculturalpracticesandsocialrelations.Thismeansnewcomersfeelathomeand
thisaffectiontowardBabAl-BahrainareaisalsosharedbydiverseAsiannationalitiessuchas
thosefromthePhilippines,PakistanandBangladeshasalsoexplainedbyFaiza.
WhileaspacelikeBabAl-BahrainhasatransculturalconnotationforAsianmigrants,itisnot
solelyamigrant‘ethnoscape’(Irazábal,2011).Italsohasauthenticsocialvaluesand
interpersonalattachmentforBahrainis,particularlyfortheoldergenerationsforwhomBabAl-
Bahrainrepresentsthecarefreedaysoftheiryouth.Whilemanyofthemhavemovedoutof
thearea,theycontinuetovisitregularlytoreconnectwiththeirpastandreaffirmtheirsocial
relationshipwiththearea,whilstsharingthespacewithdiverseusers,whichsupports
opportunitiesforsocialinteractionsas‘therapeuticvalues’(Section2.4.2.1).Kareem,the
Bahrainimiddle-classparticipant,claimedthathedrivestoBabAl-Bahrainareaevery
weekend,“Wewalkandseetheotherpeople”.Kareemnarrated:
“I’msoattachedtothissouq;however,whenItalkaboutittoyouormysons,Ican’texplainitbecausethisissomethingthatcannotbeexpressed.TheageIlivedhereandmymemoriesinthespacelinkmetothespace”.
Shortlyaftermyfieldworkwascompleted,aprojectnamed‘LittleIndia’wasinauguratedin
thearea,whichcouldbeconsideredapositiverecognitionpractice(LowandIveson,2016)of
theIndiangroupsandtheirhistoryinBahrain.Theprojectincorporatesthesouq,the
surroundingstreetsanda200-yearold‘Krishna’Temple.BabAl-Bahrainisalsoatouristarea
forlocalsorforeignerswhooccasionallyusethespace,butforsomepeopletheplaceis
significantasmuchmorethanatouristdestination.
183
6.3.2Parksandgardens:like-homedesertpracticesandchildhoodmemories
Memoriesoftheirhomecountriesappearedtousersindifferentspaces,includingparksand
gardens.SeveralrecentmigrantscantracetheirBedouinancestrytowhereverdantlawns
servetorejuvenatethewinterdesertleisurepractices.Forusers,picnickingonlawnsor
gatheringingroupshelpsthemtoreconnectwiththedesertambiancenotonlyinwinterbut
throughouttheyear.Zaina,oneoftheSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden,clarified,“TheSyrians
onlyrelaxwhenitiswinterandallthewintermeansdesertforthem,wheretheycanhavetheir
comfortandfreedom”.InHunainiyah,thebroadethnographicmethodsrevealedthatalarge
sectionoftheusersareYemeniandinthewordsofanoldYemenigrandmother,thearea
remindsthemofSana’a:Thefortonthetopoftheridge.Acommonnoticeabletrendamong
certaindesertusersistocordonofftheirsittingareaswiththeircars.InHunainiyah,itisalsoa
familiarsighttofindgroupsofArabmengatheringbesidetheircarsinthecarparktochat,
haveameal,drinkteaorplaycards,synonymoustothedesertpractice(Figures6.3).Proximity
totheircarsoffersasenseofidentityandapersonalterritorytotheseusers.
Adayoutintheparksandgardensalsoallowedmigrant(Arabandnon-Arab)userstobeaway
fromtheirhomesforlongerandservedasareminderoftheleisureactivitiespopularintheir
countries.FaizareminiscedaboutherchildhoodinIndiawhenshewouldgoontripstodistant
placesduringholidayswithherfamily,andsheexpressedaclosenesstoherhomelandwhen
shetakesherchildrenonapicnicwithfoodshehascookedtoalocationatadistancefromher
home.
Figures6.3TheparkingareaisthepreferredspatialchoiceformaleleisureactivitiesinHunainiyah.
184
Itiscommonformigrantfamiliesandwomentoarrangetheirgatheringatparksandgardens.
Hala,thePalestinian-Syrianmother,statesthatitisunlikelytofindBahrainisarrangingtheir
gatheringatthegardensandparksastheygenerallygatherattheirhomesand‘Majles1’.It
appearsthatforsomemigrants,thegardensaretheir‘Majles’,andindeedZainausedthe
word‘Majles’todescribepicnickingandgatheringgroupsintheKhalifaGarden.Such
gatheringsalsoinstilintheusersthevalueofaffinitytoasecondhometowhichtheycan
invitefriendsandrelatives.Intheparksandgardens,duringthefieldobservations,itwas
noticeablethatsomemigrantfamiliesgatherinlargegroupsof10to15personsormore.The
Syriansistersstatedwithobviouspride,whenIaskedabouttheirgatheringsizecomparedto
othergroupsduringthetimeoftheinterviewinKhalifaGarden,“Itislargerthanthatwhenwe
meet”.Fromthefieldnotes,theFilipinosandIndianfamiliesinAndalusGardenalsoholdlarge
familyandfriends’gatherings,picnicsorcelebrationsofspecificoccasionssuchasbirthday
parties.Itcouldbeinterpretedthatsocialisinginthegardenenhancesmigrants’self-esteem,
asitrepresentsthesizeoftheirsocialnetwork.Suchpracticeisalsorestorativeasithelps
themtoretaintheirmigrantidentityinthehostcountry.
Fromobservationswithalandscapearchitectureperspectiveandsupportedbyusers’
interpretations,thevastnessofthelawnenablesthemtoholdlargegatheringsandtosocialise
withothers;incontrast,thebenchesaccommodateonlysmallgroupsandarenotcomfortable
forthosefamilieswhoprolongtheirstay.Additionally,thebenchesareusuallyhotinsummer,
whilethelawniscooler.SalmaniyaandAndalusarealsoprovidedwithchoicesofseating
areas,picnictablesandgazebos,butsomeoftheseseatingareasdonotaccommodatelarge
groups.InAndalus,accordingtothefieldnotes,somelargegroupsusethelowwallnextto
theirdiningtables(inthearcadesittingareas)toextendtheirsittingareaandtoplacetheir
householdgoodsbroughtalongforanextendedpicnic.(Figures6.4onpage185andalso
Figures5.8inChapterFive)
1TheMajlesisanindoorsittingandgatheringroominthehouseorextendedfromthehousewherepeoplemeet,socialiseandgather.
185
6.4TransculturalbondinginPOS
Theinterviewswithdifferentrespondents,especiallymigrants,highlightedthatastrong
motivationforuserstogatherinparksandgardensistheopportunitytomeetandinteract
withothersfromtheirnativecountry.Fortheseinterviewees,incidentalmeetingsandmaking
acquaintancesarememorableexperiences,whichadddistinctvalue,meaningand
interpersonaldimensionstothesespaces.Whilesuchencounterscannotbeclassifiedasinter-
Figures6.4Visiblepatternsofsociabilityinparksandgardensaresupportedbytheaffordancesofthedesignandmanagementoftheparksandgardensandtheprovidedlandscapeelements.
186
cultural,theypromote,sustainandwidenopportunitiesformigrantstosocialiseinahost
countryandestablishbondingorconnection.
Alludingtothis,theSyriansistersexplainedthesignificanceofKhalifaGardenintheirlives,as
itwasheretheycouldmeetandsocialisewithotherwomeninaneutralyetfriendly
environment.Badrarelatedhowononeoccasionshemetarelativewhomshehadnotseen
sincesheleftSyria16yearsago.Suchencountersandsocialbondingchangedthesewomen’s
perceptionsoflivinginaforeigncountryawayfromfriendsandfamily.Thesistersexplained
duringthego-alonginterviewtheirfeelingofbelongingtoBahrainbutnottotheirhome
country.Itwasevidentthatthisincreasedsenseofbelongingtothehostcountryisnota
negativereactiontotherecentpoliticalupheavalsinSyria,butapositivereflectionoftheirlife
inBahrain.
ThedesignandlayoutintheBabAl-Bahrainareaalsobenefitedfromhighvisualandphysical
permeability,inwhichuserscanseethatonweekendsthespaceiscrowdedwithmalemigrant
workers.AccordingtoIrfanfromIndiawhohasspentthelasttwoyearsworkinginBahrain,
“BabAl-BahrainonFridayisforIndianpeople.Itbecomesabrightandhappyplacefilledwith
Indians”,andKareemsaid,“ThisisthemostimportantplaceforIndianstosit,”referringtothe
roundabout.Irfanclaimsthatheandhisfriendschoosetomeetattheroundaboutasitiseasy
tospotpeopleapproachingfromanydirection,“fromtheroundabout,wecanseeinteresting
scenarios”aspeoplearemovingaroundintheSquare.ItwasmentionedearlierthatIndian
migrantscrowdtheBabAl-Bahrainareaasthespacehassignificanttranscultural
connotations.
Migrantsalsocrowdtoareaswheretheyfeelintegratedandthereisafeelingofbelongingto
onelargecohesivegroup(PowellandRishbeth,2012).Irfanreminisceshisearlydaysin
Bahrain:
“IrememberthatfirsttimeIcametoBahrainIsatwithoneofmyfriendsthere,attheroundabout,andIwasdiscussingsomematteraboutmystate[…]SuddenlyIfoundonepersonsittingtherewhobelongstomystateandhestaysneartomyhomeinIndia,soIfindhimherefromthispoint”.
TheseencountersenabledpeoplelikeIrfanwhowerefarfromtheirnativelandtoidentify
themselvesinasocietysodifferentfromtheirown.
187
ThefindingssupporttheworkofBynonandRishbeth(2015),whichindicatesthatsocialising
betweenpeoplecanbestrengthenedthroughlingeringandspendinglongerperiodsoftime
outdoors.Faiza,thesinglemotherfromIndia,mentionedthatinKhalifaGarden,sheisableto
meetpeoplewhomshemayotherwisenotencounterinhereverydaylife.Sherecountedher
visittoKhalifaGardenthus,“Igoasoneperson,butintheend,Imeetsomanypeople”.In
Amwaj,Samarexplicitlymentions:
“WhilestayinglongerIseepeopleIknow.Weexchangefelicitationsorstayandchattogetherwithsomefriendswehavenotseenforawhile,suchaschildhoodfriends.Wechatandsharenumbers.Wehavesocialconnectionagain.Itwouldnothappenifwedidn’tstayoutsidelongerwalkingorsittingandwatchingpeople”.
Suchopportunitiesarecommonwhenpeoplespendtimeoutdoorsinpublicspace.Though
SamarisBahraini;theimpactofthiscanbeevenstrongerformigrants,asbyspendinglonger
outdoors,theymeetpeoplefromtheirhomecountry.Thiscanstrengthenbonding(Putnam,
2000)andmutualsupportwithinmigrantgroups.
6.5Thevisibilityofbeingoutside:Acknowledgingorjudgingdifferences?
Inthefieldwork,interviewees’perceptionstowardacknowledgingdiversityandmixityin
publicspacesoftensurfacesinthediscussions.Analysisofthetranscriptsindicatesawareness
ofsuperdiversesocialpositions,oftenpreciselyintermsofgender,age,socio-economic
echelons,socialpositioning,healthconditions,dresscode,orsmalldetailsinlife-style
practicessuchasparentingortypeofcar.Inthefindings,peoplewouldexploresimilarity
amongthediversesocialpositionsthatbridgesotherculturaldifferences.TheYemenifemale
vendorinHunainiyahParksaidthatshevaluedherinteractionwiththedifferentnationalities
inHunainiyahPark,butshealsosaidthattheyareallpoorand“poorpeopleunderstandeach
other,theyaresame”.Religionsarealsoconsideredaspectsofcommonalitythatbridge
nationalmigrantdiversity.Nazir,theBalochifatherinHunainiyah,saidthattherearedifferent
ethnicitiesinthepark:
“butalltogethertheyaregoodwitheachother.Sometimes,wetalktoeachotherandthekidsplaywitheachother.Theydon’tsaytheyaredifferent,PakistanisorYemenis;allaregoodwitheachother.So,thereisnoproblem[…]allarebrothers:allMuslims”.
Wecannotignore,however,thatvisibilityofdifferenceshasalsochallengesandthatsome
peopleinsteadoflookingatcommonalitieslookataspectsofdifferences,whichmaycause
188
categorisation.Forexample,agroupoffriends,threefemalesandonemale,fromItaly,Russia,
PakistanandSudan,talkedabouttheirexperiencesofsocialising.Theysaidthatintheir
relationship,theysharethesamevalues,andthroughthesecommonvaluestheybridgethe
ethnicdifferencesamongstthem.However,theyaddedthatsomepeoplejudgeothersbased
onstereotype.TheItaliangirlsaid,“Especiallyus,weareverywhite.Weareveryvisible,”while
pointingtobothherRussianfriendandherself.
Differencescouldalsobeseenamongthesameculturalgroups.InKhalifaGarden,the
JordaniangrandfatherwhomovedtoBahrainin1978criticisedthecurrenttendencyofsome
peoplewhoinsteadoflookingatArabsasanethniccommunitycategorisethembycountryof
origin“Bahraini,Jordanian,Yemeni,orSyrian”.InAradBayPark,amiddle-classBahraini
mother,criticisedthemajorityofnon-educatedArabmigrantswiththeirdifferentculturesin
publicparksandgardensandfoundthatitisa“probleminBahrain”.Hala,anArabmigrant,
alsomentionedthatsheavoidsspaces,suchasKhalifaGarden,frequentedbylow-class,
uneducatedmigrants,includingArabs,andthosewhohaddifferentlife-stylesandmentalities.
Culturaldifferencescouldshapepeople’snormsandbehavioursinPOS,andthesevariations
arecomplexintransculturalcities.Thecollecteddatashowsthatdifferentsocialbehaviours
andculturalpracticescanalsobejudgedbasedonindividualperceptions.Giventheresearch
themesofsociabilityinsharedopenspacesfrequentedbyusersofdiversecultures,itisvital
thentolookathowusers’moralvaluesandpersonalboundariesshapesocialinteraction.
6.6Mundanemoraljudgementsinparksandgardens
Moraljudgementsatasociallevelareoftenrelatedtocommonunderstandings(orindeed
misunderstandings)oftacitcodesofconduct.ValentineandHarris(2014)findthatmoral
judgements,whicharebasedonpeople’slifestylesandtheirdifferentwaysofliving,
categorisethesocial,culturalandeconomicworthofgroupsofpeople.Intheanalysis,
differentbehavioursandmoralcodesemerged,whichaffectedtheusers’healthysocial
interactionintheparksandgardensintheselectedcasestudies.Culturalcodesofparenting
andcleanlinesswerementionedrepeatedlyasproblematicinwhichpeoplejudgedothers
regardingtheirsenseofsocialresponsibilityinparksandgardens.Itisalsorelevanthereto
considerthesepracticesandbehaviourswithregardtorespectingtherightsofthoseusing
thesepublicspaces.
189
6.6.1Cleanlinessresponsibilities
Thesurprisinginsightgainedduringthedataanalysiswasthepotentialoflitteringtoframe
differentexpectationsandculturalnormsregardinghowpeopleexpectotherstobehavein
publicspacesincontextsofculturaldifferences.CleanlinessinPOShasbeenhighlightedina
numberofstudiesunderdutyofcareandpro-environmentalbehaviour(SpartzandShawa,
2011;SouthworthandRuggeri,2011;Francisetal.,2012).Arelationshipbetweenpro-
environmentalbehavioursandplaceattachmenthasbeensuggestedinthesestudies.
Althoughthisrelationshipisnotwellestablished,thegeneralassumptionisthatthereisa
correlationbetweenahighlevelofattachmentandapositiveattitudetokeepingtheplace
clean.Thisassumptionfailstoconsiderthatthenotionofcleanlinessisculturalandcontext
dependent(Lewicka,2011).Forexample,itwasrevealedfromtheanalysisoftheinterviews
thatsomepeopleinthefindingshaveahighlevelofplaceattachmentandreallyvaluesitting
outside,buttheystilllitter.
Giventhecomplexityofculturaldifferences,inthecollecteddata,cleanlinessissuesinthe
patternsofuseareoftenwronglyreflectedindescriptionsofmigrants’identities,classand
education,whichisaproblemandmayresultinprejudiceandsegregation.Regardinglittering
inKhalifaGarden,Rashid,theBahrainiphysician,saidthat:
“MostoftheusersarenotBahraini,andtheyarenottakingcareofcleaning.ThispreventsBahrainisfromgoingtheremoreoften[…]Theissueisnotabouthavingpicnicsonthelawn,astheprovidersdesignateditforpicnics,butitisaboutnottakingcareofthegarden,throwingtrasharoundthemandmakingtheplacedirty”.
InanothershortinterviewinHunainiyahPark,twoBahrainimotherssaidthatonweekends
andholidays,therearelargecrowdsofYemeniandSyrianvisitorstakingpartin‘inappropriate
practicesandbehaviours’likecookingandsellingfood,hangingupclothesforsaleanddirtying
thesurroundingareaandtoilets.ThesetwoBahrainimothers,regularvisitorswhocomewith
theirfamiliesandfriendstopicnicinHunainiyaharea,claimedthatthedominantusersdonot
knowhowto‘share’publicfacilities.
Theanalysisofthecollecteddatashowsthatthereareotherfactorsthataffectlittering
behaviouranditisnotonlyaboutmigrants,classoreducation.Itwasrevealedbythefindings
thatmigrantssharesimilarperceptionsofdutyofcareinparksandgardensandcriticised
vandalism,littering,spittingandnottakingcareofthespace,e.g.theEgyptianparentsinArad
BayParkrefertothemigrantworkers,HalainKhalifaGardenjudgedtheuneducatedpeople’s
190
litteringbehavioursandtheSyriansisters,whoareilliterate,judgedthelitteringofmanyusers
asirresponsiblebehavioursreferringtothesepeopleasArabmigrantsfromothercountries.
Yet,cleanlinesscouldbeinfluencedbyovercrowdingandalsobeshapedbyadifferentsense
ofappropriatenessandresponsibility.
Fromtheanalysisofthein-depthgo-alonginterviewsupportedbytheon-siteinterviews,it
appearedthatthereisatangentialrelationshipbetweenlitteringandcrowdednessand
Figures 6.5 Hawking and littering have been criticised by some participants in parks and gardens.
191
avoidingtheparkorthegarden.Thefindingsrevealedthatthedensityofthecrowdat
weekendshasadirectimplicationontheintensivevisibilityoflittering(similarlyunsupervised
children),thussomeuserschoosenottousethesegardensorparksonthesedays.Rashid,the
physician,inthego-alonginterviewinKhalifaGardensaid:“Itisverycrowdedintheholidays,
andmanypeopleprefernottogotothegardenintheholidays”.
Accordingtotheparticipants,thegardensattheweekendareverycrowdedandmostlyused
bypoormigrants.Undeniably,thesehighnumbersofusersreflectthepopularityofparksin
Bahrain,andthiswasalsoreflectedintheviewsofsomeintervieweeswhosawthecrowded
spacesasignofsuccessandsomevisitspaceswitha‘goodcrowd’.Ontheotherhand,thereis
alsowithdrawalofothersocialgroupsofmiddle-classstatusastheyfeelaminoritygroup
amongstthemajoritymigrantusers’groups.
Theperceptionofthesenseofleisureintheparksandgardensandbeinginamanagedspace
hasalsoinfluenceddifferentexpectationsaboutlittering.Itisrelevanttonotethecultural
landscapeofmanagedparksisrelativelynoveltomanymigrantswhoareusedtodesertareas
andfarmsforsocialgatheringsandfortheirchildrentoplay,thesehaveshapedtheiroutdoor
culturalleisurepractices.Manypeoplemayconsiderthatcleaninginparksisamanagement
responsibilityandthatsomeoneispaidtopickupthelitter.TheSyriansistersinKhalifa
Gardenstatedthatsomeusersperceivethegardenasan‘escape’or‘getaway’from
householdchoresandresponsibilities;yet,thesistersjudgethelitteringpracticedbysome
users:
“Somepeopleleaveeverythinghereandsaywhyshouldwetroubleourselvesandclean,thereisanIndian(cleaner)whocomesandcleans[…]Theydon’tcare,theysaywecleanathomeandifwegotothegardenalsoweclean!”
6.6.2Parentingresponsibilitiesandchildren’smanners
Parentingalsoappearedasproblematicintheanalysisbecausedifferentpracticeswith
differentexpectationsregardingthesupervisionofchildrenwereoftencodedintheinterviews
transcriptionswithcountryoforigin,particularlyinKhalifaGardenandHunainiyahPark,which
couldbeinterpretedasperpetuatingprejudice.Intervieweescriticiseotherparentsforbeing
carelessandnotsupervisingtheirchildren,leavingthemunattendedorunderthesupervision
ofotherchildren.Yet,thewholedatatogetherdemonstratesthatitisnotanaccurate
generalisation,astheconcernsregardingchildren’ssupervisionisalsosharedbymigrant-
parentinterviewees.Forexample,duringashortinterviewinKhalifaGardenwithaYemeni
192
mother,whohadmovedtoBahrainnineyearsago,Inoticedthatshewassittingwithher
childrenonthelawnnexttoaplaygroundalthoughthelawnwasnotsuitableforapicnicasit
slopedandwasontheboundaryofthesoccerfield.Itseemedthemotherwantedtositclose
toherchildren.Inanotheron-siteinterview,IalsonoticedthattheJordaniangrandfatherwas
sittingonaprayermatwhilewatchingoverthechildrenatplayandheclaimedthathe
broughtalongthematastherewereinsufficientseatingspacesneartheplayground.These
twoexamplesshowthatitiswrongtogeneralisethejudgmentaboutmigrantsbeingcareless
parents.Theexamplesalsoshowtheroleofmanagementinprovidingconvenientand
alternativeseatingnexttoplaygroundstosupportcarers.
Decisionsregardingsupervisionofchildreninparksandgardensareshapedbydifferent
perceptionstowardssafetyanddifferentwaysofparenting.Aimingtobetterunderstandthe
rationaleforthesedynamicsandconflicts,inthefieldwork,Iinterviewedsomemothersand
fathersfromdifferentArabmigrantbackgroundsandresidenceduration(fromEgypt,Syria
andYemen)whofeelconfidentinallowingtheirchildrentoplayalongwiththeiroldersiblings
Figures 6.6 One of the shared motivations for going to the parks and garden is for children to play. The collected data showed a high demand for the use of the
playground equipment.
193
withoutanyadultsupervisionbecauseofthereassuranceofthefriendlyrapportamongfamily
orfriends.Theyalsobelievethatthegardensaresafeplacesduetothesecuritymeasuresand
thelockedgates.Thesefactorsencouragedthem,particularlymothers,tofrequentlyvisit
thesespacestobeabletosocialiseordoexercise.Theseparksandgardens,forthosewomen,
aretheonlyopportunityforrelease,wheretheirchildrencanplaywhiletheyrelaxorsocialise.
Differentparentingcultures(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015)couldbeanother
reason.InArad,agroupofYemeniwomenwhohadmovedtoBahrain24yearsagomentioned
thatfightsamongchildrenarenotunusualinparksastheywanttousetheswingsandthey
highlightthatsuchfightsareescalatedwhenadultsgetinvolved.Avoidinggettinginvolvedin
children’sissuestopreventproblemsfromescalatingisaparentingstyleasisover-parenting
(BernsteinandTriger,2010).However,thesefightsdonotdeterthoseYeminiandSyrian
womenfromusingthesegardensandparks,becauseofthepotentialandaffordancesofthese
gardensfortheirdifferentvaluesandsocialandrestorativeactivities.Yet,theYeminiwomen
pointedoutthatitistheresponsibilityofthemanagementtoprovidemoreswingstoincrease
thecapacityandreducethepressureindemandfortheuseoftheplayground.
Figure 6.7 Asian migrant parents looking after their children in Khalifa Garden.
194
Likewisetocleanliness,issuesrelatedtodifferentexpectationsaboutparentingappearedas
negativeoutcomesthatreducetheopportunitiesforsharingspaces;manyparticipants
mentionedtheirdecisiontowithdrawtemporallyorspatiallytootherspaces(suchasAmwaj,
privateopenspacesorthemall).Bahrainiparentsmentionedthattheyareapprehensiveof
theirchildrenencounteringimproperbehaviours,sotheydecidetowithdraw.Forexample,
Rashid,theBahrainiphysician,statedthatthey“don’twanttofacethoseissues,andtheydon’t
wanttotaketheirchildrentoencountersuchbehaviours”.Someparentsrevealedthatthey
decidedtouseKhalifaGardenatlesscrowdedtimesandstayforveryshortperiodsand
monitortheirchildrencloselyasotherunsupervisedchildrenmay‘kickballsorpushtheirkids’.
Territorialisationoftheplaygroundbytheunsupervisedchildrenwhodonotallowother
childrentoplayfreelyalsoemergedinthefindingsasareasonforspatialortemporal
withdrawal.However,Faiza,theIndianlow-incomeworkerandsinglemotherinKhalifa
Garden,negotiatesinsharingthespacebyhavinginformalalternativeactivitiesandbringing
theirownplayequipment.Shesaid:
“Syriansdon’tletourchildrenplay.Theyholdtheswingseveniftheyarenotplaying.Theyholdthemandsaymybrotheriscomingandmypoorchildrenarestandingaroundwaiting,andbeforeheleaveshecallssomebodytotakehisplace.So,onThursday,there
Figure 6.8 Children at the boundary of Arad Bay Park.
195
isnochancetousetheplayarea.Mykidsonlygoaroundandwetakeaballandbadmintonsotheywillnotbeupset”.
Itisarightforallchildrentousethepublicparksandgardensprovidedbygovernmentsand
thisrightshouldbeprotectedforallchildreninthesociety;yet,conflictsarisingfromdifferent
parentingpracticesdetersomecarersfromtakingtheirchildrentopublicparksandgardens.
Theprofessionalpracticeshouldnotignoretheseissueseventhoughtheyareonlyrelevantto
culturaldifferences.Theseconcernsshouldbeaddressedbysupportingsocialinclusivityand
sharingtheresponsibilitywithuserstoreducetheconflicts.
Design,planningandmanagementofPOScansupportdifferentparentingstyles,butmany
problemsmaybeexacerbatedwhentheresourcesandfacilitiesarenotadequate,not
thoughtfullydistributedorthespacesarenotdesignedwithcare.Ensuringadequate
amenitiesandsocialcomfortsatthesiteforcarersandprovidingsuitableplayingareasare
bothvital.Someintervieweesmadecomparisonsbetweendifferentparksandgardensbased
onthemaintenance,quality,quantityandvariationofplaygroundequipment,safety
precautions,fences,andplaygroundsurfacing.Thisdisplaysthedifferentperceptionsandalso
thatsomespecificdetailsareimportant.Forexample,duetothelackofadequateseating
spaces(alternativesseatingareasandpicnicspots)nearthechildren’splayareaintheparks
andgardens,somemothersaffirmedthattheydonotfeelcomfortabletostaylongerasthere
arenoseatingspacesclosetowheretheirchildrenareplaying.Somecarerspreferrubber
surfacingsuchasinKhalifaGardenratherthansandtoavoiddust.Forexample,parentswho
wanttosupervisetheirchildrencloselymentionedthatthesandisnotconvenientforthemto
use.Somecarersalsotalkedaboutdesignqualitythatallowsthemtowatchtheirchildrenand
theycriticisedAradParkforthestructuresthatblocktheirviewoftheplayarea.
Whiletheabovefindingsshowhowthevisibilityofdifferentculturalpracticesmaycreate
antagonismamongstusers,ithasillustratedthatthespatialaffordancesofparticularplaces,
theirsize,resourcingandvisibilitycanimpactonsocialencountersandconviviality.Hence,the
qualityofthePOSisvitalandneedstobeaddressedindiscussionsonsocialencountersacross
diversity.ThefollowingsectionlooksspecificallyattheaffordancesforsociabilityinPOS.
6.7Affordancesforsociabilityinstreets:Permeabilityandwalkability
AccordingtoPowellandRishbeth(2012),permeabilityinaspaceistheabilitytoseeand
participateinoutdooractivitiesandtherebysupportopportunitiesforsocialinteractions.The
196
literaturehasidentifiedpermeabilityandwalkabilityasimportantdesignqualitiesinurban
spaces(Carmonaetal.,2010),andthefindingsshowthatbothqualitiessupporteachother.
Theabilitytomovethroughanenvironmentisalsoafacetofthepermeabilityofaspace
(PowellandRishbeth,2012)andsupportssocialencounter(Wilson,2016).
6.7.1Fromestrangementtofamiliarity
Thecollecteddatashowshowaffordancesforwalkabilitysupportmigrantsinexploringand
becomingfamiliarwithlocalspaces,andhowtheabilitytomoveaboutwithinBahrain
encouragesmigrantstodiscovernicheswheretheyfeelcomfortable.Hala,thePalestinian-
Syrianmother,describedherinitialyearsinBahrainandthesocialroleofeverydaywalkingin
herneighbourhoodtogetacquaintedwithpeopleandspaces.Thefactthatshewasamongst
peoplefromunfamiliarculturesinitiallyfrightenedHala.Forher,Bahrainwasanew
experienceasshehadneverencounteredIndianorFilipinopeopleandBahrainisthemselves
werestrangerstoher.Aftershegotaccustomedtowalkinginherneighbourhoodshebecame
familiarwiththeotherresidents,Bahrainiaswellasmulti-ethnicpeople.Besidesbeinga
healthyactivity,outdoorwalkingcanalsohelppromotefamiliarityandbridgecultures.
Equally,unrestrictedboundariesallowdifferentchoicesofdestinationsandattractionswithin
acountry.FaizaconsidersthatsomepeoplevisitBabAl-Bahrainforrelieffromtheirformal
life,aseverythingiscommonandoneisacceptedwithnorestrictionsaspeoplearehereto
seekjoy.ForFaiza,BabAl-Bahrainisacosmopolitanretreatwhereindividualscanretaintheir
anonymity.HalaclaimedthatshefeelsmorecomfortableinAmwajandshepreferstodrive
thedistanceregularlytoescapetoapotentiallymoresanitisedandlesscomplexenvironment:
“IhavefriendslivinginAmwaj;theyarelivingastheyareinEuropenothingchangedexceptthattheyareinBahrain.MaybebecauseofthatIliketogotoAmwajbecauseIfeelthatthisismylifestyle”.
Havingmobilitywithinthecityallowsmigrantstolearnmorefromtheothercultures,which
alsopromotesadaptationandintegrationatdifferentlevels.Adam,theMalaysianchef,
relatedhowheenjoyedvisitingvillagesasitgivesatasteoftherealessenceofBahrain.Inhis
profession,hefeelsitisimportanttoconnectwiththeheartofthecountryanditsculturein
ordertounderstandthelocalcuisineandflavours.AdamfeelsfortunatetohaveBahraini
friendswhoshowhimsomethingnewordifferentduringtheweekends.Visitingdifferent
spacesregardlessoftheproximityoftheareafromtheirrespectivehomesmay“respondand
197
reflectnewformsofhybridandnegotiatedidentities”(Rishbeth,2013).Therearestill,
however,movementbarriersasexplainedinthepreviouschapter.
6.7.2Neighbourliness
InBahrain,itiscommonpracticethatresidentsgreetotherswhomtheymayencounteralong
theirwaywithwords,smiles,raisingorshakinghand,regardlessiftheyarefamiliartoeach
otherornot.Bahraini-Arabicvaluesofsocialisingandhospitalityinpublicspacesexpressthe
notionofcultureashavingapositiveimpactandthismayalsoberootedintheconceptof
Islamicmorality.Thismundanesociablepracticeproduces‘loosesocialconnections’between
peopleofdifferentethnicities(TheYoungFoundation,2012).
Duringourgo-alonginterviewinBabAl-Bahrain,Kareemwouldgreetmenonourwaywho
werequicktoacknowledgehisgreeting(Figures6.9).Iwasalmostcertainthattheydidnot
knoweachother.Headded,“Bytalkingwithpeople,Ifeelthisunitybetweenusinour
community”.ThegenerosityofthecommunitywasalsoapparentinthewayaBahraini,who
wasacompletestranger,paidforamealthattheparticipanthadorderedfromatraditional
Indianrestaurantduringthewalkinginterview,“Itisjustthiskindofsocialandfriendly
behaviourofsomeBahrainipeople”,Kareemcommented.Thismeaningfulencounterin
BahrainstemsfromtheBahrainicultureofsociability,hospitalityandsharingfood.
Figures 6.9 In the go-along ethnography the participant was
exchanging regards with pedestrians during the journey of the interview.
198
AsdescribedinChapterFive,inBahrain,itiscommontoobservepeopleacknowledgingothers
infrontofhouses,mosques,coldstores(minisupermarkets)andtraditionalbakeriesintheir
neighbourhood.Fieldobservationsshowedthatpeoplealsostopattheroadsidevendorsto
buyfruitorvegetablesandatthesametimeexchangeafewwordswithothersgathered
there.InBahrain,thesemundanespacesarefrequentedbyandevenmostlyoperatedby
migrantworkersandlow-incomecitizens.Thetraditionalcaféshavealwaysbeenuniquesocial
spaces,butmostlyformen.Inthesecafes,theseatingusuallyspillsontothestreetsproviding
visiblepointsforpeopletogatherandinteract.Itisinteresting,asrevealedinsomeinterviews,
thatsomeBahrainimendrivelongdistancestoacafewheretheycansocialisewithother
frequentusers.However,recentlysomecafesinBabAl-BahrainandininMuharraqhavebeen
renovatedandtheseattractfamiliesfromdifferenteconomicbackgrounds.
Thepedestrianisedtraffic-freeurbanareassupportedsuchaffordancesforencounteringand
socialising.Duringethnographicobservationsandinterviewsinthesesharedmundane
pedestrianisedspaces,diverseclassesandethnicitiescometogethertosharejoyfuland
pleasantmoments.Thesepedestrianisedurbanspacesallowpeopletolingerandmeetwith
peoplefromdiverseethnicities;however,thelackofseatingarrangementslimitstheduration
andconstanciesofsuchencounters.
BabAl-BahrainandthePearlingTrailcasestudieswerevibrantandactivespacesinheritage
locationswithsouqandhistoricalresidences.Inthesespaces,beingoutdoorsalsomeans
thereareopportunitiesforsocialencountersofspontaneousexchangesand
acknowledgement.Inaddition,greetingpeoplefromdivergentculturesandbackgroundsisan
indicatoroftheconvivialityandsociablehabitsofBahrainis.Duringthesitevisits,itwasalso
clearthatsuchwalkablespacescouldbemeetingpointsforresidentsandotherusers.Inthe
PearlingTrailsite,aJordanianresidentfromMuharraqwhofrequentlytraversedthesespaces
onfootmentionedthathefeltasenseofbelongingasothersoftengreetedhim.However,
neighbourlinessalsohasmeaningsofsustainedrelations.Kareem,duringthego-along
interviews,wascordiallygreetingshopownerswhowereIndiansorPakistanis,whileafewof
themevenrememberedhimfromthedaysofhisyouth.Thoseshopownershadlong-
establishedrootswiththeneighbourhoodandcoexistedwiththelocalpopulation.Inanother
interview,HalaalsodescribedthefriendlyassociationsinoldMuharraqbetweentheBahrainis
andotherresidentswhoarefromdifferentethnicbackgrounds:
199
“InMuharraq,IseeIndianfamiliessocialisingwithBahrainis.Forexample,anIndianmigrantwhosellsinthecoldstoreandlivesinBahrainwithhiswifesocialisesverynormallywithaBahrainifamilyandtheyvisiteachother”.
Sharingtheuseofthesehistoricalspaceswithdiversepeopleandbeingattachedtothem
bridgethedifferencesbetweentheusers.
InBlock-338(anotherpedestrianisedspace),itwasvisible,duringfieldobservations,thata
regularmixofclassesandethnicitieswereusingthespacedifferentlyasdescribedinChapter
Five.Sharingthespacesupportsencountersbetweendifferentsocio-economicclasses,either
throughexchangedgestures,givingfoodtoworkersorusingthelocalmosquecollectively.
Someunemployedmigrantswaitedthereforjobopportunities.Additionally,therearealso
encountersbetweenthediverseusersofalfrescorestaurantsandcafés.Interviewsalso
revealedthattheusersofBlock-338valuedthespaceandalsotheopportunitiesitprovided
forintegration.
InAmwaj,ontheotherhand,peoplegatherforverydifferentreasons.Intheresidentialarea
ofAmwaj,therearenomosques,shopsorbakeriestypicalofotherneighbourhoodsin
Bahrain.Nevertheless,thedesignandlayoutcontributetothevisualappeal,inaddition,the
beachandtheseaviewattractvisitorsandresidentstowalkaround.
However,thesociabilityattitudediffersinAmwaj;Samar,duringthewalkinginterviewin
Amwaj,elaboratedthatwhilepeoplespentalotoftimelingeringoutside,theydidnotdirectly
enterintosocialinteractionwithstrangersorotherresidents.Sherecognisedthisasavery
EuropeanorAmericanculturalaspectofrespectingothers’privacy,andremarkedthatalarge
sectionoftheresidentsintheareawerewesternmigrants.Apossibleexplanationforthis
interpretationisthatSamarwascomparingthesocialattitudeofpeopleinAmwajtothe
sociablelifeoftheOldMuharraq,whereshewasraisedandstillfrequentlyvisits.Herold
neighbourhoodhadahighlevelofsocialinteractionbetweenneighbourswheretheywould
exchangevisitsalmostdaily.Samarsaid:
“InEidandRamadan,there’snothinghere.YouwillnotfeelthatitisEidorRamadan[…]WeusedtogototheoldMuharraqtoourgrandma’shouseinRamadan[…]herewearemissingthesociabilitythatwefindinMuharraq”.
DuringtheethnographyinAmwaj,theconvivialatmospherewithqualitiesofwalkabilityand
permeabilityallowedmetocommunicatewithsomeresidents,whoappearedvery
200
welcoming.IencounteredanItalianmanandtwoEthiopianwomensocialisingoutsidetheir
house.Theirvisibleseatingarrangementallowedmetoengageinaconversationwiththem.
ThemanremarkedthatinhishometowninItaly,itisquitenormaltositoutsidewhenthe
weatherispleasantandsocialisewiththeneighbours.ThefieldworkshowsthatinAmwaj,
peoplesharedthespaceandeverydayactivities,exchangedsmileswhiletheywereinthe
streetandalsoofferedcare.Forexample,Samarmentionedastorywhenherlittlebrotherleft
thehousealoneandoneoftheirEnglishneighboursbroughthimbackhome.Accordingly,and
referringtothedefinitionofconviviality,itcanbefeltinfleetingencountersaswellasin
sustainedrelationships(Nealetal.,2013).Samaralsovaluedthedesignofthespace,thesea
viewandthesharedactivitiesofwalkingoutsideinAmwaj,which,accordingtoher,werenot
possibleinothercitiesinBahrain.
Sociabilityandconvivialityarenotsynonyms.Sociability,likehospitality,hasethical
dimensions.Affordancesforsociabilitycansupportconvivialitytosomeextent,butdifferences
insenseofsociabilitycouldhaveculturaldimensions,whichmayalsoleadto
misunderstanding(Section2.3.4).
6.8Affordancesforsociabilityinparksandgardens:Beingoutdoorand
sharedpatternsofuse
6.8.1Acquaintanceshipandsharingtemporalities
Theoverlappingofspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseanddifferentculturalpracticesinthe
sharedPOSasdescribedintheprecedingchapterappearedasaspectsofcommonalitiesor
‘nichesofsimilarities’,whichmayalsosupportconvivialityacrossdifferences(Wessendorf
2014b).Inadditionthespatialandtemporalattributesoftheseplacescanhelptopromote
familiarityandprovideopportunitiesforgettingacquaintedwithnewpeople.
Thedailytemporalityofuseenhancesfamiliarityamongdiverseusersaspeopleandtheir
patternshavebecomerecognisable.ChapterFiveshowedthediversityofusersinparksand
gardens.Fromethnographyandrepeatedsitevisits,itappearsthatsomegroupssitinthe
samespotduringeveryvisit,andoncrowdeddaystheyarriveearlytoreservetheirplace;
hence,thesegroupshavebecomefamiliartoothervisitorssharingthesamepatternsofuse
andinterest.Fromthefieldwork,itappearedthatregularusersarefamiliarwithotherusers
eventhoughtheyliveindifferentneighbourhoodsinBahrainorhavedifferentcountriesof
201
origin.Theyalsomentionedsomedetailsofotherusers’lives.TheSyriansisters,wholivein
Riffa,said,“Wheneverwecome,weseeafamilyfromHamadTownsittinginthegarden,they
areSyrians,amanwithhistwowives”.Theyalsoexplainedhowtheybuiltfriendshipswith
Yemeniwomenwhousedtositnexttotheminthepicnicpodduringtheirregularvisitsto
KhalifaGarden.ThesistersalsotalkedabouttheirrelationshipwiththeJordanianandEgyptian
womentheyhadmetinthegarden.InAradBayPark,aYemeniintervieweesaidthatshe
becameacquaintedwithotherwomenfromthemosquewhenfamiliesvisittheparkeach
weekendandprayinthemosqueatthesametime.Womenusuallyprayathome,buthavinga
mosquenexttoagardenprovidesopportunitiesforthemtomeet.
Everydaywalkingenthusiastsalsosharetheirinterestinareasaswalkingadjacenttoother
walkersprovidesopportunitiesforinterculturalsociability.Shahrazad,theBahrainiwoman,
said:
“AtAradBaytherewasanexercisecoach.IsawhereverydayinthemorningwhileIdidmywalking.SoIwassmilingtoherandshewouldaswell.Then,shestartedtalkingwithmeandcommentingonmyhairstyle[…]SoIhadsomekindoffriendlyrelationwithher”.
TheBahrainigirlandthenon-Arabmigrantcoachbecameacquaintedthroughsharingthe
activityofexercisingatdawn.InHunainiyahPark,twofathersofArab-originmentionedthat
theygotacquaintedwitheachotherinthepark,andnowwhentheymeeteachotherby
chanceinthepark,theydotheirjoggingtogether.Theusersmayalsosharemultiple
commonalities,forexample,inHunainiyahPark,agroupofgrandmothersandmothersfrom
PakistanandYemendotheirwalkingexercisetogetherintheparkeverydaybecausethey
havediabetes.Theymentionedthatformerlytheydidnotknoweachotherandtheymet
coincidentallyintheparkforthesamemotivationandthenregularlymeteverydayand
enjoyedtheirwalktogetherandfolloweditbygatheringonthegrassforachat.
Familiaritytowardthespacesandtheindividualsfromdiversecultureswhosharethesespaces
isalsoapartoftheadaptionprocess.Thisfamiliarityhasresultedfromthesocialencounter
andsharingoftacitknowledgebetweenregularusers.TheroutineactivitiesinthesePOS
developasenseoffamiliarityandaffiliationbetweentheusersandthespace(Nealetal.,
2015,p.469).Suchevidencewaspresentintheinterviewswhenusersmentionedthedifferent
‘spotsandelements’inthesespacesandwhytheyfavoursomeoverothers(Nealetal.,2015,
p.469).
202
6.8.2Informalsolidaritiesamongfemaleparkusers
Duringthesitevisitstotheseformalgreenspaces,thesociableatmospherewasclearly
revealedinthedifferentsocialactivitiesenactedthere.Thisobservationwasconsistentwith
thatofNealetal.(2015,p.469)intheirstudyinLeicester“Averymundane,micro-sociality
threadsthroughthesevariousparkpractices”.Theparksandgardens,duringfieldwork,
presentedaffordancesforfamiliestosocialise.Richsocialencounterswerealsovisibleinthe
picnicpods,thepicnictableareasinAndalus,inwalkwaytracks,onthesportfieldsamong
malevisitors,intheparkingareaandatthegatesoftheparksandgardens,particularlywhen
therewerevendors(sellingpopcorn,icecream,andcottoncandy).
Theseopportunitiestosocialiseprovidedsocialsupportformigrants,especiallywomen.
PermeabilityinPOSpromotessensibilitybetweenusersandafeelingforothersnotonly
becausetheyareneighboursbutalsobecausetheyareparkcompanions.Likewise,inArad,a
JordanianmotherandhousewifewhohadmovedtoBahrainsixyearsagosaidthatusually
whensheissittingwithhertwodaughtersonthelawnotherArabwomenfromdifferent
originscometoherofferingcoffeeortea,oraskinghertojointhem.Duringmyfieldwork,I
wasquiteoftenofferedtea,coffee,fruitandcakebyparticipantswhowereofAraborPersian
origins,includingBahraini.
Inanumberofshortinterviews,itwasapparentthatsomemigrantwomenvisittheparksand
gardenstoseeotherwomenandtohaveanopportunitytochatandestablishrapportwith
eachother.Thesewomencomeinsmallorbiggroupsorasasinglemotherwithchildren.The
visibilityofsocialposition,theiridentityofbeingmigrantwomen,commoninterestsand
motivationsinusingtheparkarecommonfactorsamongthesewomenofdifferentorigins.
Alludingtothis,theJordanianmotherindicatedthatshesociallyencounteredwomenfrom
differentnationalitiesinArad:fromtheUkraine,Egypt,YemenandMoroccoinadditionto
Jordan.ForthisJordanianwoman,buildingrelationshipsisbasedontrustandrespectfulness
inappearanceandmanner.Thewomenalsomentionedthatthechildrenhaveanimportant
roleinhelpingtheirmotherstobeabletosocialise.Additionally,manychildrenare
accompaniedandsupervisedbytheirnanniesorhousemaids.Duringthefieldobservations
andinterviews,domesticworkersandnannieswereusingthesemomentstointeractwith
eachother.Usually,theyareofdifferentnationalitiesbuttheyinteractinacommonlanguage,
Arabic,EnglishorHindi.
203
Someoftheseinteractionsmightbecasualandfleeting,buttheJordanianwomanalsosaid
thattheysometimesexchangetelephonenumberstobeabletocontinuearrangingtheir
meetingsinthepark.ShementionedthatshehasanEgyptianfriendfromthepark,workingas
ateacher,whogivesheracallbeforecomingtothegardentopickheruponherway.The
datafrominterviewsrevealedthatthepopularparksandgardenshavebecomeameeting
pointforthesewomentosocialise,ratherthanthesmallneighbourhoodgardensthatdonot
providethisopportunity.
6.8.3Familyatmosphereforlonemigrants
Alivelyplaceisthebestplaceforapersoneveniftheyarealone(Whyte,1980).Thus,these
crowdedparksandgardens,whichcreateafamilyatmosphere,appealtomigrantworkersas
theymingleinthecrowdandtheydonotfeelestrangedoraloneinthecountry.Thisaspectof
beinginacollectivecontextwascommonlymentionedbysinglemigrantsintheirinterviews.
HalamentionedthatanumberofmigrantsdonothavefamiliesinBahrainandsotheyvisit
theseparksandgardenstorecreateafeelingofbelongingtoafamily.Inthisregard,inthego-
alonginterviewinAradwithMaysa,theSyrianmothermentionedthesignificantrestorative
valueofgatheringinparksandgardens,particularlyassheisamigrantawayfromherfamily.
ForMaysa,theparkisherretreatwheresheescapestowhensheisemotionallyoverwhelmed
andcanspendtimewithherfriendsandtheirchildren.Shesaid,“WhenI’minbadmood,I
comehereandIfeelbetter.Itisnice,especiallywhenIcomeinagroupwithfamilyandbring
ourSyriantea”.Sheclaimsthatsometimesduringhervisitstothepark,shenoticesgroupsof
Egyptianfamiliessharingamealsittingclosetoeachotherandthenshetoolongstobepartof
suchafamilygathering.Alludingtothis,inAndalusGarden,Shahrazadexplained:
“Mostoftheforeigners,theyarecomingtogethertohaveafamilyatmosphere[…]manyfamiliesaresittingwitheachother.Thegardenbringsthemtogether[…]ifyounoticetheyarehumbleandsitanywhere,gatheringismoreimportantforthem”.
ShahrazadandherfriendsareyoungBahrainiwomenwhohavevisitedthegardenweeklyand
attimesdailysincetheirtimeinschool.Theyalsoenjoytheatmosphereofthegardenthough
themajorityofusersaremigrantsfromdifferentsocialgroups.
204
Additionally,duringthefieldobservation,Ifrequentlynoticedmigrantworkershavingtheir
lunchbreakintheparksandgardensratherthanontheroadsorsidewalks.Thegreenspaces
withtheirtreesandgrassyareasandtheprovidedshadedseatingareasofferacoolspacefor
workers(Figures6.10)toseekrespitefromthescorchingsummersunandafternoon
temperature.Theaffordancesofdesignandmanagementofthesespacessupportsharing
diversepatternsofuseandhencesupportconviviality.
6.8.4Encouraginghealthyactivities
Inthefieldobservation,itwasalsocommontoseerunnersandwalkersofdifferentages
competinginfriendlywaystoencourageeachother.Twogirls,friendsfromJordanandEgypt,
runinAndaluseveryeveningandareencouragedbybeingsurroundedbypeopleofdiverse
ethnicities.Thepracticeofexercisingseriously,walkingorjoggingisrecognisedbymanyusers
thoughtheyarenotpartakingintheactivity.InKhalifaGarden,aBahrainimotherand
employeesaidthatthewalkwayisniceandmanypeoplearewalkingwhichisgoodfortheir
health,butshedoesnothavetimetowalk.Likewise,inAradBayPark,Adam,fromMalaysia,
mentioned,“Peoplearedoinghealthyactivities”.Leen,theIndonesianairhostess,also
supportedhim,“Peopleareverynice,theyenjoytheirlifeandexerciseallthetime,becauseat
whatevertimeIpasshereformywork,Icanseepeoplehere,”astheAradisnexttothe
airport.
Nealetal.(2015,p.470)demonstratedthatitdoesnotrequiredialogicinteractiontobring
togetherdiversepopulationsinproximatespacewhensharingspatialandtemporalpatterns
ofuse.Nealetal.(2015,p.471)emphasisedthatlightformsofconvivialitycouldbedeveloped
Figures6.10WorkersfromthesurroundingareashavetheirmealintheirbreakinAndalusandArad.
205
bysharingactivitiesandbringingtogetherusersfromdifferentethnicbackgrounds.This
explanationwasextremelyrelevanttothefindings.Forexample,thewalkingandjogging
enthusiastslikedtogowhereotherswerealsosharingthesameactivityinordertofeel
motivatedbyothers.ThiswasalsosupportedinWilson’sresearch(2011)onphysical
orientationandcollectiveexperiencesandhowaffectiveatmospherescansupportthe
productionofaffectiveencounters.
6.9Spatio-temporalnegotiationacross-differencesinsharingPOS
Thefindingsshowpositivepatternsofnegotiationbetweendiverseusers,whichsupport
continuingtransculturalpracticeandconvivialityacrossdifferences.Asexplainedabovein
Section6.6,peoplesometimesavoidcertainspacesthatdonotagreewiththeirdifferent
expectations(differentsenseofcrowdednessordifferentsenseofappropriatenessandsocial
responsibility)orspatiallyortemporallywithdrawtootherspaces.Thiswithdrawalisnotonly
relevanttoparksandgardens.Forexample,inAmwaj,anItalianresidentdecidedtouse
privateclubsduringweekendsbecausemostoftheusersonthosedaysarenotresidentsof
Amwajgatedcommunity,whichcreatescrowdedness.Inthiscontext,hereferstothecrowds
aroundthelagoonareaandalsoonthebeachintheresidentialareasasa“problemduringthe
weekendswhenalotofjetskiersusetheareaandthereisnoprivacy”.Heappeared
disconcertedbyhisobservationthatAmwajIslandsecuritywaslaxandthecrowdswereabit
unrulyattimes.ThiswasnotaproblemforSamar,theBahrainiresident,whileotheraffluent
migrantsexpresstheiranxietyaboutthelargecrowds.Shesaid,“ResidentsinAmwajcomplain
aboutcrowdednessandthejetskis[…]Ithinkthisisdisturbingfortheforeigners,butforus
Bahrainis,itisnormal.Itisfineforme”.Thejetskisandwatersportsaresignsofthemodern
lifestyleforBahrainis.However,Samar,throughthego-alonginterviewinAmwaj-lagoon,
describesanincidentwhenwesawwomengatheringonthelawnareaasunsuitableoroutof
place(ChapterFiveFigure5.19).
Thespacethatdoesnotmeetdifferentexpectationschallengessocialinclusivityandsocial
encounters.AgooddiversityofparksandPOSacrossacityprovideschoicesfordifferent
peopleofvariouskindsofplaces.ProvidingachoiceofPOSacrossthecitycouldbean
appropriateactiontopreventconflictsarisingfromdifferentexpectations;yet,socialequityin
usingPOSmustnotbeignored.Itisvitaltounderstandifwithdrawalfromaspaceisin
responsetoaspecificthreatoruncomfortablesituations,orduetounequalpowerdynamics.
ItisalsoessentialtounderstandhowprovidingdifferentchoicesofPOSacrossthecitycan
206
supporttransculturalpracticesandconviviality.Atalocalspaceleveloratmicro-scale,positive
negotiationcansupportpositivesocialencounters.Ensuringthatthereareinclusivelocal
spacesmeansthatpeopledonotneedtowithdraw,whichcouldbeaprofessionalaim.
Increasingactivitieswithalternativeswouldprovidechoicesfordifferentpeopleandgroups;
thisagaincouldbeaprofessionalaimtopromoteinclusivityatlocalspaces.Thesections
belowillustrateexamplesofpositivenegotiationsupportedbytheaffordancesoftheparks
andgardens.
6.9.1Genderinasharedspace
Theanalysisoftheinterviewssupportedbydatafromrepeatedobservationsatdifferent
timesofdayrevealedthatlow-incomemigrantwomenvaluetheactivityofgathering,chatting
andmeetingotherwomenintheparksandgardensasitistheironlyescapefromroutine
chores.Interestingly,somegroupsofwomenstayuntillateinthenightforapicnicintheparks
andgardenswithorwithoutmalefamilymembers,andtheyalsocomeforawalkatdawn
aloneoraccompanied.
InAradBayandHunainiyahparks,peoplearesharingtheprovidedspacesandmanagingtheir
sittinginafamiliaryetrespectfulmanner,usingtheaffordancesofthespace.InHunainiyah,
wheremostoftheusersarePakistanisandYemenis,observationsrevealedthatusually
womenandmensitindifferentpartsofthepark,particularlyoncrowdeddays.Thecollected
datashowthatmenprefersittingonthepavement,onbenches,intheircarsorintheparking
areanexttotheircarsenjoyingdifferentactivities,retainingthepicnicpodforwomenand
respectingtheirprivacy.Nazir(fromBalouchistan)explainedthisisacommonsocialpracticein
Figures 6.11 The pictures show the spatial choices and affordances of the designed landscape elements for women; either seeking privacy (a) or being visible (b).
207
Hunainiyahbecausethewomenhavedifferenttopicstotalkabout.Headdedthatthemen
dropoffthewomenofthefamily,thechildren,theirbicyclesandpicnicequipmentandwait
forthemtofinishtheirpicnic.InArad,thefieldnotesshowedthatwomenmainlyoccupyone
sideofthelawn,whereasontheothersideofthelawn,bothgendersarefound.
Figures 6.12 A mother preparing her place for sitting (a), a family with picnic equipment walking to their picnic space (b), and a group of women moving to their place of gathering (c).
c
a b
208
Fromalandscapearchitecturalperspectiveinunderstandingthecasestudies,inKhalifa
Garden,thelawnareaismuchwiderthaninHunainiyahandAradandithasseveraloptionsof
picnicpods,whichprovidechoicesintermsofprivacy.Faizapreferredhavingapicnicinthe
areaamongfoliageasitaffordsapartitionforprivacy,“Thetreesarecoveringusandwe
removeourhijab(hairscarf).Wefeelfreeandprivate”.Thoughsittingonanopenlawn,
familiesrespecttheothers’privacy.Indifferentshortinterviews,theparticipantsmentioned
Figures 6.13 Families arranging for their stay in the parks and gardens.
209
thattheyrespectothers’privacyandkeeprespectfuldistancesbetweeneachother.AYemeni
womaninKhalifaGardensaid,“Ifamanissittingwithhiswife,peoplearenotsittingcloseto
them,theyrespecttheirprivacy”.Furthermore,oncrowdeddays,asmentionedbytheSyrian
sisters,picnickerstendnottolookatotherstorespecttheirprivacydespitethefacttheyare
sittingnexttoeachotheronthelawn.Zainaadded“Theycan’tseeothergroups,somewomen
arewiththeirhusbands,youcan’tseethem,[...]familiesarewithmen,itisembarrassingto
seeothers”.Thelevelofthelightingalsoaffectswomen’sseclusion.AccordingtoaPakistani
familyinSalmaniya,atnight,somewomenselecttositawayfromthelightwhentheyremove
theirveil(facecover).
Duringmyobservationsintheinformalspaces,Inoticedthatintheneighbourhoods,itwasa
commonpracticeformalestositoutsideorgatherandforchildrentoplay,butnotusuallyfor
womentoengageoutdoorsintheseinformalspaces.Forexample,inBabAl-Bahrain,thefield
notesandinterviewsdatashowedthattherearelimitedopportunitiesforgendernegotiation.
Inthego-alonginterviewwithIrfan,theIndianmaleworker,heconfirmedtheconcentration
ofmigrantmaleworkersfromtheIndiansubcontinent,especiallyinthenightandatthe
weekend,inBabAl-Bahrainarea.Hesaid:“Familiesdon’tsitattheroundabout,only
bachelors”.ThroughsitevisitstoBabAl-Bahrainespeciallyatweekendandevenings,I
observedthatthelimitedseatsintheSquarewerealmostalwaysoccupiedbymales.Manyof
themalsostoodingroupsorsatonthepavements;someevenobstructedthepathofthe
pedestrians.AccordingtoFaiza,theIndianfemaleworker,duringthewalkinginterviewinBab
Al-Bahrain,“Ican’tfindspacetostandanywhere[...]allthemenaresittingandIcannot
enter”.Shenarratedherexperienceasawomanbeinginaplacewithmostlymenstanding
around,whichmightfeelstressfuloruncomfortable.Thisalsoshowsdifficultiesforawoman
toclaimaspaceinanareaoccupiedbymen.Faizaalsotalkedaboutherexperienceofusing
thetraditionalcoffeeshopinBabAl-Bahrain,“SometimesIsitandhavesometeaorwaterif
I’mtired,butIfeelshyamonggroupsofmen.Thereisnoplaceforwomentosit.Mencansit
everywhere,whilethewomenonlywalkorstand”.FaizaisattachedtoBabAl-Bahrainandshe
isveryfamiliarwiththeareasoshecanrepeathervisitfrequentlyatotherlesscrowdedtimes
ortrytospatiallyavoidthecrowds.
210
6.9.2Playingsport
Usersalsonegotiatetheiruseofthesportfacilitiesinparksandgardens.Forexample,in
KhalifaGarden,RashidsaidthatthemainfootballpitchisusedbyBahrainisfromthe
neighbourhood,whileYemenisaremostlyplayingvolleyballorfootballintheprovided
differentsportareas.HealsosaidthatgroupsofFilipinosplaybasketballeverydayintheearly
morning,whichisalsosupportedbyobservationondifferentdays.Ondifferentsitevisits,I
sawagroupofNepaleseplayingvolleyballduringtheafternoons.InAndalus,spendingtime
on-siterevealedthatanarrangementismadebetweenFilipinosandIndianstousethesports
fieldforplayingfootballorvolleyball.InSalmaniya,PakistaniandIndianteenagerswere
Figures 6.14 Sport areas create vibrant inclusive spaces where players interact.
211
observedplayingcricketonthemultipurposecourt.DuringRamadanonseveraldays,I
encounteredgroupsofAfricanpeopleplayingfootballbeforetheIftar.
Therearealsoinstancesofsportactivitiesbringingtogetherplayersofdiversenationalities.
Forexample,referringtomyfieldnotes,ononeoccasioninKhalifaGarden,Filipinos,Indians
andArabswereplayingvolleyballtogether.Rashidalsosaid,“Onceinthemultipurposecourt
(inKhalifaGarden)Isawonone-sideFilipinosplayingbasketballandontheotherside
Bahrainisplayingfootball”.Asrecountedintheshortinterviewsandfromtheobservationsin
Hunainiyah,InoticedBalochisandPakistanisplayingcricketeitherintheparkoratits
boundary.
Fromfieldobservation,theprovidedformalsportsareaisusedmainlybymen,asplaying
sportsisconsideredamasculineactivity.However,indifferentgardens,badmintonisa
Figures6.15Playingbadmintonhasbecomecommoninparksandgardens(a-b). Boys playing cricket ina provided court in SalmaniyaGarden (c). CricketandbadmintonareusuallyplayedbyAsianmigrantsinBahrain.
a
b
c
212
commonsportandaninformalactivityseenamongIndianandFilipinogroupsofbothgenders
anddifferentages.FaizaalsosaidaboutheractivitiesinKhalifaGarden:
“Iliketoplaybadminton.EverytimeIcometoKhalifaGarden,mydaughters,myfriendsandIplaybadmintontogether.Andeverybodyiswatchingus,becauseI’mafatwomanandplaying.ButIliketoplay(laugh).WhenIplayIforgetthatI’mladyandIjustplayevenifeverybodyiswatchingus.Noproblem.Ijustenjoy(laugh)”.
However,despitetheprovisionofdesignatedsportsareasinparksandgardens,frommy
observationintheinformalspaces,itwasstillverycommontoseechildrenplayingfootballin
theneighbourhoods,andoccasionallyinunsafeconditions,whichcouldimplythatsome
childrenprefertoplayintheirneighbourhoodsand/ortheprovidedsportfieldsarenot
sufficientornearenoughtohousingareas.Therearealsohierarchiesofagewhenitcomesto
usingthegardensorparks,someolderteenagersoradultsmonopolisethesportfields,leaving
nospaceforyoungerchildrentoplay.Inbothcases,theneedsofusersfromtheyounger
generationhavenotbeenfullyaddressedinpublicoutdoorurbanspaces.
6.10Conclusion
Theanalysisshowedageneralpositiveperceptiontowardsdiversityamongstbothmigrants
andlocalusers,whichisshapedbythehistorical,geographicalandculturalcharacteristicsof
theresearchcontext.Thesecharacteristicssupportconvivialityandinformthedevelopmentof
theseplacesandauthenticallyreflectthehybridityofthecity.Theresearchexploredthe
evocativequalitiesofbeingoutdoorsandhowmemoriesarerootedandreflectedintheuseof
thesespaces.Asenseoflocalbelongingandbeingwelcomedisrevealedintheparticipants’
stories,demonstratinghowinparticularplacesparticipantsfeltlikeaninsiderandathome.
ThesequalitiesaddtotherestorativevaluesofPOSandshowthatabusysouqoranalleycan
haveanescapefunctionandthoserestorativevaluescanbeachievedwithinacrowd.
Similarly,desertspacesshouldnottobeignoredfromthedebateonnatureandrestorative
valuesasthistypologyalsopromoteswellbeingthroughthemulti-sensoryexperiencesthat
reflectmigrants’identities,pastmemoriesandthehistoryofplaces.
Itisvitaltohighlightthatparksandgardensappearedsignificantplacesforadaptationsand
transculturalpractices.Theaffordancesofparksandgardenstocontinuehomecultural
practicesarevalued,eventhoughtheirtypologydifferedtothatfromthehomecountry.A
spacethatreflectsahybridsenseofidentitycanpromoteadaptationinatransnational
context.
213
Exposuretoandvisibilityofothersmotivatedpeopletosociallyengagewiththecrowdand
explorethecommonalities;however,thevisibilitiesofdifferencesarenotalways
acknowledged.Somepeoplejudgedothersbasedontheirperceptionsofdutyofcareand
responsibilities.Intheanalysis,differencesinparentingandcleanlinessperceptionswere
mentionedrepeatedlyasproblematic,andthistendedtoexacerbateracialstereotypesand
negativelyaffectedhealthysocialinteractioninpublicspaces.Thisimpliesaneedforabetter
understandingofdifferentculturalexpectations.
Thevisiblequalitiesofpublicopenspacesinformpeople,includingnewcomers,ofthepattern
ofusesthatcanbepursuedinthesespacesandprovideopportunitiesforthemtomeet
peoplefromtheirhomecountry.Someresidentschoosetofrequentlydrivelongdistancesto
spendtheirleisuretimeinanareawheretheyfeelmoreintegrated,comfortableand
welcome.Forexample,Asianmigrantworkerscrowdthesquareandthesouqintheirleisure
timeasthesespacesappearfamiliartothemwithvisibilityoftheirleisureculturalpractices
andsocialgroups.Thespacealsoinvokesmemoriesforthosemigrantswhofindsimilaritiesto
spacesintheirhomecountrywithregardtoitsphysicalform,socialfabricandtheavailability
offamiliarfoodandgoods.
Nonetheless,intheselectedsites,togethernesswithculturaldifferenceswasevidenceof
socialintegration.Theresearchalsoshowedsomeevidenceofwheretheaffordancesof
permeabilityandthespatialqualitiessupportsociabilityandpositiveencountersacross
differences.Thein-depthethnographyexploredsignificantevidenceonhowrepeated
encounterswithoutinteractionhavetranslatedintogeneralisingrespectforothers,for
exampleasexpressedbyShahrazadindescribingthefamilyatmosphereinAndalusandLeen
andAdaminAraddescribingthehealthyactivitiesandotherexamplesthatchangethe
estrangementfeelingstofamiliarityorevenintegration,whichsupporttheconceptof‘scaling
up’effect(Valentine,2008).Thecollecteddataalsoshoweddifferentpatternsofnegotiation
whensharingspacessupportedbytherangeofactivitiesandalternatives.Thispositive
negotiationsupportsconviviality(WiseandVelayutham2009;Wessendorf,2014b)andcould
alsobeofassistancetoprocessesofadaptation,integrationandreformationofhybrid
identities(NoussiaandLyons,2009;Hou,2013).
ThefindingsshowthatsocialencountersinPOScanbedevelopedtoformsociabilityand
sustainedrelationships,especiallyacrosspeopleofthesamegender.Thefindingsreflectsome
ofthedifferencesbetweenideasofconvivialityandsociability.Convivialityisdifferentfrom
sociability;itisaboutengagingwithdiverseotherswiththeemphasisonbeingequitablein
214
differences.Incontrastsociabilityisaformofculturalandleisurepracticeswhilstbeing
togetherusuallywithfamiliarpeoplefromasocialnetworkorculturalgroup.The‘publicness’
ofapublicopenspacemaysupportsociabilitybutinatransculturalcontextthepracticeof
convivialitymaybevitaltosocialfunctioning.
Thesefindingscanaddsignificantdetailstothetheoriesontransculturalcities,convivialityand
meaningfulencounters,asdiscussedinthenextchapter.Theaggravationsatmicro-levelcould
alsocontributetoextendingtherelevantstudiesofconvivialityandtransculturalcities.
Althoughsometimesseemingtrivial,itisimportantthatnuancesofaggravationsand
convivialityarerespondedtoinurbanprofessionalpractice,astheythreatentheinclusive
valueofurbanpublicspaces.ThenatureandscopeofthisresponseisdiscussedinChapter
Eight.
215
ChapterSeven:ContributiontoDevelopingTheory
7.1Introduction
AsillustratedinthetheoreticalframeworkinChapterTwo,thisresearchisconductedwithin
thedisciplineandapproachesoflandscapearchitecture,andcontributestotheoriesof
transculturalcitiesandconvivialityalongsideinterdisciplinaryaspectsofgeography,sociology
andurbanstudies.BycritiquingtheanalyseddatainChaptersFiveandSixwiththeliterature,
thischapterdiscussesthefindingsonthefirsttwooverarchingaimsinrelationtoseveralareas
withintheabove-mentionedtheories.Thisdatawastheoutcomefrommultiplequalitative
methodsofshorton-siteinterviewsandgo-alonginterviewssupportedbyfieldnotesand
photographs,whichallresultedfromtheethnographicpracticeofspendingtimeinthefieldof
theselectedcasestudies.Inusinglandscapearchitectureasameansthroughoutthisresearch
toexaminetherelationshipbetweenconviviality,transculturalcitiesandpublicopenspaces
(POS),thespatialanddesignqualitiesaretakenintoconsiderationforunderstandingcultural
differenceswithregardtodifferentexperiences,meaningsandvalues.
Thefirstresearchaiminvestigatestheeverydayactivities,preferencesandpatternsof
diversityinPOSinBahrainandcontributestothediscourseontransculturalcitiesand
highlightsanareaoftheoryrelatedtomigrantexperiencesacrossbordersthatarediscussedin
Section7.2,andalsotouchesonthemesofconviviality.Thesearerelevanttothesecond
researchaim,whichexploreshowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedinurbanpublic
spaceswithinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation,andhowthiscontributesto
theoriesonconvivialityandencountersacrossdifferencesandinformsthetwoareasof
theory,specificallymeaningfulencountersinSection7.3.1andextendingtheeffectof
encountersinSection7.3.2.Section7.4subsequentlydiscussestheemergingtensionsin
everydayencountersinPOSandhighlightstherelevanceofmundanespatialpracticeswithin
suchadebate.Thethirdresearchaimdevelopsthesetheorieswithimplicationsforpractice
andtheywillbediscussedinmoredetailinChapterEightwithrelationtotheexpert
interviews.
216
Currentlytherearenoexistingstudiesaboutspatialandtemporalactivitiesandpatternofuse
inpublicopenspacesinBahrain.Therefore,thisresearchprovidesspecificknowledgethat
addressestheexistinggap.Whilethisknowledgecontributestoboththetheoriesof
transculturalcitiesandconvivialityinthisresearch,italsopointstofurtherresearchagendas
intotheseareas,specificallystudiesofleisurepracticesandrecreationalusesofopenspacesin
theGulf,MiddleEast,orglobally.ThefollowingpointsareasummaryofChapterSeven
findings.
1. Spatialvariationinoutdooraffordancesfordifferentpatternsofrecreationand
sociability(inbothformalandinformalspaces)canreflecttransculturalidentitiesand
differencesinperceptions,withthepotentialpositiveimpactofpromotingsocialand
mentalwellbeing.
2. ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOSindicatethecomplexityofnegotiatingeverydaylifein
transculturalcitieswithregardtodifferentexpectationsofsocialresponsibilitiesand
ethicsofcareinparentingandcleanlinessinpublicspaces.
3. Long-termmeaningsofsocialinclusivitycanbegeneratedinsociallyresponsive
outdoorspaces,despite(andsometimesbecauseof)theoftentemporaryandfleeting
natureofmostencounters.
4. Heritagesitesintheselectedcasestudiesactassignificanttransculturalsitesfor
migrantleisurepracticesandpatternsofoutdoorsocialising.
5. Culturaldifferencescancreatebarrierstobeingoutdoorsandsharingspacewith
others.Designandmanagementapproachesinformedbyprinciplesofsocialjustice
needtobethoughtfullyconsideredintransculturalpublicspaces.
7.2Transculturalcitiesandasenseofbelonging:Beingyourselfinanew
place
Withevolvingcultures,thediscourseontransculturalcitieshasemergedtohelpunderstand
bothculturaltransformationandhybridityincitiesandhowtransnationalidentitiesare
shaped,whichhasalsoledtoincreasingculturaldifferences(Hou,2013).Migrantexperiences
andsocio-spatialassociationsacrossbordersplayacrucialpartinthetransculturalprocess
(Rishbeth,2013).Thisareaoftheorylooksathowthe‘translocalities’andbuiltenvironments
217
influenceadaptationandhybridityinwhichthetransnationalidentitiesevolveandnewforms
ofattachmentsdeveloped.Todiscussthefindingsinthissection,Ibringtogetherliteratureon
migrants’experiencesinanewplaceandsocialusesandvaluesofPOS.Thisalsoaddressesthe
studiesontheimportanceofPOSformigrantsandtransculturalpracticesandprocesses.
7.2.1Patternsofsociabilitysupportingtransculturalpractices
AfterinvestigatingthepatternsofuseinPOSinChapterFivebyusingtheethnographictools
ofspendingtimeon-siteforobserving,recordingfieldnotes,takingphotosandtalkingwith
users,sociabilityandextensivegatheringpredominatedinthedataasoutdoorleisure
practices.Thesemundaneculturalpractices,toacertainextent,flowwithmigrantsacrossthe
border.Continuingthesepracticesandactivitiesinanewplaceisaformofadaptationthat
supportsthetransculturalprocess(GhoshandWang,2003;NoussiaandLyons,2009;Powell
andRishbeth,2012;Hou,2013).
Leisureactivitiesarecontextdependent(ByrneandWolch,2009).InChaptersFiveandSix,the
dataanalysesshowedthatPOSreflectdifferentleisuretypologiesandculturalidentities
commoninmigrantspastexperienceswhichsupporttheprocessofadaptation.Thefindings
showevidenceofhowdesertleisurepracticesareseeninformalurbangreenspaces:for
example,extensivegatheringandgatheringnearcars.Hence,theformalparksandgardens
aresitesfortheadaptationprocess.Theanalysisofthetranscriptssupportedbythefield
notesalsoconfirmedthatinBahrainformalparksandgardensarenottheonlyoutdoorleisure
spaces,soarethepedestrianisedstreetsandinformalPOS.Forexample,BabAl-Bahrain
squareandsouq,thetraditionalcoffeehouses,andopenspacesinfrontofhousesandshops
alsoshowevidenceofgathering,socialisingandspendingleisuretimeoutdoorswithothers.
Havingseveralcasestudyareas(withbothformalandinformalPOS)revealedavariationof
outdooraffordancesforappropriatedifferentculturalleisureactivitiesandpatternsof
sociability(ByrneandWolch,2009;PetersanddeHaan,2011).
ChapterFivealsohighlightedhowtheseleisurepracticesshiftspatiallyandtemporally
betweendayandnightindifferentseasons,evidencedafterconductingsixmonthsintensive
fieldwork,visitingdifferentcasestudiesandconductinginterviewsatdifferenttimesofthe
dayanddifferentdaysoftheweek.Thesedynamicsdisplaytransculturalpracticeswith
patternsofdiversityandspatialandtemporalaspectsofadaptation(Hou,2013).Additionally,
thisseasonaladaptationgeneratescollectiveexperiencesamongstdiverseuserswithdifferent
activitiesandmotivation.
218
7.2.2Memorytriggersinpubliclandscapes
Participantswithmigrantbackgroundsnarratedtheirmemoriesofhomecountriesin
describingtheiroutdoorexperiencesinBahrain.Thesememoriessupportmigrants’adaptation
andtranslateintotransculturalconnectionsandsocialassociationsinanewplace(Ghoshand
Wang,2003;Armstrong,2004;RishbethandPowell,2013).SimilaritiesbetweenBahrain’s
contextandmigrants’pastexperiencesandhistoryofplacessuchasclimate,geography,
culturalpractices,typologyofspacesorhistorystimulatemigrants’memories.Forexample,in
Hunainiyah,thetreesremindthemoftheirhomecountrySyria,whilethefortontheridgeis
likeYemen,theroundformfountainandsouqinBabAl-BahrainaresimilartoaplaceinIndia,
thesouqinBabAl-BahrainresemblesanAsianBazaar,Block-338lookslikealocalstreetin
EuropeandAmwajissimilartoawesternneighbourhood.Thearomasoffoodfromethnic
restaurantsandincensefromtemplesinBabAl-BahrainremindAsianusersoftheircountries.
ExperiencingtheweatheronasummernightremindedanintervieweeinKhalifaGardenofhis
ancestorsinJordan.Migrants’memoriesofpastexperiencesandcurrentexperiencesof
patternsofsociabilityandoutdoorleisurepracticesalsointertwineinanurbanlocality,for
example,gatheringandeating‘samosas’attheroundabout.Inalandscapearchitecturefocus,
thesedetailsremaininmemoriesandcanbeprovokedthroughtheoutdoormulti-sensory
experiences(Dee,2001).Socialactivitiesinopenspacesevokememoriesthroughexposureto
diversesensoryexperiencesatamicro-scale.Beingoutdoorsalsostimulatesmulti-sensory
awareness(visualandnon-visual)thatevokeschildhoodmemories(WardThompson,2007;
Pink,2008;Ingold,2012)andremindsmigrantsoftheirhomecountries(Lowetal.,2005;
RishbethandFinney,2006).ThesearetheevocativequalitiesofPOS(Armstrong,2004;Lowet
al.,2005;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Rishbeth,2014).
7.2.3Wellbeingandoutdoortransculturalprocessandpracticesinaridclimate
ChaptersFiveandSixillustratethatoutdoorspacesstimulatemulti-sensoryawareness,which
isanaspectofstressrestorationthatpromoteswellbeing(OttossonandGrahn,2005;Grahn
andStigsdotter,2010;WardThomson,2011).Thefindingsexploredthatnaturalscenery,
planting,cleanandfreshairandbirdsongareimportantrestorativeelements(Kaplan,1995;
GrahnandStigsdotter,2010).TheyalsohighlightedtheevocativequalitiesofPOSin
stimulatingmemoriesofmigrants’pastexperiences,whichinturnpromotetheirwellbeing
(Armstrong,2004;Lowetal.,2005;PowellandRishbeth,2012).
219
ThevarietyofformalandinformalPOSintheselectedcasestudyareassupportedawide
rangeofaffordancesforoutdoorleisureandsociabilitythatreflectculturalidentities,past
memoriesanddifferentoutdoorspatialleisuretypologies.Beingoutdoors,ingreenspaces,sea
ordesertedgesorinsouqandstreet,stimulatesmulti-sensoryexperiencesandevocative
qualities,whichpromotessocialandmentalwellbeing.Alongsidetheconsiderationofspatial
variationanddifferentculturalpractices,thereisapositiverelationshipbetweensocial
contactsandexperiencedwellbeing(SchwanenandWang,2014).Thesevariationsinthe
outdoorspacesofcitiesrespondtotheindividuals’diverseperceptions(ByrneandWolch,
2009).
Hence,thedesertintheArabandhotclimatecountriescouldalsosupportstressrestoration
andpromotewellbeing.Similarly,abusysouqoranalleycanhaveanescapefunctionand
theserestorativevaluescanbeachievedwithinacrowd(Cattelletal.,2008).Thesetypologies
arenotonlycommoninBahrainbutaresharedbyvariousmigrantsfromAfrica,theMiddle
EastandtheIndiansubcontinentwheretherearesimilaritiesinclimate,geography,history,
religionorculture.
7.2.4Connectingmigrantsandurbanheritageintransculturalcities
DependenceonforeignlabourintheGulfisunavoidable;however,theconcernisalsohowto
protectthelocalheritage(Al-Rasheed,2005;Gardener,2011).Anotheroutcomeofmigration
arethepotentialchangesinbothperceptionsofurbanhistoricformandtheemergenceof
newtransculturalpractices,whichinturnaffectbothmigrantandlocalculturalpractices
(ibid).Thisresearcharguesthaturbanheritagesitesareinclusivespacesandthatprotecting
heritagedoesnotconflictwithtransculturalprocessesandtheadaptationofmigrants.Partof
thisempiricalresearchwasconductedinheritageurbanlocations:BabAl-Bahrainarea,a
historicsquareandsouq;thePearlingTrail,aUNESCOHeritagesite;andtheHunainiyahPark,
whichislocatedinadesertvalleybesideafort.Thesesiteshaveallreceivedinvestmentwith
regardtodesignandmanagementforrecreation,aimingtobeusedbytouristsaswellas
locals.Theevocativequality(Rishbeth,2014)oftheseplacespromptedmemoriesthat
connectedmigrantstodifferentheritagelocationsandexperiencesinhomecountries.The
findings,frominterviewsandsupportedbyobservationandspendingtimeon-site,highlight
thatheritagesitesalsoactassignificanttransculturalsitesformigrantleisurepractices.
Participantsvaluedthesesitesasplacestogather,echoingpatternsofsocialisingthatspan
centuries.Thehistoricalsitesinthecasestudieswereconnectivelocationsforpeopleand
providedsupportwithasenseofbelongingandwelcome.Accordingly,theheritagesitescan
220
bebothrootingatthelocalscaleandalsosupporttransculturaladaptation.Urbanheritage
sitescanstillbetourismdestinationsintheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica(Steiner,2010)if
moreactivitiesandoptionsareprovidedtosupporttheneedsofcontemporarysocieties
Thisresearchalsoexplorestheroleofeverydayoutdoorspacesincontinuingthecultural
practicesofmigrantsinanewplace(Rishbeth,2013).InthefindingsofChaptersFiveandSix,
experiencesofleisure-activitiesperformedandpatternsofsocialising-informalandinformal
POScanbeconceivedasadimensionoflivingheritage,reflectiveofmaterialculture,social
normsandvaluesshapedbygender,religionandclimate(UNESCO,2010).Patternsofoutdoor
sociabilityareintangibleheritagepracticesthatareshapedbythemigrants’identities(ibid).
Theconceptoftransculturalurbanismoutlinedinthisresearchcouldsupportcontinuing
differentculturalpracticespostmigration,whileprotectingthelocalculture.
7.2.5Visibilityofdifference:Opportunitiesandapprehensions
Bahrainhasahighlyethnicallydiversepopulation,andthisdiversityisreflectedintheopen
spaces.Theanalysisshowedageneralpositiveperceptiontowardsdiversityamongstmigrants
andlocalusers,whichisshapedbythehistorical,geographicalandculturalcharacteristicsof
theresearchcontextandauthenticallyreflectthehybridityofthecity.Asexploredinthe
previouschapter,exposuretothevisibilityofothersinPOSmotivatedpeopletosocially
engagewiththecrowdandexplorethecommonalitiesineithersocialpositionsorpatternsof
usethatbridgeotherculturaldifferences(Wessendorf,2014aand2014b).Inacountrylike
Bahrain,amigrantcanalsoretaintheiranonymity(PowellandRishbeth,2012)whilstbeing
partofthecrowd(e.g.FaizainBabAl-Bahrain),whilethecosmopolitanliferemindsAdamof
hiscountryMalaysia.Thevisibilityofculturalgroupshasalsopromotedtransculturalbonding
innewplaces(Putnam,2000).Likewise,socialsensoryqualities(Neal,2015)ofbeingdifferent
orinfamiliarculturalgroupscouldpromotefeelingsofintegration,convivialityand
egalitarianisminsharingspaceswithothers(asexploredinthego-alongwithFaiza,theSyrian
sistersandMaysa).
HybridityanddiversityinBahrain(Al-Rasheed,2005;Dayaratne,2008)providerichsensory
experiencesthatevoketransculturalmemoriesandemotionalhybridity.Bahrainisaculturally
hybridcountrybecauseofthelonghistoryofmigrationtothispartoftheworld.Theargument
isthathybridityinthesocialandphysicalurbanfabricinBahrainisvisible;inBabAl-Bahrain
particularly,thishybridityhasbecomepartoftheheritage.ThedistinctivenessinBabAl-
Bahrainarisesfromtheavailabilityoftraditionalfoodandwaresfromdifferentcountries,and
221
intheharmoniouscoexistenceofthemosques,templesandchurches.Therefore,theideaof
thememoryinthissitebecomesmorenuanced,complexandinclusive.Here,thefindings
showthatthepermeability(RishbethandPowell,2013)inBabal-Bahraincontextandthe
visibilityofdifferentactivities,functionsandfoodoutletsatthesametimeandplacesupports
theengagementofdifferentpractices.Thisdiversityrespondstodifferentperceptions,
provideschoicesfordissimilarusersandpromotesasenseofbelonging.
Inthefindings,culturalpracticesarenotonlyshapedbyreligionororigin,butalsobyother
culturaldifferencessuchaslengthofresidence,socio-economiclevel,mobility,workinghours,
andfamilycommitments(Vertovec,2007b;ByrneandWolch,2009;AgyemanandErickson,
2012;PowellandRishbeth,2012).Theaffordancesoftheplacewithsocio-spatial-temporal
dimensionsandsensoryqualitiesalsoshapethesepractices(ByrneandWolch,2009;Powell
andRishbeth,2012).TheanalysisinChapterFivedescribedhowthedailyandseasonal
patternsofusecouldbeshapedbynuancesofdifferencessuchasfamilyresponsibility,
workinghours,perceptionsandoptionsofleisureandavailabilityofcar.Asaresultofthe
selectedfieldworkmethodsandtheanalysis,thesevariableswerehighlightedinthefindings,
forexample,withtheBalochifatherinHunainiyahPark,theSyriansistersinKhalifaGarden,
theIndianworkerinBabAl-BahrainandtheBulgarianresidentinAmwaj.Theobservation
supportedtheanalysisoftheinterviewsinexploringtheaffordancesofplaces.
ThesedifferencesandaffordancescouldalsobebarriersforusingPOS(ByrneandWolch,
2009;PowellandRishbeth,2012)andaffectsocialwellbeing.Physicalandsocialbarriersinthe
researchcontextsuchasweather,gendermixorlocationaldisadvantagescouldalsobethe
strugglesforadaptationandtransculturalpractices(Hou,2013).ChapterFivealsoshowedthat
thespatial,seasonalanddailypatternsofusecouldbeinfluencedbythebarriersofcultural
differences.Withtheconcernsoftransferencebetweendifferentenvironmentsandcultures
intransculturalcities,culturaldifferencescouldcreatebarrierstobeingoutdoorsandsharing
thespacewithothers,whichshouldbeconsideredintransculturalcitieswithsocialjustice.
7.2.6Movingtowardsauthenticbelongingintransculturalcities
Asenseoflocalbelongingisrevealedintheparticipants’storiesdemonstratinghowin
particularplaces,participantsfeltlikean‘insider’andathome.InvestigatingPOSin
transculturalcontexts,usingethnographicandqualitativeapproachesoffieldobservationand
interviewsintheselectedcasestudies,emphasisesthepotentialvaluesofoutdoorcityspaces
andmulti-sensoryqualitiesinpromotingasenseofbelongingamongstmigrants(Rishbethand
222
Finney,2006).TheevocativequalitiesofPOSandtransculturalmemoriesdevelopedsensesof
belongingandmeaningfulattachmentsforthemigrantusers(GhoshandWang,2003;
Armstrong,2004;RishbethandPowell,2013).Beingabletospendtimeoutdoorspost
migrationhasthepotentialtosupportemotionalattachmentanddevelopbelongingand
adaptationwithinanewplace(Peters,2010;RishbethandPowell,2013)evenifthemigrants
aretemporaryworkers.
Whilebeingoutdoors,insouq,parksorgardensorinothernewlyinitiatedurbandistricts,
migrantscanexplorefurtherplaceaffordancestoengageintheirculturalpracticewherein
theybegintofeelathome.Culturaltransformation,adaptationandtheabilityofcontinuing
culturalpractices(beingoutdoorsandsocialising)havepromotedasenseofattachment,
confidence,meaningfulnostalgiaandfamiliarity.Aspacethatreflectsahybridsenseof
identityandafeelingofbeingwelcomeandadaptingintoatransnationalcontextcanpromote
anauthenticsenseofbelonging.
7.3Theoriesofconvivialityandencounteracrossdifferences
Thetheoryofconvivialityandeverydaymulticulturalismhasemergedasacounter-narrative
foranxietiesrelatedtodiversity,andfocusesonhowpeoplemanageculturaldifferencesin
theireverydayencounters(WiseandVelayutham,2009;Nealetal.,2013).Withinthedebate
onromanticisedaccountsofconvivialityandcivility,studiesonconvivialityandgeographiesof
encounterputmoreemphasisonconsideringtheeffectivenessoftheconvivialencounters
(Valentine,2008;Noble,2013;Wilson,2016).Hence,thisresearchfocusesontherelationship
betweenconvivialityandencountersintransculturalcitiesandhowbothconvivialityandthe
qualitiesofeverydayencounterscansupporteachother.Withintheoriesofconvivialityand
everydayencounters,thissectiondiscussesthecontributiontotwoareasoftheoryaround
meaningfulencountersandextendingthepositivebenefitsofencountersacrossdifferences
beyondthemomentsofencountersinrelationtosocialusesandvaluesofPOS.
223
7.3.1MeaningsofeverydayconvivialityinPOS
7.3.1.1Wellbeingandinclusivity
Inframingunderstandingsofwellbeingamongurbandwellers,itisimportanttoconsiderhow
socialencountersaresupported,theroleofPOSinpromotingthisandhowtranscultural
discoursescanreflecttheunderstandingofthenuancesofmeanings.POSareimportantfor
individualwellbeing(Loukaitou-Sideris,1995;Dunnetetal.,2002;RishbethandFinney,2006;
Cattelletal.,2008;ByrneandWolch,2009;RegionalPublicHealth,2010;WardThompson,
2011)alongsidesocialbenefits(Putnam,2000;MeanandTims,2005;Lownsbroughand
Beunderman,2007;Peters2010;Thwaitesetal.,2011)andpsychologicalbenefits(Kaplan,
1995;Thwaitesetal.,2005;OttossonandGrahn,2005;Grahn,andStigsdotter,2010).
Accordingtotheresearchfindings,asexploredbyusingqualitativemethods,thenuancesof
themeaningsofmundaneencountersarecomplexandinvisiblereflectingdifferent
individual’sperceptionsandidentities;theirimportance,however,shouldnotbeignoredas
thesemeaningsarerelevanttoanindividual’swellbeing.
EncountersinPOS(i.e.parksandgardens,pedestrianised,andinformalPOS)holdsignificant
meanings,(sensesoffamily,friendships,neighbourliness,familiarity,solidarities,belonging
andtransculturalbonding).Thesemeaningsappearedimportantparticularlyamongmigrants
withsmallersocialnetworksasnarratedbyShahrazad,MaysaandHalainChapterSix.Someof
thesemeaningsarerelevanttotransculturalpractices.Affordancesforoutdoorsociability
connectmigrantswithhomeandmaintaintheirculturalpractices,whichcanalsopromote
wellbeingaswellassupporttransculturaladaptationanddevelopasenseofbelonging(Cattell
etal.,2008,Rishbeth2013).Outdoorsocialactivitiesalsoexposethemtomulti-sensory
qualitiesandexperiences(visual,non-visualandsocial)asdiscussedaboveinSection7.2and
provideopportunitiesfortransculturalbelonging.Recallingchildhoodmemoriesand
memoriesofhomesocialleisureexperienceshavedeepmeaningsandpromotemental
restorationforindividuals(Lowetal.,2005;RishbethandFinny,2006;WardThompson,2007;
Pink,2008;Ingold,2012),evenforthetemporarymigrantworkers.Thesememoriesare
interpersonaldimensions(ScannellandGifford,2010),whichrequiredin-depthqualitative
methodstobeexplored.InordertosupportconvivialityinPOSintransculturalcities,itis
importanttoconsider,withinclusivity,thenuancesofmeaningsofencounterswithregardto
socialbenefitsandwellbeing.
224
Itisalsoimportanttounderstandconvivialityatasocietylevel(ValentineandSadgrove,2012)
asacollectivemeaning.Socialising,gathering,greetingstrangersonthewayandsharingfood
aresignificantcodesinIslamicculture.Busystreetareascanberestorative(Cattelletal.,
2008),which,inthisresearch,reflectsbacktotheotherwarmcountries,inwhichdaily
socialisingisvisibleinstreets.TraditionalBahrainicoffeehouses,forexample,addavisible
convivialatmospheretothelocalurbanspaces.Greenspacesalsohaveimportantrecreational
valuesformanyusers.
7.3.1.2Egalitarianpracticesofoutdoorleisure
Incomparisontoindoorspaces,usingoutdoorspacesforleisurecanbedescribedasa
democraticandelectivepractice(Nealetal.,2015).InPOS,userschoosetorepeattheirvisits
tothese‘micro-publicspaces’withthepresenceofdiversity.Itistheconceptofchoosingto
sharethespacesamongdiverseothersandconductingdifferentleisureactivitieswiththe
presenceofothersandwiththepotentialofencounters.Theresearchsuggeststhatthereisa
relationalprocessbetweensocialpracticesandincreasingpossibilitiesofencounter,contact
andproximity(Gilroy,2004;Nealetal.,2015).Itwasalsoapparentinthedatacollectedby
conductingon-siteinterviewsandspendingtimeinthedifferentselectedcasestudiesthatthe
visiblequalitiesandalternativesofPOShelpinformpeople,includingnewcomers,oftherange
ofactivitiesandpatternsofusethatcanbepursuedinthesespacesandthechoicestheyhave
spatiallyandtemporallywhichsupportprovidinginclusivecities(GhoshandWang,2003;
PowellandRishbeth,2012;Wessendorf,2014aand2014b;Nealetal.,2015).
Consideringtheconcept‘leisure-pleasureassociations’inparksandgardensforsupporting
meaningfulencounters(Nealetal.,2015,p.473),thefindingsofChaptersFiveandSix
indicatedthatweshouldnotassumethatinBahraintheparksaretheonlyleisureplaces,
manypeoplealsoenjoybeingonstreetsforleisure.Thoughstreetsareconsiderednecessary
places(Nealetal.,2015),thenecessaryactivitiesinmundaneopenspacesprovide
opportunitiesforeverydaysocialencountersandcasualinteractions.Supportingleisure
activitiesinstreetswouldfurthersupportmeaningfulencounters.Hence,formalandinformal
POSinBahrainappearassitesforeverydayencountersandconviviality.Asianmigrantworkers
crowdinBabAl-Bahrainsquareandthesouqintheirleisuretimewhilsttheymightnotfeel
welcomeinapubliclocalgarden.BabAl-Bahrainsiteappearsfamiliartothemandprovides
opportunitiesforthemtomeetpeoplefromtheirhomecountry.Thislocationalsoinvokes
memoriesforthosemigrantswhofindsimilaritiestospacesintheirhomecountrywithregard
toitsphysicalform,socialfabricandtheavailabilityoffamiliarfoodandgoods.
225
7.3.2POSasconnectiveconvivialitysites:cross-culturalsocialbenefits
ThissectiondemonstrateshowencountersinPOSrelatetothebroadersocialbenefitsofPOS
andhowPOScouldbeconnectivespacesthatpromotethecross–culturalconviviality.
Mobilising,scalingupandextendingencounters(Valentine,2008;Nealetal.,2016;Wilson,
2016)arerelevanttotheconceptofsocialcapitalandsocialsupportforpeopletopromote
theircollectiveefficiency(Putnam,2000;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007).Valentineand
Sadgrove(2012)arguethatunderstandingthemeaningsofencountershastobeinrelationto
spatio-temporalexperiencesandhowsuchencounterscouldhavealastingeffect,e.g.in
relationtomemoriesorvalues.Wilson(2016)arguesthatratherthanonlythinkingabout
meaningfulencountersaschangeinanindividual’svalueorwiderbelief,wemayconsiderthe
conceptofmobilisationandrelocationoftheeffect.Extendedencountersarealsolinkedto
theconceptofscalingupandmobilisingencountersinrelationtohowatemporalencounter
translatesbeyonditsmoment(Nealetal.,2016).
7.3.2.1WaysinwhichqualitiesofPOScansupportmeaningfulencounters
Theoverlappingofspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseandculturalpractices,asinvestigated
inChaptersFiveandSix,providesopportunitiesforarangeofinteractions:fleeting
spontaneousinteractions,positivesocialexchangesandacknowledgementsbetweendiverse
users.SharingspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseinPOSinrepeatedmannersmaintained
theregularencountersinwhichpeoplehavebecomeacquainted(Cattelletal.,2008;Nealet
al.,2015)suchasintheexamplesofShahrazadandtheforeigncoachinArad,theSyrian
sistersinKhalifaGarden,andthegroupofwomeninHunainiyah.SharingPOSandeveryday
patternsofusewithothersdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatpeoplebuildsustained
relationshipsbeyondthespace,thoughtheresearchexploressuchexamples;butitdoesmean
thattheyacceptcontinualusageofaplacewiththepresenceofothers,ormaybethattheir
activitieshavebecomelinkedwithorrelyoneachother.Comparingtheresearchfindingswith
thatofNealetal.(2015,p.472),theyassertthatthe“socialaffinitiesaffordedbysharinga
park”generate“deeperform[s]ofencounter”thoughwithoutinteraction.
ConductingresearchonPOSextendsthefocusonmaterialityandcritiquestherelationship
betweensocialandphysicalaffordancesandtheactivitiesandculturalpracticesinPOSthat
supportencounters.Here,theaffordancesofthespacesfordifferentspatialandtemporal
activitiescouldbedeterminedbyconductingethnographicpracticesandsupportingthe
interviewswithobservationfromalandscapearchitectureperspective.Usingcasestudy
226
methodandconductingtheresearchindifferentformalandinformalspatialtypologiesofPOS
alsohelpedinexploringtherelationshipbetweensocialandphysicalaffordances.Itwasalso
possibletounderstandhowdifferenttypologiesandsocialfunctionsandactivitiesindifferent
sitescouldsupportdifferentleisurepractices,stimulatememoriesandthehistoryofplaces
andshapespatiallyandtemporallydifferentpracticespostmigration,whichpromote
adaptationandtransculturalpractices.
BoththespatialandphysicalqualitiesofPOS,infrastructureandalliedfacilitiesareimportant
inmaintainingandfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoors.Theprovisionoffacilities
andlongopeninghoursalsosupportregularuse,particularlyiftheyarerespondingtoand
meetingtheusers’motivationandvalues.Forexample,walkingorjoggingneartheseainArad
atdawnwaspossibleonlybecausetheareaisprovidedwithaproperwalkwaytrackand
securityguardsandtheParkisopen24hoursaday.Hunainiyahisauniquenaturaldesert
locationthatattractsmanyusers,butpeoplevisitthelocationrepeatedlybecausethespaceis
providedwithaparkandfacilitiessuchaspicnicpods,benches,asportsfield,walkway,
playground,parkingareaandtoiletsthatsupportusers’diverseactivities.
ThevaluesandmeaningsofsocialencounterscouldbeextendedinPOSthroughlinking
differentoccasionalactivitiesandeventsthatarerelatedtemporallywithdifferenttimesof
theday,daysoftheweekandseasons,evenifthesocialencountersarerepeatedinthesame
openspace.Thisdynamicandtemporalpatternsofusedrawontheconceptof‘temporalityof
thelandscape’,‘taskscape’andrelatedactivities(Ingold,2000).Designandmanagementof
thesespaceshavevitalrolesinprovidingthespacesfortheseeventsandsupportingregular
use.POS,asconnectiveanddynamicspaces,supporttheargumentthatrepeatedencounters
withdifferentotherslinksocialconnectionbeyondthemomentsoftheencounters(Wilson,
2016;Nealetal.,2016).Peoplestillneedtohaveoptionsandaccessibilitytomovewithinthe
city.Aspectsofmobilitythereforemustbeconsideredinunderstandingconnectivityincities.
IncreasingPOSindifferentlocationswithinthecitiesalsosupportsconviviality.Hence,
planning,designandmanagementpracticehasasignificantrolewithinthedebateofextended
encounters.
227
7.3.2.2Intersectionofgenderandmigration:Socialsupportformigrantwomenandmale
migrantworkersinuseofpublicspace
Socialsupportforwomen:Parksandgardens,inthefindings,appearedtobetheonlyoutdoor
leisurespacesforsomewomentosocialiseandhaveopportunitiestoestablishrapportwith
otherwomen,sustaintheirsocialrelationsandextendtheirsocialnetworks.Thebuildingof
strongrelationshipsinPOSwasapparentamongstlessmobilewomen.Womenwere
exchangingtheirtelephonenumberstocontinuetheircontactswithinaparkorgardenor
beyond.Thevalueofbuildingsustainedrelationshipsorextendedencountershastobea
fundamentalconsiderationofpractitionersinthefieldofprovidingPOS.However,
intersectionalitiesofgendermatterheregiventhatthewomenarefromdifferentethnicities.
ThereisareservationinArab-Islamicculturetohavecontactwithstrangersoftheopposite
gender.ThefindingsfromChapterSix,however,exploredthattherewasacollectivetendency
inarranginggatheringsindifferentparksandgardensandtensionswithregardtoprivacyor
mixed-genderedspacesdidnotappearandusersspatiallymanagetheirseatingaccordingto
theirpreferencesandrespectothersevenoncrowdeddays.
Socialsupportformalemigrantworkers:POSsupportaffectiveencounterswithcollective
socialbenefitsaswellassocialsupportsforindividuals,includingtemporarymarginalisedmale
workers.ManymigrantlabourersinBahrainarelivinginstressfulsituations,i.e.,inpoor
neighbourhoods,awayfromfamilies,inharshworkingconditions,withlowwagesandatthe
bottomofthesocialhierarchy(Gardner,2010a).TheresultsinChapterSixshowedhowthe
crowdsinparksandgardenspromotedafamilyatmosphereforlonemigrantworkers(Bynon
andRishbeth,2015)asmentionedbyNazir,Maysa,HalaandShahrazadandotherparticipants
intheon-siteshortinterviews.POSalsoencouragedwalkingenthusiasts(includinglone
migrants)whochoosetogowhereothersaresharingthesameactivitytofeelmotivated(Neal
etal.,2015).ChapterSixalsodemonstratedhowthroughwalkingoutdoorsandmovingin
betweenspacessupportmigrantsinbecomingfamiliarwithlocalspacesandexploreniches
wheretheyfeelcomfortable(PowellandRishbeth,2012).MigrantsandBahrainisboth
highlightedthesenseofbelongingandcohesionthroughexchangingacknowledgmentsand
fleetingencounters(KareeminBabAl-BahrainandtheJordanianparticipantinthePearling
Trailsite).InBahrain,asmanymigrantsaretemporarycontractworkersorhaveshortstay
status,suchfleetingencounters,whichcouldbedescribedas‘lightconviviality’(Nealetal.,
2013),areimportantforthesemigrants.
228
Withthesocialandculturaldynamicsofpopulationintransculturalcities,thefluiditypatterns
ofsociabilityinPOSinBahrainprovidearichmediumfor‘temporaryorlooseconnection’(The
YoungFoundation,2012)andsupporttheconceptof‘temporarysolidarity’and‘temporary
community’(Wilson,2011;Nealetal.,2015).
7.3.2.3Towardssociallyresponsivespaces
SocialsupportinPOSamongdiversepopulationscouldbelinkedtosocialcapital(Putnam,
2000;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007;Cattelletal.,2008;Peters,2010),whichsupports
convivialityandextendedmeaningfulencounters(Nealetal.,2016).POSareastagefor
fleetingandincidentalinteractions.Withthedebateonromanticisedaccountsofconviviality
andcivility(Valentine,2008;Noble,2013),ChapterSixrevealedevidenceswheretheeveryday
civilitiesof‘friendliness’,‘togetherness'and‘altruism’insharingfacilities,givingway,giving
foodandtakingcareofanother’schildinadiversecontextareproductiveinsupporting
meaningfulencounters(WiseandVelayutham,2009).Thisresearchfoundthatlong-term
meaningscouldalsobegeneratedwithasenseofsociallyresponsivespaces.
However,thereisasmallbutsignificantdistinctionbetweencivilityandconviviality(as
discussedbyValantine(2008)Noble(2013)inSection2.3.2)aswellasbetweensociabilityand
convivialityasfurthershapedbythefindingsofChapterSix.Withculturaldifferences,
sociabilitycouldbeexpresseddifferentlyunderculturalcodes,andoneroleoftheresearcher
inthefieldistounderstandhowthesecodesarereceivedbydifferentparticipants.For
example,inKhalifaGarden,aBahrainimothersaidthatherlittledaughterlikestoplayonthe
swingsinthegarden,butshesaidthattheSyrianandYeminichildrenplaythereallthetime
andterritorialisetheplaygroundfortheirrelatives.Shedid,however,rememberthatonone
occasionverypoliteIndianparentsmadesurethattheirchildrenallowedotherchildrento
play.Themotherdidnotforgetthatmomentand,toher,thiswasaveryresponsibleact.Faiza
alsohadthesamepointofviewregardingtheterritorialityoftheplayground,butshehad
broughtwithherabadmintonsetandaballsothatherchildrendidnotfeelupsetwhenthe
playequipmentwasoccupied.WhatFaizadidisnegotiationinusinginformalactivitiesinstead
oftheformalprovidedandalsointroducesasenseofsocialresponsibility.Fortheconceptof
convivialitytobebetterenactedhere,moreplaygroundoptionsandalternativestohavea
sociallyresponsiveenvironmentshouldbeprovided;thisistheresponsibilityoftheproviders.
229
7.4ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOS:Complexityoftransculturalcities
Thequestionsthatarisearehowthetransculturalcomplexityisreflectedineverydaysocial
encounters,andhowculturaldifferencesintransculturalphenomenashapethecomplexities
forconvivialityinPOS.Thestudiesontransculturalcitiesrecommendlookingatnuancesof
everydayencounterstounderstandmoreaboutcomplexities(Hou,2013;Lung-Amam,2013).
Inthisresearch,supportedbytheoriesofconviviality(Gilroy,2004;WiseandVelayutham,
2009;Nealetal.,2013;Noble,2013;Wessendorf,2014b),investigatingtherealityofeveryday
socialrelationsinpublicspacesexploresapositiveperspectiveoflivingtogetherindiversity
thatcanmediateculturaldifferences.Thediversityofthepopulationisreflectedinthe
diversityofusersinformalandinformalPOSinBahrain.Thiscontextdiffersfromother
countrieswherethemigrantsandminoritiesareseentobeexcludedfromsomePOS,whilstin
thisresearchcontext;themajorityoftheusersinurbanformalandinformalspacesare
migrants(Elsheshtawy,2006;Gardner,2010b;JarachandSpeece,2013).Inthecontextof
Bahrainthisalsopresentschallenges.
7.4.1Parentingandlitteringinpublic:Culturaldifferencesandsocialresponsibility
Thefindingsrevealedfromtheanalysisoftheinterviewtranscriptsshowthatformsof
conflictsatmicro-scale,namelyparentingandcleanliness,havebecomeamatterofethical
obligationwithregardtopublicspaces(Lofland,1989;Valentine,2008;Noble,2013;
Wessendorf,2014).Inthefindings,usersstressedtheneedformoredutyofcareinpublic
spacesevenamongpeoplewithsharedArabculturesandreligion.Forinstance,though
cleanlinessisacommonIslamicmanner,someArabmigrantshavebeenjudgedfor
irresponsiblebehaviouroflittering.Thisshowsthatthoughcleanlinessisamoralvalue,itis
notshapedcollectivelybyculturalgroups;butitisshapedbyculturaldifferencesin
transculturalcitiesandintersectionality.Yet,thosepeoplewholittervaluetheseparksand
gardensandhaveahighsenseofattachmenttothesespaces.Litteringcanbeseenas‘outof
place’behaviour(Cresswell,1996;Lieberman,1996;Manzo,2003;Sofoulisetal.,2008;Yatmo,
2008;Campkin,2013),butthisassumptionmayfailtoconsiderthatcleanlinessisculturaland
contextdependent(Lewicka,2011).Thereisalsonoclearcorrelationbetweenasenseof
belongingandpro-environmentalbehaviours,suchascleanlinessandtakingcareoftheplace
(Uzzelletal.,2002;Lewicka,2011).
230
Similarly,fromtheanalysisinthepreviouschapter,allowingchildrentoplayinthegardenwith
otherchildrenandsiblingswithoutdirectadultsupervisionwasaparentingstyleorculture
(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015)thatwasshapedbydifferentperceptions(Byrneand
Wolch,2009)ofsafetyandtrustinbeinginapublicplace.However,theseparentswere
criticisedorjudgedfornothavingastrongsenseofparentalresponsibilityorforbeingcareless
parents.Itiscommonthatparentsandtheirchild’sbehavioursinpubliccanfacedisapproval
fromotherparents,e.g.inplaygrounds(Wilson,2013;Brown,2013;Babuc,2015).These
judgmentsareformedduetodifferentculturalexpectations,andhence,practicesand
responsibilitiesofparentingcannotbedivorcedfrominterculturaldialogues(Phillipsetal.,
2014).Parentingisadynamicculturalpracticeanddifferswithageoftheparentsandchildren,
educationlevelororigin(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015).
TheseculturalpracticesofparentingandcleanlinessinoutdoorspacesinBahrainarenot
shapedbymigrants’originorethnicityorbyclassandincomebracket,butbycultural
differencesregardingsocialresponsibilitiesinpublicspaces.Hence,socialresponsibility
appearedasanothervariableintransculturalcities.Thesevariablesandintersectionalitiesof
gender,age,economicandeducationopportunities,mobility,lifepattern,workinghours,
familyresponsibility,schoolcommitmentandavailabilityofsocialsupport(Vertovec,2007a;
AgyemanandErickson,2012)arealsosocialbarriersintransculturalcities(Hou,2013).
Inthefindings,conflictsemergedbecauseofdifferencesinculturalexpectationsinpublic
spacesregardingparentingandcleanliness.Althoughsuchconflictsappeartrivialinthe
interculturaldiscourses,theychallengesocialencounterandcross-culturalinteractionin
transculturalcities.Someparentingandcleanlinessissueswerejudgedinrelationtothe
predominantlylowsocio-economicmigrantusers,whichcouldbeinterpretedasperpetuating
prejudice.However,evidencesinthisresearchfromon-siteandin-depthinterviewsshowed
thatvarietiesofpracticesappearedacrossandamongdifferentsocialandculturalgroups,
whichsometimescreateinterculturalconflicts.Forexample,someusersfeelalienatedand
choosetoavoidcertainplacesterritorialisedwithdominantbehaviours.Interviewsrevealed
thatfeelingsofestrangementandculturalalienationarenotonlyexperiencedbymigrantsand
newcomers(Section2.2.5),butcanalsobefeltbythereceivingcommunity(duetothecultural
differences).PeoplejudgingothersiscommonineverydayuseofPOS,butitbecomesa
problemwhenconvivialityandinclusivityinthesespacesischallenged.Someoftheseconflicts
alsohappenbetweendifferentrestorativeperceptionswhensomeusersarelookingfora
moresanitisedandlesscomplexenvironmentandothersarelookingformorevibrantplaces.
Theoutcomeoftheseconflictswithregardtodifferentpracticesleadstotemporalorspatial
231
withdrawal,whichcouldbesortofnegotiationsbutcouldalsoreducetheopportunitiesfor
encounters.
Momentsoftransgressionandconvivialityinpublicspacesareevidenceoffluidity,hybridity
andsocialtransformation.ForWiesemann(2012),thesemomentsshowhowsuchexperiences
canleadtore-thinkingfixednotionstowardsothers.Wilson(2016)explainsmomentsof
convivialityincludeconflictordisharmonywhenthefeelingsorevenexpectationsof
differencesarenotconsideredorunderstood(ibid).However,Wilson(2016)arguesthat
mobilisingtheeffectsandmeaningsofencounterscouldhappenwitheitherpositiveor
negativeencounters.Understandingtensionsatmicrolevelisvitalwithconcernsofscalingup,
generalisingandmobilisingencounters(Valentine,2008;Wilson2016).Forthisreason,there
isthepotentialthatminorconflictsescalatetoinformanti-migrationpoliciesorpoliciesthat
limitthedevelopmentofculturaldiversityanddifferentheritages.
Itisvitalforprofessionalsandscholarsinthefieldoflandscapearchitecturenottoignoresuch
conflicts,howeverminororirrelevanttothephysicalstructureofthespace.Withescalating
conflicts,POScouldlosetheirpositivesocialvalues.Abetterunderstandingoftemporaland
spatialqualitiesinPOSisneededalongwithaconsiderationofthediverseusersandvalues
andmundaneconflicts.Mundaneconflictscouldreinforcesegregationbetweengroupsof
differentbackgrounds,suchascountryoforiginorpoorandrichifscaledup.Therefore,this
needstobebetterrelatedtotheprofessionalpracticeandwillbediscussedinChapterEightin
relationtothefindingsfromtheexpertinterviews.
7.4.2OpportunitiesfornegotiationinPOSsupportconviviality
Themundaneconflictsasdiscussedabove,however,werenotpubliclyexpressedandpeople
ingeneralappearedhospitableacrossdifferencesintheireverydayrelations.RashidinKhalifa
Gardensaid,“Theymightcomplainamongstthemselvesandonlyavoidgoingtothatgardenat
certaintimes,buttheydon’tfacetheotherusersanddon’tinterruptthem”.Thefindingsalso
showotherevidencesofspatio-temporalnegotiationinsharingPOS,forexample,mixed-
genderedsharingofparksandgardens,ordifferentethnicitiesandperceptionsinplaying
sportsintheprovidedsportsyards.Inthefirstexample,thetendencyorvalueofrespecting
women’sprivacywascollectivelyclearbetweenusersand,inthesecondexample,therewasa
prioragreementbasedonadirectcommunicationanddialoguebetweentheusersinusing
sportareas.Boththeseexamplesweresupportedbythedesignandmanagementaffordances
oftheparksandgardens.Thissupportsotherstudiesonnegotiationandshowthatuserscan
232
stillmanagetheirsocialrelationsandsupportconvivialityinPOStosomeextent(Noussiaand
Lyons,2009;WiseandVelayutham,2009;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Hou,2013;Nealand
Vincent,2013;Nealetal.,2015;Wilson,2016;Nealetal.,2016).
ByexploringthewaysinwhichtransculturalsocialconflictsinPOSatmicro-levelarerelated
notonlytothephysicalcontextbutalsotothevisibilityofdifferentculturalpractices,this
researchhighlightstheimportanceofconsideringmundanepracticeswithindebatesonsocio-
spatialityandtensions(Amin2008,Valentine,2008).Byunderstandingandobservingthecase
studylocationsfromalandscapearchitectureperspective,itwaspossibletoarguethat
conflictsinthefindingsappearedinreasonablywell-designed,facilitatedandmaintainedparks
andgardenswithdiverseactivities.Forexample,KhalifaGarden,HunainiyahParkandArad
ParkarehighqualityPOSingoodlocationsandvaluedbymanyusers.Fromtheethnographic
practicesofcombiningbothfieldobservationandinterviewsatdifferenttimesofthedayand
daysoftheweek,itwasrevealedthatthesespaceswereaccessibletolowsocio-economic
migrantfamilieswhofeelwelcometousethesespacesfortheirleisureactivities,butthere
wereaggravationsandconflicts.
Providingachoiceofactivitiesandspacesandopportunitiesfornegotiationand
communicationallsupportthesocialandculturaldynamicsandthusthoughtfulplanning,
designandmanagementinPOScanhelpavoidconflicts.Multi-interculturalsituationswith
socialandculturaldynamicswillalwayshavesomeconflictsintermsofdifferentcultural
expectations,which“canbemoreclearlyunderstoodthroughtheparticularthanthrough
broadgeneralisations”(Rishbeth,2014,p.102).Hence,socialjusticeneedstobeconsideredin
theprovisionandregulationofPOSwithconcernsforwellbeing,socialandphysicalbarriers
andculturaldifferencesintransculturalcitiesaswillbediscussedfurtherinthenextchapter.
Therelevantquestionsthatareconsideredinthenextchapterunderthescope(and
responsibility)ofprofessionalpracticearehowdowedefinewhatisacceptableandwhatis
not,thatis,whatarethesocialresponsibilitiesforbeinginapublicspace,andhowcanthese
responsibilitiesbecommunicatedtodifferentculturesandyetmaintaininginclusivity?
233
7.5Conclusion
Thisresearchconstructsanargumentthatwhenlookingatconvivialityincontemporarycities
suchasinBahrain,weneedtounderstandthephenomenaoftransculturalcities,andthat
publicopenspacesareimportantsitesforconviviality,partlyduetothevisibilityofcultural
differencesandsocialdynamics.Theliteraturereviewdiscussedtherelevanttheoreticalareas
andthediscussioninthischapterelaboratedhowthefindingssupportandextendtheexisting
bodyofknowledgebylookingatanewcontextwithinanArab-Islamicculture,aridclimateand
adistinguishingpatternoftemporarymigration.Theresearchisthefirstintheregionthat
specificallyexplorestheroleofthebuiltenvironmentinpromotingasenseofbelongingina
newplacefortemporaryandshortstaymigrantsanditsroleinsupportingtheiradaptation
andintegration.
Theresearchexaminestheoverlapsbetweenconviviality,transculturalcitiesandPOSand
explorestheideathatconvivialityandtransculturalpracticesareinterrelatedandcanbe
mutuallysupportive.Thefindingsshowthattransculturalpracticesandprocessesareabout
transformation,adaptation,hybridityandcross-culturalinteraction(Hou,2013,p.4-7),which
alsosupportstheviewofValentine(2008,p.333-334)thatmeaningfulencountersand
convivialityshouldincludeculturalexchangeandsocialtransformation.ManagementofPOS
shouldtaketheapproachofsupportinganinclusiverecognitionofdifferentactivitiesinwhich
culturaldifferencecanbeexpressed.Thefindingshighlightthatthevisibilityofdifference
alongwithmigrantscontinuingtheirleisurepracticesandpatternsofsociabilityinPOS
supportsthedevelopmentofauthenticbelongingintransculturalcities.
Theresearchrevealsdifferentexamplesofmeaningfulencountersdevelopedfromthe
affordancesforbeingvisibleoutdoorsandsharingaspace,anactivityoramomentwith
others.Theroleofdesignalsoappearedpredominantlyinusers’perceptionandexperiences
ofPOS:thewell-designedpavementandsittingareasinAndaluswereuniquecomparedto
otherplaces,thedesignofthelawnwithtopographyanditsvastnessinKhalifaGarden,the
ambienceofthelagoon-sidewiththewalkwayandseatingareas,thepavementandbenches
inBlock-338andinthePearlingTrailsitewithitsartisticfeatures.Userswereveryconscious
aboutthequalitiesoftheselandscapeelementsaswellasthemaintenancerequiredinPOSto
facilitatetheiruse.TheaffordabilityandaccessibilityofPOSareessential.Freeentrytoparks
andgardenswashighlyvalued,evenbythemiddleclassandtheegalitarianismoftheseating
areaswasalsoavalued,especiallyinplaceswheremostofthechairsbelongtotherestaurants
234
andcafés.Thisresearchexaminedhowthespatialandphysicalqualitiesofaspacecanbring
diversepeopletogethersothattheycanexplorecommonalitiesandbridgedifferences.
Investigatingtheoverlapsbetweenconviviality,transculturalcitiesandPOSalsoexploresthe
complexitiesforconvivialityinPOSthatarosefromthecomplexityoftransculturalcities.The
abovediscussionshowsthatthevisibilityofdiversityinsharingtheuseofPOSisnotalways
positiveandplacingdifferentgroupsinthesamephysicalspacecanreinforceconflictswith
regardtoculturaldifferences.Parentingandcleanlinessappearedinthefindingsascultural
differencesintransculturaldiscourses.Theseculturaldifferencesshapepatternofuseinparks
andgardens(ByrneandWolch,2009)andalsocreateconflictsandmisunderstandingswiththe
differentculturalexpectations.Parentingandcleanlinessarecomprehendedundersocial
responsibilityinpublicspacesandethicsofcare(Barnes,2012;LowandIveson,2016).Hence,
alongwithculturaldifferencesandaspectsofsocio-spatialusesandvaluesofPOS,ethicaland
moraldimensionsneedtobeconsideredintheoriesandpracticeoftransculturalcitiesto
supportconviviality.Socialjusticeandtheimplicationforpractice(LowandIveson,2016)will
beaddressedinthenextchapter.
235
ChapterEight:ContributiontoDevelopingPractice
8.1Introduction
Thischapteraddressesthethirdaimoftheresearch,whichistoidentifythepotentialof
landscapeplanninganddesignpracticeforsupportingconvivialityintransculturalpublic
spaces.Thischapterwillspecificallyanalysehowthefindingsofthefieldworkmayhavethe
potentialtoinformandimpactfuturepractice.Onemeansofconductingthisanalysiswillbe
toexaminethefindingsoftheon-siteandparticipantinterviewsincomparisontothe
perspectives,valuesandpracticesasrevealedintheinterviewswithexperts(Section8.2).
Subsequently,IwilluseLowandIveson’s(2016)SocialJusticeandPublicSpacesFrameworkto
explorethepotentialforamoreforwardthinkingandinclusiveapproachtoPOSin
interculturalcities.Thefindingsanddiscussionofthefirstandsecondaims(ChaptersFive,Six
andSeven)haveaddressedsomeculturallyappropriatepragmaticexamplesinpublicopen
spaces(POS)thatsupportconvivialityacrossdifferencesand,inthischapter,thesefindingsare
embeddedinaninformedunderstandingofthePOSpoliciesinBahrain.
Priortodiscussingthecurrentpolicies,Ire-visitthemaintenetofthisresearchinrelationto
theprofessionalpracticeofPOS:Whytheoriesandpracticesoftransculturalurbanismare
fundamentalforprofessionalsinthefieldofbuiltenvironmentinBahrain.Theconceptof
transculturalurbanismdoesnotimposeacommonculturetobesharedbydiverseusers.The
focusofthisresearchishowtosupportdiversityandsociabilityinPOSandreducetheroutine
tensions.Theinterculturalapproachis“basedonsharedfundamentalvalues,respectfor
commonheritageandculturaldiversityaswellasrespectfortheequaldignityofevery
individual”(CouncilofEurope,2008,p.4).Thisstatementcanbeimportantforprofessional
remitsinthebuiltenvironmentwithinthecontextsofadiversepopulationtopromotesocial
equityandrespectinPOS.
TheresearchhasaddressedhowBahrainfitswithinstudiesoftransculturalcities,whilstits
culture,climateandpatternofmigrationaremarkedlydifferentfromtheWesterncountries,
wheremostoftheexistingstudiesarecentred.Thenon-Bahrainitemporarymigrantsarethe
majorityofthepopulation;butduetotheirtemporarymigrantstatus,thepoliciesof
integrationandinterculturalinteractionsdevelopedinEuropeandNorthAmericamaynot
236
appearrelevanttothecontext.However,itdoesnotmeanthattheprofessionalsinthefieldof
builtenvironmentshoulddisregardinclusivityanddiversityinPOS.Urbanplannersand
landscapearchitectsneedtobeawarethatthemigrants’righttousetheavailablePOSshould
bemaintainedeventhoughtheirstatusis‘temporary’.Hence,itisimportanttogroundthe
discussionoftransculturalurbanismintherealityofthecurrentpractice.Withinthe
methodologicalframework,practitioners’perspectivesweresoughtoutintheformofeight
interviewswithkeyindividualswiththepurposeofgaininganoverviewandinsightinto
policiesandstrategiesforprovidingandregulatingPOSinBahrain.Table8.1belowisa
summaryoftheconductedexpertinterviewmethod(formoredetail,seeChapterThree–
Section3.5.3).
ExpertinterviewmethodSemi-structuredin-depthinterview
Justificationofthemethodused Participantsandtimescale
• Triangulatethefindingsandprovideacollaborativeanalyticallenswhichaddsaprofessionalperspectiveandvoicetotheresearch.
• Testtherelevanceoffindingsforpracticeandshapealandscapearchitecturalspecificitytotheresearchoutcomes,whichframesthefindingsfromtheothermethods.
• Provideabroadunderstandingofthepoliciesandgatheradditionaldataandfurtherunderstandingofthehistoricalandcontemporarycontext.
HeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquities
Architect.NouraAl-Sayeh 16.09.14
MaintenanceandOperationEngineerofParksandGardensinManamaMunicipality
EngineerFatemaHamza
20.01.15
ChiefofUrbanObservatoryinUrbanPlanningDepartment
ArchitectWafaSharif 29.12.15
DirectorofPropertiesandParks
LandscapeArchitectZuhairAl-Dallal
06.01.1607.01.16
GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsandVicePresidentoftheFriendsGroupsoftheCapitalGardens
Mr.MohammedAl-A’ali 11.01.16
FounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpacenon-profitcommunityorganisation
ArtistBayanAl-Baker 14.01.16
Paediatric,MemberoftheSupremeCouncilforWomenandPresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceAgainstChildren.
Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahroos
21.01.16
Attorneyandexpertinhumanrightandpublicinternationallaw
Dr.AhmedFarhan 24.01.16
Table8.1Summaryoftheexpertinterviewmethod.
237
8.2Comparingfindingsfromfieldworkandexpertinterviews
ThissectionframesthefindingsfromChaptersFive,SixandSeveninrelationtotheexpert
interviews,whichsignificantlycontributetolinkingtheorywithpractice.Theexpertinterviews
arecomparedtothefindingsfromtheethnographicmethodstoidentifycorrelationsand
contradictions.Fourtopicsemergedfromthecomparison:
1. RecognitionofhowdiversityshapesthepracticeofoutdoorrecreationinBahrainPOS
(Section8.2.1).
2. UnderstandingbarrierstoaccessforusingPOSinBahrain(Section8.2.2).
3. IdentifyinginterculturalconflictsintheuseofPOSinBahrain(Section8.2.3).
4. Ideasofhowtodevelopinclusivemanagementpractice(Section8.2.4).
Undereachofthesefourareas,Isetoutthesummarypointsunderthreeheadings:expert
interviewfindings,ethnographicfieldworkfindingsandcomparisonbetweenthese.
8.2.1 Recognition of how diversity shapes the practice of outdoor recreation in
BahrainPOS
8.2.1.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings
1. Ingeneral,alltheexpertintervieweescommentedonthenatureofsocialmixing
betweenlocalandmigrantsinpubliclifeinBahrainandtheimportanceofPOSin
Bahrainforsocialinteraction.
2. Currentpracticeusuallyfollowsaprincipleofstandardisationoftheoutdoor
recreationactivitiesthatmeetfamilyneeds.
3. However,therearelimitationsinprofessionalpracticeinunderstandingtheeveryday
livesofpeoplefromdiversebackgrounds,andhowdemographicchangeincity
residentsisreflectedinthediversityinpublicspaces.
4. Therearealsolimitationsinprofessionalpracticescurrentunderstandingwithregard
tosocialinteractionacrossdifference.
238
8.2.1.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork
1. ThediversityofpopulationinBahrainisreflectedintheopenspaceswheredifferent
practicesandpatternsofusearevisible.
2. LeisureandrecreationactivitiesarecommonmotivationsforusingPOS,thisincludes
migrants,indicatingthattheprovisionofPOSsupportsadaptationandintegrationof
newresidents.
3. Asenseoflocalbelongingandbeingwelcomedisrevealedintheparticipants’stories,
demonstratinghowinparticularplaces,participantsfeltlikeaninsiderand‘athome’.
Oftentheseemotionsreflectmigrants’identities,pastmemoriesandthehistoryof
places.
4. Sociability,visibilityofdiversityandthecordialatmosphereinsharedspacesarehighly
valuedbyusers.
8.2.1.3Comparison
1. Thereisagapbetweenpracticeandthefieldworkfindingsbecauseculturaldiversityis
notconsideredinpracticebutappearedsignificantintheanalysisanddiscussionof
theethnographicfindings.
2. Althoughthereislimitationinpracticeaboutconsideringdiversityandsocial
interactioninthecurrentprojects,usersrecognisethisdiversityandbothusersand
expertsvaluediversityandsociabilityinBahrain.
3. Therearestandardsinpracticeregardingtheprovisionofactivities,butethnography
showsaffordancesinPOSfordiverserecreationalactivitieswhichpromoteadaptation
andasenseofbelonging
4. Someusergroups’needsarenotprioritised,includingthoseofmigrants.Current
designstandardsofparksandgardensarenotreflectingcontemporaryneedsof
superdiversepopulationandculturaldifferences.
239
8.2.2UnderstandingbarrierstoaccessforusingPOSinBahrain
8.2.2.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings
1. ThereisabroadunderstandingthatBahrainhasalowquantityofurbanPOSand
thesespacesareunevenlydistributedacrossthecity.
2. Inmanycases,walkabilityqualityinBahrainisnotformallyconsideredinpractice,
eventhough,theimportanceofwalkabilitycanbeseeninsomeprojects.Astrategic
approachthathasbeensuccessfulinBahrainisthepedestrianisedstreetswith
walkabilityintheheritagesite,inBlock-338andintheprivateinvestments.
3. PlanningstandardscategorisePOSasparksandgardensaccordingtotheirdifferent
sizes.Communitygardens(orneighbourhoodgardens)aresmall-sizedgardensand
serveasmallerpopulationandarelocatedwithinresidentialareas,whilstthenational
parksservealargerpopulationtowhichtheusersmustdrive.
4. Thesizeoftheparkdeterminesthenumberofprovidedactivitiesandthestandards
withinplanningregulationsonprovidingactivitiesinfluencedesignandmanagement.
5. RegulationsofPOSareassignedatmanagementlevelwhichdefinetherestricted
activities(includingleisureandrecreationalactivities).Inpublicparksandgardens,
theseregulations,forexample,areeitherintheformofnoticeboardsorassigning
entryfeesandwomen-onlydays.
8.2.2.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork
1. Practicesofsharedpatternsofuseacrossdiversityprevail;yet,culturalvariablesand
differencescanbebarriersforusingoraccessingPOS,withpossiblenegativeimpacts
onwellbeingframedbytheunderstandingsofsocialjustice.
2. Culturaldifferencesandintersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatusand
migrants’generationandidentitiesshapethepatternsofusingaswellasnotusing
POS.Forexample,differencesoflifepatterns,familyresponsibility,workinghoursand
accessibilitytoprivatetransportcouldhaveimpactonaccessibilitytoPOS.Similarly,
240
gender-dominantlocations(e.g.maleinBabAl-Bahrain)andsocio-economicspecific
spaces(e.g.Amwaj)arebarriers,shapedbyculturaldifferences,toinclusivePOS.
3. Certainregulationsandpracticesappearedasbarriersandhaveanimpactontheuse
ofPOS(regulationssuchasremovingbenches,providingphysicalbarriersandfences
andopeninghours).Someoftheseregulationsaretocontrolcertainbehaviours(i.e.
lackofparentalcontrolandlittering).
4. Designandmanagementapproachesinformedbyprinciplesofsocialjusticeneedto
bethoughtfullyconsideredintransculturalpublicspacesthroughunderstanding
affordancesandtheappropriatenessofspacesforuserswithdifferentcultural
practices.
8.2.2.3Comparison
1. Thecurrentpracticestandardsdidnotacknowledgeorconsiderthenuancesof
culturaldifferencessuchastheexperiencesofwomen,peoplewhodonotdriveor
havelongworkinghours.Yet,inethnographicfindings,suchdifferencesshapethe
barriersaswellasspatialandtemporalpatternsofuseofbothformalandinformal
POS.Forexample,womenandfamiliesvaluespaciousparksandgardenswithawide
rangeoffacilitiesfortheirextendedandlargegatherings,butthisisanissuefor
womenwhodonotdrive.Theplanningstandardsshowthatlargeparksareprovided
withawiderangeofrecreationalactivitiesbutthesespacescanonlybereached
primarilybydrivingasalsoexplainedintheexpertinterviews.
2. SmallPOS(includingsmallneighbourhoodgardens)havefewerrecreationalactivities,
whichpresentssomelimitationsinrespondingtodifferentpatternsofuseandcultural
practices.Thislimitationwouldhaveimpactonsocialjusticeincertainlocationssuch
asincongestedneighbourhoodsmostlyresidedinbymigrantworkersandlow-income
families(withlimitedaccessibilitytoprivatetransportand/orlongworkinghours)as
appearedintheBabAl-Bahrain,oldMuharraqandHunainiyahcontexts.
3. Theethnographyalsounderlinedthatcertainregulationsarebarrierstousingpublic
spacesforpeopleofcertainmigrantidentities,genderand/orincome;however,the
expertswerenotawareoftheimpactcertainregulationshaveontheinclusivityof
publicspacesandservices.
241
4. AnotherdisparityisthatthestandardcategorisationsofPOSonlyincludeparksand
gardens,buttheselectedstudiesincludeavarietyofimportant(formalandinformal)
POSandthecollecteddatafoundthateachtypologyhassignificantvaluesandusesfor
peoplewithculturaldifferences.LeisureactivitiesintheinformalPOSraisequestions
abouttheaccessibility,affordability,sufficiencyandconveniencesoftheformal
providedPOSinBahrainfordifferentpeoplewithvariedworkinghoursandmobilityor
specificculturalneeds(ethnic,ageorgender).Informedbysocialjusticeand
wellbeing,theseinformalspacesneedtobethoughtfullyconsideredinpracticeto
supportinclusivityintransculturalBahrainwithdifferentspatialleisurespecificities
anddifferentbarrierstobeingoutdoors.
5. Thereisasimilarityinthecollecteddataaboutwalkabilityhavingasignificantvalue,
butthisisnotconsideredformallyinpractice.Streets(suchasBabAl-Bahrainand
Block-338)thatsupportwalkabilityand/orsitabilityarevaluedfortheiraffordances
forbeingoutdoors;particularlyforpeoplewithabusylifestyle,longworkinghoursor
withoutaccesstoprivatetransport.Theexpertinterviewsexploredsomeinitiativesin
professionalpracticebystakeholderssuchasurbanplanning,municipality,cultural
authority,privateinvestmentsandcommunityinvolvementinprovidingcreative
spacessuchasBlock-338,historicalsitesandAmwaj.Theseinitiativessupported
diversepatternsofleisureandrecreationalactivities,andthisgoodpracticecouldbe
extended.
8.2.3IdentifyinginterculturalconflictsintheuseofPOSinBahrain
8.2.3.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings
1. Theprovisionofpublicparksispartofthepublicservices(includingchildren’s
benefits)andistheresponsibilityofthecountry’sorganisations.
2. Differentusers’behaviours,intensityofuseandpractices(i.e.litteringandmisuse)
affectsmanagementproceduresassomeparksandgardensneedmoremaintenance.
3. Actionsaretakeninmanagementtoreduceconflicts(security,instructionboards,
lockingtoilets,eliminatingseating,assigningfees,women-only,assigningfeesfor
under20’s);however,theyarenotalwayseffectiveinresolvingthem.
242
8.2.3.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork
1. ConflictsatmicroscaleinPOSindicatethecomplexityofnegotiatingeverydaylifein
transculturalcitieswithregardtodifferentexpectationsofsocialresponsibilitiesand
ethicsofcareinparentingandcleanlinessinpublicspaces.
2. Parentingandlitteringinparksandgardensappearasminorconflictsfromdifferent
culturalexpectationsregardingsocialresponsibilityandethicsofcarewheninpublic.
Theseconflictsweremostlynotrelatedtothespatialqualitiesandphysical
characteristics.Someoftheseconflictswerefoundinrelativelywell-maintainedand
designedformalgreenspaces.Inspecificlocations,publicresponsestothese
differencesdoposeapotentialchallengetoconvivialityandcanexacerbatesocial
divides.
3. Inresponsetosomeofthese‘minor’conflicts,someuserswithdrawtemporally(adapt
theirtimesofvisiting)orspatially(choosenottovisit)specificlocations.Thiscanbe
alliedtothepatternsofnegotiationinrespondingtodifferentculturalexpectations.
4. Withdrawalcanalsocreatesegregationandlimittheongoingpotentialforsocial
encounteracrossdifferences.
5. Securityandregulationspractices(tocontrolcertainbehaviours)arenoteffectivein
dealingwithinterculturalconflictsinlocalpublicspaces.
8.2.3.3Comparison
1. Mundaneconflictsofparentingandcleanlinessresultfromdifferentcultural
expectationswithregardtosocialresponsibilityinpublic.Suchconflictsaresometimes
raisedbecausebothusersandpracticelackanunderstandingofculturaldifferences,
particularlyregardingtheintersectionalitiesandnuances.
2. Regulatingspaces(forexamplebywomen-onlydaysorassigningfees)toreduce
conflictsmeansexcludingpeoplewithculturaldifferences(byage,incomeandgender)
fromenteringparksandgardens.Theethnographybroadlyshowsthatinmost
situations,userscan,spatiallyandtemporally,manageandnegotiatetheuseofPOS
243
withdifferentexpectations;however,boththeusersandexpertsfoundthatthe
currentregulationsarenoteffectiveindealingwithconflicts.
3. Withincreasingculturaldifferences,thereisalackinunderstandingtheresponsibility
ofprovidingsociallyinclusiveandresponsivespaces.Tosupportbetterunderstanding
ofcommonpracticesinPOSandtosupporttheresolutionofconflictsinsomekey
locationsstakeholdersinvolvedinPOSmanagementneedtoengagemorewithlocal
communities(particularlymigrantswithbarriers).Themanagementneedstobepro-
activebytakingarelationalratherthanaregulatoryapproach.
8.2.4Ideasofhowtodevelopinclusivemanagementpractice
8.2.4.1Summaryofexpertinterviewfindings
1. Theroleofdesignandmanagementisimportantinincreasingactivitiesorwalkability,
andconsideringcontemporaryneedsinlocalPOSincludinghistoricalsitesandurban
parks.Openspaceprovidershavearoletoprovidehighstandardpublicservicesthat
respectfamilyneeds.
2. Itisimportanttoelevatepeople’sfeelingofresponsibilitytowardsowningandsharing
publicspaceswithothers.
3. ThereispotentialformoretemporaryinterventionsinmanagementofPOS,including
atculturalandheritagesites,byintegratingelementsandconceptsofcontemporary
urbandesign(suchasmicro-POS,walkability,waterbodiesandmicroclimate).
4. Theroleofcommunity(suchasFriendsGroups)couldbeeffectiveindealingwith
misusethroughinitiatingadirectcontactbetweenusersandstakeholders.
8.2.4.2Summaryoffindingsfromethnographicfieldwork
1. Spatialqualities,physicalcharacteristicsandfacilitatedeventswithchoicesofhowto
engagearecentraltoharmonyinsharingspacesandpatternsofuse.
2. Heritagesitesintheselectedcasestudiesactassignificanttransculturalsitesfor
migrantleisurepracticesandpatternsofoutdoorsocialising.
244
3. IncreasingspatialandtemporalrecreationalactivitiesinPOS,withintegrationand
intersectionoftheseactivities,provideschoicesforbeingoutdoorsandsupports
informalencountersandpositiveformsofnegotiations.
4. Long-termmeaningsofsocialinclusivitycanbegeneratedinsociallyresponsive
outdoorspaces,despite(andsometimesbecauseof)theoftentemporalityand
fleetingnatureofmostencounters.
5. Involvementofthecommunityandlocalresidentsinmanagementofspaces,
increasingtheauthorityandengagementofthewardensinPOSandintroducingfines
insteadoffeesaresomerecommendationsfromtheuserstodealwithconflicts
regardingparentingandlitteringinpublicasthecurrentregulatorypracticesarenot
effective.
8.2.4.3Comparison
1. Theroleofdesigninprovidingharmonywasseenintheethnography,butthis
connectionbetweenthebuiltenvironmentandinterculturalconvivialitywasnot
mentionedbytheexperts.
2. WhilemanagementpracticesinPOSuseregulationtocontrolconflictsthesecreated
exclusionsthatchallengedconviviality,intheethnographicfindings,thespatialdesign
andmanagementqualitiessupportsocialinclusivityandthatishighlyvaluedbyusers.
3. Thefindingsshowsimilarityinsomeoftheideasthatsupportinclusivity:increasing
activities(eveninhistoricalspaces),pedestrianisingspaces,facilitatingoutdoorspaces,
temporalurbandesigninterventionsandcommunityinvolvement.
TheroleofdesignandmanagementofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacrossdifferences
appearedtobeimportantinthecomparison,evensothisroleiscurrentlyunderestimated.In
thissection,theexpertinterviewswerecomparedtothefindingsfromtheethnographic
methodstoidentifycorrelationsandcontradictions:wheretheysupportedorelaborated,and
wheretherewereconflictsordiscrepancies.Theethnographicfindingsexplainedtheroleof
practiceinsupportingpositivesocialencountersintransculturalspaces.Intheexpert
interviews,thesignificantroleofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSwasnot
245
highlighted,butthefindingsfromethnographictoolsshowedexamplesofwheredesignand
managementofPOSsupportedinteractionacrossdifferences.
Accordingly,thereareareasofdiscrepanciesbetweentheethnographicfindingsandpractice
thatprevailedinthecomparisonwithregardtoconsideringculturaldifferencesinthe
provisionofPOS;however,landscapearchitectureplanning,designandmanagementcanplay
fundamentalroleinfillingthesegaps.
Thefirstgapthatappearedsignificantinthecomparisonisthattheexpertinterviewsstated
thatculturaldiversityandintegrationarenotconsideredinplanning,designandmanagement
ofPOS.However,theethnographicfindingshighlightedhowformalgreenspaceshavea
significantroleinsupportingintegration,migrants’wellbeing,adaptationandmeaningful
encountersandalsotopromoteasenseofbelonging.
ThesecondgapisthatthepracticelimitedPOStoparksandgardens,whiletheethnographic
findingsalsoprovidedevidenceofoutdoorleisurepracticesandrecreationsininformalPOS
andurbanstreetscapes.Theaffordancesofthesespacessupportdifferentleisureactivities,
sociabilityandrecreationalpracticesforusersfromdifferentsocialandculturalgroups.The
importanceofeverydayopenspacestosupportsocialactivitiesandpromoteasenseof
belongingacrossdifferencesappearedsignificantintheanalysisanddiscussionofthefindings.
Thethirdgapisregardinguserswithoutaccesstocars,whichprevailedthroughethnography,
butwasnotmentionedintheexpertinterviews.Thisalsoshowsthatculturaldifferences
shapeaccessibilitytoparksandgardensbutthisisnotfullyconsideredinpractice.
Thefourthgapinthecomparisonshowsalackofunderstandingculturaldifferencesthat
shapedifferentexpectationsregardingthesocialresponsibilityofparentingandcleanliness
whichreflectstheassigningofexclusionstrategiesforpeopleofdifferentages,incomeand
genderfromenteringparksandgardens.Adistinctfindinghereisthatinclusivityandthe
publicnessofPOSshouldnotbeunderstoodonlyunderpoliticalforceswithinthepublic
spherebutalsowithinthesocialandculturaldynamics.
Theroleofprofessionalsinthefieldofoutdoorbuiltenvironmentcanbefurtheremphasised.
Outdoorspacesarecentraltofosteringfeelingsofcitizenshipandnationalsentimentsina
multi-ethnicsociety.TheresearchfindingsexploredthatbeingoutdoorsinBahrainand
exposedtosociallifeanddiverseculturalpracticesappeartobeanimportantaspectof
246
migrants’wellbeing,integrationandadaptationwiththeabilitytocontinuehomecultural
practices.TheresearchalsoexploredthatconvivialityandsocialmixityisvisibleinPOS
supportedbydifferentpatternsofoutdoorsociabilityinthecitieswithevidenceofmeaningful
encounters.Bahrainiscurrentlytryingtoendorseemotionalfeelingsofcitizenshipand
belonginginschoolsamongstdiversecultures,andmyresearchsuggeststhatPOS,particularly
parksandgardensshouldbeanintegralpartofthisagenda(Alexanderetal.,2007).The
societyinBahrainwillcontinuetobediverse,anddiversityinBahrainismorecomplexthan
definingthepopulationsimplyintermsofBahrainiandnon-Bahrainimigrantworkers,asboth
arefromdiverseorigins,generationsandsocio-economiclevels.Interculturalexchangesand
wideningsocialnetworkscanalsohelptodevelopsocialcapital(Putnam,2000)forwhich
reasonintegrationandsocialinteractionsinPOSshouldnotbeignored.Hence,practitionersin
thefieldofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSneedtounderstandtheirprimerolein
promotingasenseofbelongingacrossdifferences.
Theresearch,however,alsorevealedsomeunderlyingtensions.Withincreasingcultural
differencesandvariables,thesemundaneconflictswouldchallengesocialencountersandthe
socialvaluesofPOS;therefore,theyshouldnotbeignoredbyprofessionalpracticeofPOS
thoughrelevanttothesocialandculturaldifferencesandnotphysicalqualities.Thoughthese
tensionsmayappeartrivial,theycouldnegativelyreflectoncross-culturalexchangesand
couldtransferbetweengenerationsifnotthoughtfullyconsidered.Ignoringoralackof
understandingofculturaldifferencesinprovisionorregulationofPOSalsoleadstothe
implementationofpoliciesthatexcludeandsegregate(forexamplewomen-onlydaysor
assigningfees),whichcontradicttheconceptsofwellbeingandinclusivity.Itisnotunderthe
scopeofprofessionalpracticeoftheoutdoorbuilt-environmenttoregulateanddefinewhat
theacceptedculturalpracticesareandarenot,butitistheirresponsibilitytomeetdifferent
expectationsabouttheparadigmsofbothleisurepracticesandsocialresponsibilityinpublic
spaces.Planning,designandmanagementappeartoplayafundamentalroleindealingwith
transculturaldifferences,butthishastobethroughinclusivityandchoicesandwithout
exclusionpractices.Outdoorspacesneedtobewelcomingformigrantsfromdifferent
economicranksasforthesepeoplethespacesneedtobeanimportantdestinationintheir
leisuretime.
Thegapsthatemergedhighlighttheroleofprofessionalsinthefieldofbuiltenvironmentin
supportingtransculturalpracticesinpublicspaces.Thiscomparisonwillbeusedintherestof
thischaptertocontributetodevelopingpracticeintheprofessionalfieldwithregardtothe
socialjusticeandpublicspacesframework(LowandIveson,2016),whichwillbediscussedin
247
thischapter.Thesocialjusticeframeworkwouldbeappropriateinsupportingtheprofessional
roleinrespondingtodifferentculturalexpectations.Theinformationcollectedfromtheexpert
interviews(summarisedinChapterThree,Section3.5.3,Table3.4)isfurtherintegratedinto
thediscussioninthischapter,whichsituatesthisframeworkinBahrainandallowsabroad
understandingofthecurrentpracticeandintroduceswaystoimprovetheprocessofproviding
POS.Thefindingsofthischapterwouldinformplanning,designandmanagementofPOSwith
asocialjusticecommitmenttosupportconvivialityandtransculturalurbanismapproaches
specifictoGCCandMiddleEasterncountriesandpresentoptionsforfuturedevelopment.
8.3OverviewoftheSocialJusticeandPublicSpacesframework
Inthisstudy,Iadoptthesocialjusticeandpublicspacesframework(LowandIveson,2016)to
developananalyticalbasethatallowsabroadunderstandingofthecurrentpracticeof
providingandregulatingPOSinBahrain.Thisframework,whichhasbeendevelopedwithina
socialgeographydiscipline,couldalsobevitalforprofessionalpracticeinthebuilt
environmentandtransculturalcitiesinthattopresentoptionsforfuturedevelopmentto
supportconvivialityinasuperdiversepopulation.Thediscoursesontransculturalcities
supportdemocracy,inclusivityandcross-culturallearningandcallformorestudiesto
understandandmediatethecomplexitiesincities.LowandIveson,(2016)statethatwhen
some“identitiesandwaysofbeinginthecityareunfairlydenigratedorstigmatized,justiceis
fundamentallyamatterofstatusandhasaninter-subjectivedimension”(p.18)andtheyadd
thatequalityinsuchsituationscouldmeandeprecatingthequalitiesofsomeculturalpatterns
andvalues.Fainstein(2005)arguesthatitisunacceptabletodealwithdifferencesequally,
especiallywhenthefundamentalsofhealthandwellbeingaretobenegotiated.Ratherthe
implementationofjusticeisthekeyconcept(ibid).Thesocialjusticeframeworkcouldalsobe
helpfulindealingwithsmallconflictsrelevanttoculturaldifferencesastheconceptofequality
mightnotbeenoughtopromoteinclusivityinreceivingthebenefitsofPOS(LowandIveson,
2016,p.18).Theresearchfindsthat,intransculturalspaces,thesocialconflictscouldbe
escalatedfromculturaldifferencesatmicro-level.Besides,intheresearchfindings,the
mundaneconflictsappearedrelevanttodifferentperceptionsofsocialresponsibilityand
ethicsofcareinpublicspaces;hence,anethicaldimensionofthe‘justcity’frameworkis
requiredtobeexplicitlyintegratedintothetransculturalpracticewithrespecttopublicopen
space(LowandIveson,2016).
248
Theframeworkhasbeendesignedtoevaluatetheprovisionandregulationofurbanpublic
spaceswithissuesrelevanttofivepropositions:Justiceindistributionofpublicspaces(Section
8.4),recognitionofdiversity(Section8.5),socialrelationinpublicspaces(Section8.6),carefor
peopleandrepairoftheenvironment(Section8.7)andtheprocessofdecision-making
(Section8.8).LowandIveson(2016)drewtheframeworkprimarilyontheNorthAmerican
urbancontextandthisresearchisanopportunitytotesttheframeworkinanother.This
frameworkdevelopstheconceptofsocialjusticetoamorepracticallevelthatcanbe
implementedinpublicspacesincitieswithdiversityanddifference(ibid,p.12andp.28).
Hence,thisframeworkcouldbeusedasabasisforassessingtheimplicationforpracticeof
transculturalurbanismforplanning,designandmanagementofPOSinBahrain.Theoutcomes
fromtheexpertinterviewsassummarisedinChapterThree(Section3.5.3,Table3.4)are
furtherembeddedwithinthisframework,whichpositionsthisframeworkinBahrainand
allowsacomprehensiveinsightintothecurrentpracticeandpresentswaystoimprovethe
processofprovidingPOS.
8.4PropositionOne:Publicspaceanddistributivejustice
ThisfirstpropositionisabouttheinequalityandspatialinjusticeinthedistributionofPOS,
whichisrelevantfirsttothedistributionofpublicspacesacrossthewiderurbanenvironment
andlocationaldisadvantagesandsecondtotheaccessibilityandaffordabilityofPOS(Lowand
Iveson,2016).Locationaldisadvantage“demandsattentiontotheprovisionofpublicspace
acrossametropolitanarea,andposesquestionsaboutthedistributionofresourcesrequiredto
provideandmaintainpublicspaceacrossthecity”(ibid,p.17).Intermsofaccessibilityand
affordability,“thematterofaccesstopublicspaceisnotonlyoneofprovisionandlocation,but
alsooneofdesignandgovernance”andmainly“theaccessibilityofthosepublicspacesto
urbanpopulationsregardlessof[people]wealth”(ibid,p.17).
Intransculturalcities,culturaldifferencesofmobility,socio-economicandlifepatterncouldbe
socialandphysicalbarrierstoaccessibilitytoPOS.CitiesinBahrain,similartoothercitiesin
theMiddleEastandNorthAfrica,witnessspatialvariations:old,congestedandnewlow
density,andlocationaladvantagesanddisadvantagesalongsideurbantourismdevelopment
(Ben-Hamouche,2004;Elsheshtawy,2008;Steiner,2012;Ben-Hamouche,2013;Beaugrand,
2014;Rizzo,2014).Thissectiondiscusseshowwithanunderstandingofthisproposition,POS
canbedistributedtoensureinclusivityinBahrain.Theselectedcasestudyareasincludea
widerangeofPOS(formalandinformal),indifferentcitieswithdiversesurroundingcontexts
249
andpopulationratios.RespondingtothefindingsinChaptersFiveandSix,thedatashowsa
richpatternofuseofformalandinformalPOSwithdifferentleisuremotivations.Different
culturalleisurepracticesinthesespacesaresupportedbyaffordanceofspacesorqualitiesof
designandmanagementthatsupporttheseactivitiesaswashighlightedintheprevious
chapter.
LeisureactivitiesintheinformalPOSraisequestionsabouttheaccessibility,affordability,
sufficiencyandconveniencesoftheformalandprovidedPOSinBahrainfordifferentpeople
withvariousworkinghoursandmobilityorspecificculturalneeds(ethnic,ageorgender).For
example,familieswerehavingpicnicsontheroadsideintheAradBayAreaoncrowdeddaysat
thepark;thiscouldbebecausewomenandfamiliesnegotiatespatiallyforprivacy.Thiscould
alsomeanthatgreatercapacitiesofparksandgardens,bothintheirsizesandnumbers,are
requiredtobeabletoaccommodatemorepeople.Afurtherexampleisthemigrantmale
workerswhowereseenrelaxingandgatheringonthegroundofsomesidewalksand
roundabouts.Thiscouldbebecausetherearenoprovidedoutdoorleisurespaceswherethe
singlemigrantmaleworkersfeelwelcometogatherandsocialise.Hence,migrantsmayneed
facilitatedspaceswheretheiroutdoorleisurepracticesarelegitimised.Childrenwerealso
seenplayingonthebusyroadsbecausetheseroadsaretheonlyaffordancesforplaywhere
theylive;accessibleoutdoorspacesneedtobeprovidedforthechildrentoplaysafely.Poorer
migrantsappeartobelessfamiliarwiththealternativeparksandgardens,andhavesignificant
constraintstoaccessingarangeofplacesduetoalackofprivatetransportandlongworking
hours(NazirinChapterFive).
RegardingthecurrentprofessionalpracticeintheprovisionofPOS,theUrbanPlanning
DepartmentintheMinistryoftheWorks,MunicipalitiesAffairsandUrbanPlanning
(MWMAUP)followsprescribedstandards(Table8.2)forparksandgardensasdescribedbythe
Table8.2PlanningstandardsforparksandgardensinBahrain(MWMAUP,2015).
250
expertinterviewee,theChiefofUrbanObservatoryinUrbanPlanningDepartment.The
standarddoesnotdetailtypologiesofPOSandonlyincludescommunityparksandnational
parkswithinaCultureandRecreationZone.MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrban
Planning(2012)declaresthatthecurrentstandardsareverylowintermsofsizeandthe
numberofparksandgardens(Table8.3).FiguresfromtheMinistryshowthat36%of
householdsinBahraindonotuseparksduetothisdeficiency(MinistryofMunicipalityAffairs
andUrbanPlanning,2012).TheMinistryfurtherstatesthatthereisnoqualitativedataofthe
currentsituationofusers’needsandvalues(ibid).Thesefiguresindicateaseriouslackoflocal
greenspaceresourcesascommonlyfoundinotherGCCcountries(Hashem,2015;Addas,
2015).
Table8.3SizeandnumberofparksandgardensinBahraincomparedtoothercountries(MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning,2012).
251
Accordingtoexpertinterviews,thereisalimitationinthecurrentcategoriesofPOS,whichis
alsoreflectedinthedesignandmanagementofthesespacesandareseenasnotbeing
responsivetocontemporaryneeds.InthereportprovidedbyMinistryofMunicipalityAffairs
andUrbanPlanning(2012),itshowsthattheMinistry’sgeneralstandardsforactivitiesina
parkoragardeninBahrainisthattherehastobe50%greeneryandtheremainingspace
shouldincludeanumberoffacilitiesaccordingtothespaceavailable,suchaswalking/jogging
track,playgroundseitherwithoutdoororindoorplayarea,sittingarea,adultssportarea
(couldbepitches,basketballcourts),waterbodies(pond/lake)orakiosk.Accordingtothe
expertinterviewee,theDirectorofPropertiesandParks,thesizeoftheparkdeterminesthe
numberoftheprovidedactivities,however,healsoelaboratedthattherestrictionsinplanning
regulationsonprovidingnewactivities(suchasrestaurantsorcafés)influencesdesignand
management.Heemphasisedtheneedforbettercooperationbetweenplanning,
managementanddesign.
Thedatafromthego-alongandon-siteshortinterviewsshowedthatwhenuserswanttogoto
aparkorgarden,theyusuallytraveltothelargeronesthataccommodatemoreusesand
peoplecanundertakedifferentactivitiesandenjoymoresocialencounters.Anumberof
studiesalsoagreewithOlmsted’sconceptthatlargecityparksarevaluedassocially
integrativespaces(e.g.Chiesura,2004;Lowetal.,2005;Sofoulisetal.,2008).TheChiefof
UrbanObservatoryalsostatedthatdistributingactivitiessupportsocialinteraction,andinher
perceptionthisistheroleofdesignandmanagement.
Thecurrentstandardtypologiesmightnotbeenoughifweconsiderculturaldifferences,for
examplepeoplewithoutcars.IntheprofessionalinterviewwiththeDirectorofPropertiesand
Parks,hesaidthatthecommunitygardens(orneighbourhoodgardens)aresmall-sized
gardensandserveasmallerpopulationandarelocatedwithinresidentialareas,whilstthe
nationalparksservealargerpopulationwhichtheusersmustdriveto.Thecomparison
illustratesthatintheexpertinterviews,thefactthatnotallpeopledriveorownacarisnot
reflectedon,whenitisafactorwhichshapestheiraccessibilitytoPOS;whiletheimportance
ofconsideringdifferencesandcontemporaryneedsishighlightedbythoseexpert
interviewees.
252
Supportingwalkabilityincitiesisaspatialjusticeapproachwithculturaldifferences(Agyeman,
2013).Itisnotalwayspracticaltousecarsformobility;andbesidesthesocialequity,
environmentalconcernsofdrivingmustbeconsideredaspartofabroaderecologicalstrategy
forBahrain.Duetothespecificitiesofcardominanceandclimate,inBahrain,thereisneedfor
sufficientinfrastructuresuchasparking;itisanimportantstrategicdecisiontoaccommodate
theneedsofnon-carowners(Kent,2007),commonlymigrantworkers,alongsideaddressing
pollutionconcerns.Similartowalking,thecitiesarenotsafeorconvenientforbicycleriders,
althoughitisverycommonformigrantworkerstouseabicycleastheirtransportationmeans.
In2016,apolicywasenforcedtomaketheuseofhelmetandbicyclelightsmandatorybutstill
muchneedtobedonetoensuresafecycling.Fromalandscapearchitectureperspective,
providinglanesforcyclists,wherepossible,isvital;however,thismightbedifficultto
implementintheexistingurbanspaces.Relevanttothisresearch,tofurthersupport
integrationacrossdifferentgroupsofresidents,providingcyclinglanesisessentialbecauseit
notonlydisplaysconsiderationtowardtheneedsofmigrantworkersbutalsoencourages
otherresidentstousebicyclesforenvironmentalandhealthconcerns.Encouragingdifferent
socialgroupstowalk,usepublictransportorbicyclesreducethedisparitiesandsegregation
betweendifferentclasses.
Whilethescarcityoflandduetotheneedforhousingandurbandevelopmentisalsoa
challengeforpractitionersintermsofprovisionanddistributionofPOSinBahrain,astrategic
approachthathasbeensuccessfulinBahrainisthepedestrianisedstreets(Block-338,Pearling
Trail,BabAl-BahrainSouq).Both,theDirectorofPropertiesandParksandtheChiefofUrban
Observatory,forexample,highlightedthesignificancesofBlock-338andAmwaj-lagoonas
successfulPOS.TheHeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquities
alsotalkedabouttheurbandesigninthehistoricalheritageurbanspaces.Thesignificance
abouttheselectedcasestudiesisthesepedestrianisedstreetsaremundanespacesbut
facilitatedwithqualitiesofwalkabilityandsitabilitypublicly.
253
Withaffordancesinsomemundanespaces,thefindingsshowthesignificantvalueofthese
spacesinBahrain,especiallyforpeopleofdifferentmobilityabilities(i.e.withoutacar)orwith
busylivesandroutinesandlongworkinghours.Manyparticipantsspokeabouttheir
experiencesofstrolling,lingeringandenjoyingsociallifeinthesespaces.Residentstalked
abouttheaccessibilityduringdifferenttimesoftheday:forawomaninawheelchairtoenjoy
Figures8.1Theresidentsprovidetheirownbenches,sofasandplants.Similarly, Figure (e) (Rios, 2009) is in Dubai and is a typical informalsettingintheGulfcities.
a
b
cd
e
254
themorningsunorforworkersatnightaftertheirlongworkinghours.Someoftheseinformal
urbanopenspaceswereinpoorconditionalthoughpeopleenjoybeingoutdoors,strolling,
socialisinginfrontofthemosque,theirshopsandhouses,onvacantlandandonstreet
cornersandalsochildrenenjoyplaying.NazirandFaizamentionedthattheyuseparksand
gardensasalternativesbecausetheroadsinfrontoftheirhousesareonlyforvehiculartraffic,
whichshowstheimportanceofthesidewalks,asalsoassertedbyKim(2015).Ordinaryand
informalPOS,e.g.cornersandsidewalks,withtheirsignificantvaluesintheMiddleEastand
NorthAfrica(Ben-Hamouche,2013;Addas,2015;Alabdulla,2017)needtobeconsideredin
professionalpracticeinhotandhumidregions.Landscapedesignelementsandmicroclimate
shouldalsobeconsideredininformalPOSalongwithsocialjusticeinconsideringqualitiesand
affordability.Directparticipationofthepublicintheseinformalsmall-scalespacessupportsa
long-termscope(Ben-Hamouche,2013).
However,IwouldarguethateverydayPOSshouldnotbeconsideredasalternativestoparks
andgardensasbothhavedistinctivevaluesforwellbeing.DiverseandcreativetypesofPOS
(Cattelletal.,2008;Francis,2011)arerequiredtofacilitatetemporalandspatialpatternsof
useinBahrain.ThecollecteddatafoundthateachofthedifferenttypologiesofPOSiswith
significantvaluesanduses.Theparksandgardensarevaluediftheyarespaciousand
accommodatearangeoffacilities,whileastreetinaneighbourhoodisalsovaluedforits
walkabilityandeverydaysociability.Fromthefieldwork,thepedestrianisedspacesin
MuharraqandBlock-338areactive,thoughsmallandcongested;however,streetscannotbe
seenasreplacementsforgreenspaces.Thoughstreets,andinparticularpedestrianstreets,do
haverecreationalvalues,theyshouldnotbequantifiedascontributingtothegreenspace
provisioninthecity.DuetothesocialandculturaldynamicsinBahrain,along-termstrategy
forland-usethataddressesthedefectsinquantityandsomeinequalitiesindistributionofPOS
isneededtoeaseconflictsofdifferenceandtosystematicallyconsiderandrespondtothe
migrants’needs.Thisstrategywouldalsosupporturbantourismdevelopmentstrategies.As
partoftourismdevelopmentstrategiesinGCCcountries,Alraouf(2010)arguesthatthe
practiceofplanning,designandmanagementofPOSneedstoincorporatethecultural
diversityofthepopulation.
255
8.5PropositionTwo:Recognitionofdiversity
Unjustrecognitionofdiversityaddresses“thesystematicdevaluingandstigmatizationofsome
urbanidentitiesandwaysoflifeincities”(LowandIveson,2016,p18).Thispropositionis
concernedwiththose“claimsforrecognitionthatseektoaddressinstitutionalizedpatternsof
culturalvaluewhichgiveaparticulargroupasubordinatestatusinrelationtoothers”(ibid).In
relationtopublicspaces,recognitionfocusesonthepatternsofuseandbehavioursthatare
entrenchedintheprovisionandregulationprocessandoutcome(ibid).
Initially,Iexploredtherecognitioninrelationtopeople’sperspectives.Inthefindings,
diversityprevailedineverydaypractices,andamongthepeople,includingmigrants,valuethis
diversity.InBahrain,withitscomplexityoftransculturalcitiesandintersectionalityofcultural
variables,undeniably,therearedivisionsinrelationtosocio-economiclevels,educationand
socialpositionanddifferentmigrants’statusandgeneration;theseallshapedlifepatternsin
cities.Therespondentsinthefindingscategorisedsomepracticesassecondclass,forexample,
walkingandusingbusesareconsideredasonlymigrantworkers’practices.
Complexityintransculturalcitiesalsoshapespatternsofuseandbehaviours,whichare
concernsofrecognitioninthisproposition.Inthefindings,parksandgardensinBahrainare
preferredleisuredestinationsformigrantworkersandmigrantfamiliesoflowsocio-economic
positions,butduringtheethnographicpracticessomeusersexpresstheirfeelingsof
aggravationandalienationwithdifferentculturalpracticesandsocialbehavioursofthe
majorityusers(asrevealedintheinterviews).InChapterSix,particularpracticesregarding
cleanlinessandparentingwerejudgedbysomeparticipantsastransgressivebehavioursin
differentparksandgardens,butmoreparticularlyinKhalifaGarden.Thoseparticipantsstated
thatmanyavoidtheGardenbecauseofthepresenceofsuchbehaviours.Expertsalsoshared
suchperspectives;anattorneyandexpertinhumanrightsmentionedthatthemisuseinPOSis
shapedbydifferentpatternsofuseandbehaviours;however,hehighlightedtheimportance
ofconsideringtransparencybetweendifferentclassesandculturesinthemanagementofPOS.
Ifthemiddleclassresidentscontinuewithdrawingfromparksandgardens,thenalong-term
consequencewillbethatthesespacesbecomeperceivedasinferior.
Accordingtothisproposition(PropositionTwo),dealingwithsuchconflictsshouldrecognise
thedifferentpatternsofuseandculturalvalues(LowandIveson,2016,p.18)as
misrecognitionmayleadtoexclusionstrategies(Section2.5.2).Thus,inKhalifaGarden,with
thecomplexityfacedbythecurrentpracticeininterpretingandcommunicatingthe
256
differences,anentryfeehasbeenintroducedforthefirsttimeinBahrainforapublic
greenspace(Figure8.2).Themunicipalcouncilrepresentativeexplainedthatthedecisionwas
takentoreducethehugenumbersofvisitorstothegardenasthe“numberofvisitorsexceeds
thegarden’scapacity”andsubsequentlytolimit‘unwantedbehaviours’(DTNews,2015).He
alsostatedthattheunwelcomebehavioursweremainlypracticedbysomeof‘theexpat
communities’andsaidthatthe“TheseconductsareunfamiliarandarerejectedintheBahraini
society”.
KhalifaGarden(openedin2012)hadbeendesignedtoahigh-qualitystandardandhasthe
specificationsofanationalpark,butitislocatedinthecentreofaresidentialareamostly
residedbymiddleclassresidents,predominantlyBahraini.Whenthegardenwasopened,the
usersweremostlymigrants’familiesfromotherpoorneighbourhoodsacrossthesurrounding
urbancontext.Overtime,complaintswereraisedtotheMunicipalityBoardmembers
regardingdifferentculturalpracticesintheGardenandasaresultentryfeeswereofficially
introducedin2017.
Inaninterviewwiththeattorneyandexpertinhumanrights,hementionedthattheentryfee
wasinitiallyproposedtotargetonlyusersundertheageof20astheresidentsperceivethatit
isusersinthisagegroupwhomisusetheGarden.Accordingtotheattorney,theresidentsin
theareaofKhalifaGardenfindthatsomeusersmisusetheprovidedactivitiesandasaresult,
theresidentsseektopreventsuchbehaviours.Thisproposeddecisionhighlightsdisparityas
wellasconsensusinthefindingsbetweenexpertinterviewsandethnography.Firstly,this
decision,accordingtotheexpert,addressesthemisuseandcleanlinessaspects.Itisalso
reflectedinsomeofthefindingsofthisresearchthatcleanlinesspracticesaretriggerpoints
Figure8.2Chargingentryfeesproposaltoagarden(DTNews,2015).
257
forconflict.Inaddition,thementionedagegroupwillalsoincludechildrenwhichinturncould
pertaintoparentingpractices.Alternatively,itwasalsoseenthattherearenoissuesrevealed
inthefindingsthatarerelativetotheconcernedagegroupsofteenagersoryoungadults.This
disparityappearedeitherbecausethemethodsusedhavesomelimitationincoveringwide
sectorsofthepopulation,forexample,thenon-users;orbecausetheproposeddecisionwas
basedontheexpectationsandopinionsofthedecision-makersandnotonanunderstanding
oftheresonancesofdifferentpatternsofuseandconflicts.Thisdecisionwasonlyaproposed
onebutactionwastakeninFebruary2017toapplyfeesforalluserswithoutage
discrimination.
Twomonthslater,inApril2017,‘women-only’weekenddayswereintroduced,inadditionto
thefeewhichbecameapplicableeverydayoftheweek.Thejustificationforthisdecisionwas:
“Entryfeeshavebeenintroducedbuttroublecontinuesatthepark.Now,wewilltrythe
women-onlydays”(Al-A'ali,2017b).Itcanbeinferredfromthisdecisionthatthereisagender-
mixityprobleminKhalifaGarden,whilemyresearchshowsevidencethatwomenvaluedthe
parksandgardenfortheirpatternsofsociability,whichisanotherdisparityinthecollected
data.Thefindingsshowedevidenceofhowthedesign,managementandchoicesofactivities
supportwomeninconductingtheirsocialactivitiesinparksandgardenswithspatial
negotiationandfamiliaritywithoutbeingintimidated.Thisshowsthattheroleofplanning,
designandmanagementinprovidingsociallyresponsivePOSisunderestimated.Feesand
women-onlyweekendswouldhavenegativeeffectsonthesocialinclusivityofPOSforworkers
andalsoforwomenandchildrenoflow-incomefamilies.
Thesedecisionshavebeentakenafterthefieldworkbutthecontradictionbetweenthe
collecteddataandtheregulationassignedlaterpresentsanareaforfutureresearch.These
decisionswillcreateexclusionandinjusticewithregardtosocialwellbeing.Forexample,
focusingontheimpactofthe‘women-only’weekenddaysontheuserswellbeing,thefindings
previouslyexplainedhowintheweekend,thepublicgardensareimportantformigrantmale
workers.Duringthefieldwork,attheweekend,ImetmaleusersfromIndia,Pakistan,Syria,
Jordan,Nepal,Philippines,YemenandBahrainforwhomKhalifaGardenisimportanteitherfor
gathering,meetingfriends,watchingthecrowds,playingfootball,running,orhavingafamily
daywiththeirwifeandchildrenontheironlydayofffromwork.Thefindingsalsohighlighted
thattherearewomenuserswhodonotdriveandrelyonmalefamilymemberstodrivethem
totheparkorgarden.Thiscannotbecomparedtousingtaxiservices,itisafamilydayout
whichmainlyoccursattheweekendoronthechildren’sschoolholidays.Ifmenarenot
258
allowedtogointotheparks,thentheirrolewillbereducedtothatofadriverratherthanthe
outingbeingasocialorfamilyevent.
TheMunicipalBoard1hasalsoproposeddifferentstrategiestodealwithdifferentbehaviours
inPOS(Figure8.3andFigure8.4).
1Asmentionedearlier,inBahrain,theMunicipalBoardplaysavitalroleindecision-making.Themembersoftheboardareelectedbytheresidents.ArchitectWafaSharif,ChiefofUrbanObservatoryinMWMAUP,saidthattheMunicipalBoardmembershaveasignificantrole,butlackplanningexperience.Moreover,itisnotapparentifthemembersoftheMunicipalBoardareresponsivetotheneedsofculturaldiversitytopromotesocialintegrationandequity.
Figure8.4Proposaltobaneatingseedsinpublicparksandgardens(Al-A'ali,2015).
Figure8.3TheMunicipalBoardproposestobanmenfromagarden inBahrain.Thisisfollowingclaimsthatitisbeingmonopolisedbycricket-playingAsiansandSudanesemigrantsplayingloudmusicatnight.Theplan istoallowonlywomenandchildrentoaccessthegardenaspreviouslytheyweretooafraidofbeingharassed,alsothereisnowhereforthemtositandtherearenowplans to hire female-only security guards and increase the height of boundary walls for thisgarden(TradeArabiaNews,2015).
259
Thego-alonginterviewsalsorevealedsomeotherdifferentmanagementpracticestodealwith
differentbehavioursandpractices.AccordingtoKareem,thegovernmentenclosedasmall
fountainsquare,popularlyknownastheFishSquare,andrestrictedentrybecauseAsian
migrantworkersusedtogatherthereinlargenumbersandoftenlitteredthespaceandthe
fountain.Duetothebarriers,thisspacehaslostitsvisualappeal.Kareemconsidersthat
imposingfinesorcreatinganawarenessoftheimportanceofmaintainingcleanlinessamongst
themigrantswouldhavebeenamoreeffectivestrategy(Figure8.5).Anotherexclusion
managementpracticeisintheBabAl-Bahrainmall,whereentrytothetoiletsisrestrictedto
certainusersasmentionedbyKareem.Faizaalsoexplainedthatsomeveryusefulbenches
wereremovedfromtheBabAl-Bahrainareaandthatthisactionwasprobablytoprevent
certainpeoplefromsittingandlittering.Inanotherexampleintheselectedcasestudies,
SalmaniyaistheonlyGardenprovidedwithasignposttopreventspitting,wherethecultural
practiceofchewingPaan(arecanut)iscommon.InBabAl-Bahrain,thereisasimilarsign
(Figures8.6onpage260).Excluding‘differently-social’2behavioursmeansnotrespecting
diversity.Ascribingcertainbehaviourstolegalcontrolcouldmeancriminalisingsome
behavioursandthiswillnegativelyaffectsocialinclusivityandwellbeing.
2AtermintroducedbyBynonandRishbeth(2015)
Figure8.5Adouble-fencedroundabouttopreventmisuse.
260
Figures8.6Signshavebeenprovidedatcertainsitesinthelanguageoftheintendedmigrantusergroups.
Figure 8.7 A notice board in agarden in two languages.Restrictingactivitiescouldalsobeasource of misrecognition ofdifferent cultural practices andvalues. There are display boardsandsigns inallparkandgarden inBahrain that include a list ofrestricted practices such aslittering, playing football on thegrass, cycling, walking dogs andreminding carers that children aretheir responsibility. Al-Ansari(2009) explains, “This set of rulescould reflect what the ‘designersand managers‘ of the park aimedfor given that aminimumnumberof uses reduces conflict betweentheusers”(p.236).However,someof these restricted activities areinformally accommodated at theedgesoftheparksandgardens;forexample,biking,playingfootballorbarbequing, which at times raiseconcerns for safety. This meansthatthesesignsarenotrecognisingdifferences.
261
Therecommendationshapedbythispropositionisthatinordertovalueculturaldiversity,
professionalsinthebuiltenvironmentshouldtakeresponsibilityfordealingwithdifferent
practicesbutwithoutresortingtoexclusions.RecognisingdifferencesintheprovisionofPOS
meanslegitimisingandfacilitatingdifferentoutdoorleisureculturalpractices,providingspatial
choicesandvarietiesofPOStohelppeopletonegotiate,increasingcapacitiesandtheworking
hoursofparksandgardensandalsodealingwithlocationaldisadvantages.Therealsoneedsto
beanunderstandingthat“therecognitionofanygivengroupisneverlikelytobeentirely
straightforward”andthat“activitiesofonegroupmaybeincompatiblewiththeactivitiesof
others,sounlimitedrecognitionforallmaynotbepossible”(LowandIveson,2016,p18).
Recognitioncouldalsoshapesocialencounters.
8.6PropositionThree:Socialinteractionaljustice
LowandIveson(2016)arguethatinteractionaljusticeandrecognitionarerelated,as
“misrecognitionmaytaketheformofrulesconcerningbehaviorinapublicspace(seeabove),butitmayalsohaveaninteractionalcomponent,inwhichmembersofagrouparesubjecttoverbalorphysicalabusewhenoccupyingapublicspaceinaparticularmanner”(p.19).
Throughoutthedataanalysis,IdidnotencounterissuesaboutabuseorprejudiceinPOS,but
itwouldbenaïvetoassumethattheydonotexist.Gardner,(2008)inhisresearchabout
IndiandiasporainBahrain,declaresthatthereareoccasional‘violentundercurrents’in
migrants’everydayencounterswiththecommunity,inwhichmigrantstrytoavoidgettinginto
suchclashes.Similarly,Irfan,theIndianmigrantworkerparticipantinthewalkinginterview,
saidthatIndianmigrantsinBahraintrytoavoidsuchsituations.Usersexpresstheir
aggravationsregardingdifferentperceptionsofresponsibility(parentingandcleanliness),but
suchaggravationsdidnotappeartobepubliclyexpressedandinthefindingsindifferentPOS,
convivialitywassupportedwithaffordancesofthespatialandtemporaldynamicspatternsof
usesandnegotiationinsharingPOS.
262
Accordingly,thisproposition:
“focusesmorespecificallyonthenatureofencountersthattakeplaceinpublicspace.Itisthroughsuchencountersthaturbaninhabitantscanestablishnewcollectiveidentificationswithoneanotherthatarenotpremisedonshared‘membership’ofagroup,butonsharedactivitiesandpractices”(LowandIveson,2016,p.19).
SocialinteractioninPOSshouldnotbethoughtofasonly“amatterformoralityormanners”
ofpeople,butalsoaspartofregulationandprovisionofPOS(ibid).Theprofessionalpractice
ofplanning,designandmanagementcanplayacrucialroleinsupportingsocialinteractionand
justicebypromotingspatialandtemporalqualitiesofinteractionthroughtheagendaof
convivialitywithlong-termstrategies(ibid).
ChapterSixexploredtheevidenceofhowspatialqualitiesofPOSwereimportantin
maintainingandfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoorsandthereby,providing
opportunitiesforencounterswithdifferentpeople.Throughthefieldwork,walkabilitywas
alsovaluedforsupportingpatternsofoutdoorsociability.Theprovidedoutdoorrecreational
activitiesarealsoimportantforfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeingoutdoorsand
providingopportunitiesforencounterswithdiversepeople.Besides,itwasfoundthatthe
formallyorganisedeventsandprogrammes(inbothformalgreenspacesandstreets)have
beenverysuccessfulinsupportingconvivialspaceswithsocialharmonythatenablethe
bridgingofdifferences.
TheexpertshighlightedthatgiventheimportanceofwalkabilityqualityinBahrain,itisnot
formallyconsideredinpractice.Al-Sayeh,HeadofArchitecturalAffairsintheAuthorityfor
CultureandAntiquities,elaboratedthatinhistoricalsitesintegratingelementsandconceptsof
contemporaryurbandesign(suchaswalkability)appearedsignificantinsupportingsocial
263
interaction.Intheexpertinterview,shedescribedtheideasbehind‘sahat’3inthePearlingTrail
project:
“WecreateopenspacesthroughthepathasgatheringpointsbetweenresidentsofMuharraqandvisitorstohavesomeinteractionsatacertainlevel.Theopenspacesareimplementedonthesiteofdemolishedhousesandcanbeaccessedthroughthepath.Theideaofthesahatis:insteadofrenovatingthebuildings,[…]weconsidertheneedsofthecurrentsociety.[…]InMuharraq,thereisashortageofopenspaces,greenspaces,placeswherechildrencanplay.Andthenicethingaboutsahatisthatitisinanhistoricalcity;thesizeofeachopenspaceisaboutthesizeofahouse.Sotheyaremicropublicspaces.Inthesespaceswecreatemicroclimate;thereisawater-cooler,treesheltershade,waterfountain.Theyaresupposedtomakeitacomfortableplaceforpeopletospendsometime”.
‘TheInterventionProject’wasarrangedbytheAuthorityforCultureandAntiquitiesinBabAl-
BahrainSquarebytemporarilypedestrianisingthespace(Figures8.8onpage264).With
respecttothisproject,Al-Sayehexplained:
“Itwasplannedonlyforamonth[…]weshadedthewholeareaandwepedestrianisediteverydaybetween6pmand6amthenextday,whichwasareallybigstrugglewiththetrafficdepartmentbecauseitisoneofthemostimportantstreetsoftheinnerringroadinBahrain;buttheideawasreallytoshowthepotentialofwhatqualitiesyoucouldaddtopublicspace.”
Al-Sayehadded:
“WhatwasmostsuccessfulintheBabAl-Bahraininterventionwasthatwhentheeventswerehappening,therewasaco-useofthespacebydifferentkindsofpeople[…]therewasareallyinterestingmixofpeople-foreignworkers,governmentrepresentatives,architects,[…]Thiswasinterestingandreallyimportant.ItwasstrikingbecausethetalkwasmostlyinEnglishandthediscussionswereaboutarchitecture,aboutaveryspecifictopic,andIthinkabigpartoftheaudiencedidnotunderstandEnglish.ButIthinktheystayedbecauseitwasareallyspecialmomentwherepeoplefromdifferentwalksoflife
3SahatmeansthepublicopenspacesinthePearlingTrail
264
couldbeinaplacetosharethemoment,andIthinkthisiswhatapublicspaceissupposedtoprovide.Itisreallyimportant,IthinkinacountrylikeBahrainwherethereissuchamixofnationalities,itisimportanttoprovidethesekindofplaces.”
Figures8.8‘TheIntervention’isatemporaryprojectheldinBabAl-BahrainSquarein2012(Zakharia,2012aand2012b).TheSquarewaspedestrianised,
shadedandprovidedwithseating.
265
Thefieldworkfoundthatthemostcommonlyheldeventsaremarkets.Intheinterviewwith
theartistBayanAl-Baker,thefounderofAl-RiwaqArtSpace(anon-profitprivatespaceto
supportcommunity),sheassertedthatAl-RiwaqhasarrangedanumberofeventsinBlock-338
suchasmarkets,musicconcertsandartshows,andthesebroughttogetherpeopleofdifferent
culturalbackgrounds,socio-economicgroupsandpoliticalviews.ThestreetinBlock-338was
temporallyarrangedwithextrabenchesandfacilities(Figure8.9below).
Thesuccessoftheseeventswasalsorelevanttotheaffordancesofthedesignandthespatial
qualities.Theconceptoftacticalurbanismisusedintheseeventstosupportthetemporary
eventsandcreatevibrancy.Tacticalurbanismmeansimplementingtemporarychangestothe
cities’builtenvironmentwiththeintentionofincreasinglocaloutdoorgatheringplaces(Silva,
2016).Thenotionisthatwithlong-termimplementationplans,itisdifficultforplannersto
respondtolocalsocialandeconomicchanges;hence,temporaryinterventionsarethewayto
makeimprovementstocitiesandalsopromotepublicengagements(ibid).Anexampleof
tacticalurbanismisthe‘PlayingOut’schemeenactedintheUKandCanada,whichfacilitates
beingoutdoorsandsafebytemporarilypedestrianisingthestreetsandallowingchildrento
playoutdoors(PlayingOut,2016).AnotherprimeexampleistheNYCPlazaProgramme.The
Figure8.9ThepictureshowstheconceptoftacticalurbanisminBlock-338createdbyAl-Riwaqforamarketeventin2012.
266
programmehasbeenintroducedtoensurethatqualityPOScouldbeaccessedwithinwalking
distancebyallresidents,andaspartofthis,atemporaryplazaprogrammewasintroduced.
Whyte(1980)alsofoundthateventsinPOSareoccasionsthatsupportsocialinteraction.
Eventssuchasconcertsorperformances,bigorsmall,cancreatetriangulationbetweenusers
(Whyte,1980).POShavetobeclearlydesigned,managedandprogrammedwitheventstobe
used,accessedandenjoyedacrossdifferentsectorsofthepopulation.
Arrangingoccasionalattractionsandeventsontheedgesofmigrants’locationscouldpromote
inclusion(Sennett,2006).Thisappearstobeatheoreticalcontribution,butBahrainhasmade
acreativecontributionandthisconcepthasbeenenactedontheground.InMarch2017,the
BahrainNationalQuarrywasopenedtothepublicforthefirsttimeinacollaborationbetween
theBahrainAuthorityforCultureandAntiquitiesandAl-RiwaqArtSpaceforaperformanceof
the‘NocturneforPitOrchestra’(GulfNews,2017).Theconceptbehindthisevent,whichwas
arrangedoutdoors,wastoensuretheintegrationofallclassesinsociety.Attheevent,migrant
workerspresentedmusicalpiecesinfluencedbytheirculturalbackgroundsandbytheplaces
theyworkandliveinBahrain.Theorchestraschemereflectedtheimpactofthemigrant
labourhistoryonmusicandcultureinBahrain.ArrangingthisorchestraintheNationalQuarry
wasaninitiativetocreatepubliceventsintheremoteareaswheremigrantworkersare
located.Afurtherobservationisthatthisperformancewasarrangedinanationalspotnear
theTreeofLife,animportantculturalandheritagelocation.Thisrecenteventhasastrong
significancetotherecommendationsofthisresearch,particularlyastwooftheexpert
intervieweesweremembersoftheorganisationsinvolvedincoordinatingthisevent,namely
Al-RiwaqArtSpaceandtheAuthorityforCulture.
Thefieldworkhasalsodemonstratedthateverydayplaces,inparticularparksandgardens,
havetheabilitytosupportpositiveencounters.Interculturalinteractionswerecommonin
everydaysocialencountersinBahrain.Patternsofoutdoorsociabilityanddiversityandthe
cordialatmosphereofbeinginsharedspacesprevailedinthefindingsandwashighlyvalued
bymanyoftheusers.Thefindingsshowevidenceofsociallyresponsivestrategiesthat
recognisediverseneedsandlifepatternsandsupportpatternsofnegotiation,convivialityand
socialencounters,forexample,providingdifferentpublicsportsyards(volleyball,basketball,
footballandcricket)inresponsetodiverseethnicsportingneeds.InHunainiyahPark,spaces
areprovidedforhawkingwhichismainlypractisedbySyrianandYemenifamilies.Accessibility
andlongeropeninghoursofparksandgardensisamanagementsolutionthatpromotes
recognitionanddifferentpatternsoflife.
267
Aconsensusbetweenthefindingsfromethnographicpracticesandexpertinterviewswas
revealedconcerningthedistributionofactivitiesandthevalueofwalkabilityqualityin
supportingsocialencounters.Thefindingselaboratedthatthespatialmanagementanddesign
qualitiesinthecasestudiescansupportconvivialityandpositivesocialencountersin
transculturalcities.Theexpertinterviewsprovidedinformationonthepossibilityofformally
designingandmanaginginformalPOSinBahrainaswellasoperatingatacticalurbanism
approachortemporaryintervention,forexample,thepotentialimpactthatlandscape
architecturedesignandmanagementcouldhaveinhistoricalsites.
WilsonandDarling(2016)claimthatoneofthequalitiesofencounteristhatitcanbe
unanticipatedandprovidesasurprisingexposuretodifferencesthataresituatedwithin
personalandcollectivehistories.Myresearchdiscoveredthatgiventhedynamicnatureof
landscapeandsocialisinginoutdoorspacesintransculturalcontexts,theseactsofpersonal
serendipitymaybebettersupportedinplacesthatarefamiliarandsafe,asmentionedfor
examplebytheSyriansisters,theyoungIndianmotherandtheBalochifather.Accordingto
mydataanalysisanddiscussionintheprecedingChapters(Five,SixandSeven),andsupported
bystudiessuchasArmstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth’s(2012),unpredictabilityand
unfamiliaritycandetermigrantsandnewcomersfromusingaspace.Tofosterinclusionandto
sustainencounters,itisimportanttosupportroutineactivitiesinwhichdiverseculturescan
negotiatetheirusewithconfidenceandfamiliarity.
Designandmanagement,supportedbyplanningdecisions,haveadirectroleinpromoting
conviviality,exploringcommonalitiesandextendingmeaningfulencounters.Socialfunctioning
andprovidingdiverseactivitieswithalternativesandsupportingawiderangeofaffordances
mayalsosustaindifferentencounters.POSneedbefacilitatedtolegitimisemultipleformsof
unexpectedsocialencountersandculturalpracticesofsociabilityandbeingoutdoors.These
spaceshavethepotentialtosupportsocialtransformation,whichhappensovertimethrough
acumulativepatternofunpredictableencounters.Therecommendationherealsosupports
therecognitionofdifferences,buttherearealsoconflicts.Ignoringsmallconflictsor
aggravationscannegativelyshapepatternsofencounters.Conflictsofparentingand
cleanlinesshavebeenshapedinthefindingsbydifferentculturalexpectationsandambiguity
withregardtoasenseofsocialresponsibilityanddutyofcare.
268
8.7PropositionFour:Repairandcare
Thispropositionislinkedtophilosophicaldiscoursesonethicsofcareanditisaboutdefining
responsibilitiesintermsofcareandrepair(LowandIveson,2016).LowandIveson(2016)
assert,“Caringforothersandparticipatingintherepairoftheenvironmentalsoconstitutean
importantdimensionofsocialjusticeinpublicspace”(p.19).Conceptofcareandrepaircanbe
seenininsignificantactivitiessuchaspickinglitter(ibid)orlookingafterachildinaplayground
whoisleftwithoutsupervision.However,asinferredfromthefindingsanddiscussionchapter,
peoplearejudgingothers’behavioursbasedondifferentexpectationsofcleanlinessand
parentingobligations.
Itismyargumentthatignoringthesedifferencesinmoralcodesmayreinforcesegregation
andmayreflectafundamentallackofintegration.AsLowandIveson(2016)state,“public
spacesalsocontinuetobetheobjectoflessspectacular,butnolesssignificant,conflict”than
politicsofpublicsphere(p.10).Theroleofmanagementanddesignisvitalthereforetodeal
withconflictsinbothpublicspacesandthepublicsphere(ibid).
Parentingandcleanlinessappearastrivialtensionsandnotrelevanttothepublicsphere;
however,theycanescalateandsotheyshouldnotbeneglectedatthemicroscale.The
questionsare:Whoshouldpayforthemaintenance?Whoshouldberesponsibleforcleaning
theparkandgardenswithdifferentpatternsofuse?Whoshouldtaketheresponsibilityof
caringforthechildren?Isitinclusivethataccessibilityforchildrenisconditionedbytheaccess
oftheircarers?Isitpossibletoprovideamemberofstafftolookafterunsupervisedchildren?
Thesequestionsarecomplexbutshowhowthequalityofcareandrepairaffectthejusticeand
inclusivityofPOS.
Themaintenanceofparksandgardensisfundedbythegovernmentandtheexpert
intervieweeshighlightedthatsomeparksandgardensneedmoremaintenancethanothers
becauseofdifferentintensityandpatternsofuse.Litteringandvandalismthataccompany
differentpatternsofuseaffecttheprocessofprovidingandmaintainingPOSinBahrainin
differentareasandthecreativityofdesign(FrominterviewswiththeMaintenanceand
OperationEngineerofParksandGardensinManamaMunicipalityandGeneralCoordinatorof
theAssociationofFriendsGroups).TheDirectorofPropertiesandParksaddedthatthereisa
penaltyof10BD(£20)forlitteringontheroadsorbeaches,butthereisnolegislationaimedat
parksandgardens.
269
Regardingparenting,thereisnoregulationinBahraintopreventchildrenfrombeing
unattended.Intheexpertinterview,Dr.FadhilaAl-Mahroos,Paediatricianandpresidentof
theArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolenceagainstChildren,highlightedthatforchildren
playinginparksandgardensisveryimportantfortheirhealthbutshealsomentioned:
“100%childrenofacertainageshouldnotbeleftbythemselves.Childrenyoungerthan6years,childrenagedtwotothreeyearsareseenwalkingaloneontheroads.Childrenyoungerthan6yearsshouldnotbeleftwithoutadultsupervisioninanypublicspace.Thereisnothinginthelawthatstatesthis”.
Dr.Al-Mahroosalsoemphasised:
“Manycasesofsexualabusehappentochildrenintheages8to11frombeingleftunsupervised[...]Ihaveseenmanycaseshappeninpublicparks[...]thishappenswhenthechildrenarewithnosupervision[…]theseattacksneedonlymomentsandthechildisexposedtodanger”.
Hence,itbecomesessentialthatthedesignandmanagementofparksandgardensinBahrain
shouldsupportthecarers’rolewithdifferentexpectationsandperceptions.
Themunicipalitiesrecruitsecurityguards,forexample,KhalifaGardenissupervisedbyten
securityguards(DTNews,2015).Generally,inmostofthegardensandparks,thesecurityand
cleaningarrangementsaremanagedbyprivatecompaniesandfundedbythemunicipality
throughcontracts.TherecruitmentofsecurityguardsinPOSdidnotappearasanexclusion
measureinthecollecteddataastheywereseentobetrusted,werewelcomingandsupported
asenseofsecurity,buttherewasalackofclarityintheirrole.Inthefieldwork,somemigrant
parentsmentionedthattheyconsidereditsafetolettheirchildrenwanderintheparks
becausetherearesecuritymeasures,andtheybelievedthattakingcareofchildren’ssafetyis
partofthesecuritypersonnel’sresponsibility.Similarly,theinterviewsrevealthatmanyusers
expectthatmaintainingcleanlinessisthemanagement’sresponsibility.
270
Additionally,someoftheguards(fromdiverseorigins)expressedalackofclarityregarding
theirroleinmanagingtheparksandgardensandtheirfrustrationrelatedtoalaxityin
regulation.AninterviewedsecurityguardofAsianoriginhighlightedtheissueofleaving
childrenbythemselvesundertheresponsibilityofthesecurityguards.Hehadaconcernof
whetherhisjobwastobeachild-minderinthegardenortoguardthespace.
Theresearchhasraiseddifferentinterpretationsandmoraljudgmentsofwhatconstitutes
healthyparentingandcleanlinessinPOS,whattheresponsibilityofthesocietyisforthecivic
good,andhowthedifferentsocialbehavioursareconstructed.Peoplehavedifferentsocial
andenvironmentalbehavioursintakingcareofaplaceandofotherpeople.Somepeople
mightacceptthesebehavioursasrational,whilesomepeopleviewthesebehavioursas
distinctproblems,orevenviolentactions,andhencetheyshouldbeofficiallyregulated.
Accordingtotheinterviewees,thesecurityguardsareusuallymigrantworkerswithnopower.
Amotherproposedthat‘bodybuilders’couldbeappointedfromtheusersorresidentsand
authorisedtomonitororderlinessandpromotesocialbehaviourintheparksandgardens
insteadofsecurityguards.Intervieweesalsosaidthatthelevelofawarenessshouldbea
managementstrategy.TheexpertfromtheUrbanPlanningDepartmentsaid:“The
governmenthasstartedtoincreaseculturalawarenessthroughhavingcampaignsorevents
Figure8.10Theguardsweretakingcareofchildrenwhowereunsupervised.
271
forcleaning,beautificationandpaintingwallmurals[…]anddistributingcategorisedrecycling
binsindifferentareas.”Thesecampaignsareusuallyarrangedatasocietalandcollectivelevel,
butconsiderationneedstobegiventothequestionofhowwereflecttheexpectationsofa
diversepopulation.
Someintervieweesalsoproposedissuingfinestodealwithnuisances.Isuggestthatissuing
fines(anddoingsoconsistently)mightbemoreresponsiblethanchargingadmissionfeesthat
canleadtoexclusion.Singapore’spracticeofdealingwithpublicnuisancesandlitteringcould
possiblybeadopted(Chuan,2011).Litteringistakenveryseriously:CCTVsurveillancecameras
areusedtomonitorspaces.Residentsalsohavetheauthoritytotakephotosofpublic
nuisancesandoffendersinthecityandvolunteersaregiventheauthoritytotalkwiththe
litterbugsandissuefines.InSingapore,regulationsregardinglitteringhavebeenimplemented
afterthegovernmentfoundthat‘litter-free’spacesendorsemoraleinthecity(ibid,p.13).The
questionintransculturalcontextsiswhodecideswhatmorallyacceptablebehavioursare.
Bahrainalsoinitiated‘FriendsGroupsofParksandGardens’in2010.Theconceptof‘Friends
Groups’asexplainedbyDunnettetal.(2002)isacommunityinvolvementorganisationthatis
meanttoimprovethequalityofPOSandenrichtheusers’experiences.Mr.MohammedAl-
A’ali(GeneralCoordinatoroftheAssociationofFriendsGroupsinBahrain)saidthatthe
membersofthegroups(fromresidentsandthefrequentusers)havearoleincleanlinessand
Figure 8.11 A walking track inAndalus Garden. The municipalityalso has experience of educationalpromotions with regard to healthawareness.Theyhavealsoprovidedproper walking tracks withmeasureddistancesignsindifferentparks and gardens with messagesconcerning diabetes and obesity tohelppromotinghealthyactivities inPOS in Bahrain. Though on adifferent and more neutral theme,lessons and successes with regardto health promotion may beinstrumental in tackling issues ofchildcare and littering, but it isimportant first to consider a widerange of perceptions and culturaldifferences to endorse socialjustice,inclusivityandwellbeing.
272
preventingvandalism,asthesecurityguardsarenotenough.Hestatedthatin2012and2013,
therewaszerovandalisminsomeparksduethepresenceoftheFriendsGroups.Asdescribed
byAl-A'ali,themembersofFriendsGroupshavealeadingrole,moresothanthesecurity
guards.HesaidthatFriendsGroupsinBahrainwereinitiatedafterconsiderationofAustralia
andAmerica,wheretheyareestablishedduetotheirlonghistoryinvoluntaryservices,while
“wearemuchbehind”.
Al-A’alistatedthattherearesomedifficulties:peopleinBahrainarenotawareoftheconcept
behindtheFriendsGroupstotakecareoftheparksandgardens;thereisashortageof
financialresourcessothatthenumberofmembersisreducing;andsignificantly,themembers
donothaveanylegalauthority.Heexplainedthatthememberstalkwithpeoplebutwithno
clearroleandmanypeopledonotrespond.FriendsGroupsinBahrainrequiremoresupport,
training,andpromotionof‘goodnewsstories’toemphasisetheirsocialroleascommunity
Figure8.12TheprojectofParksFriendsisannouncedinallparksandgardensinBahrain.Theboardsspecifytheconcepts,theobjectivesand
benefitsoftheFriendsGroupsprojects,butalltheboardsareintheArabiclanguage.
273
facilitators.AninterestingpointaddedbyAl-A’aliwasthattherearealsoactiveforeign
membersandthattheseforeignersdonotfeelthattheyarestrangersinBahrain.Frequently,
theseFriendsGroupsareoftennotabroadrepresentationofallsectionsofthecommunity;
therefore,theauthoritycouldalsoplayavitalroletoensurethatthedecisionsandactionsare
suitableforthewidevarietyofusers(Dunnettetal.,2002).Extensiveconsultationwithother
userscouldalsobeakeyprincipletoensuretheinclusivityofthebenefits.
ThisresearchaddsaBahrainicontext(andinmanyrespectsabroaderGCCandArabiccontext)
tothedebateonthevitalityofethicsofcareinprovidingandregulatingpublicspaces
(AgyemanandErickson,2012).Ithasbecomecrucialthatcareandrepairintheresearch
contextshouldbeasharedresponsibility,asalsoassertedbyLowandIveson(2016).However,
inaverydiversesociety,itisdifficult,aswithparentingandcleanliness,todecidewhatis
unacceptableandwhatisconsideredanuisance,andhowtocommunicatethesedecisionsas
eitherbeingacommonobligationortheneedtoberegulated,particularlyifthereareconflicts
invaluesandmotivationforuse.
8.8PropositionFive:Proceduraljustice
Thepropositionsuggeststhatsupportingdemocratic,inclusiveandjustpublicspacesand
dealingwithconflictsneedstobethroughaprocessthatsupportsnegotiationand
involvementbetweenauthorityandpeople(LowandIveson,2016,p.22).Theabove
propositionsarediscussedinrelationtotheresponsibilityofprovidersandtheresponsibility
ofpeopletowardtheplaceandusers.LowandIveson(2016)alsoarguethat:
“Publicspaceswillnotbeperceivedasjustifpeoplearesystematicallylocked-outofdecision-makingprocessesthatshapetheiruse—eitherthroughdirectformsofexclusionthatputdecision-makingbehindcloseddoorsorthroughindirectformsofexclusionwheretherulesofparticipationindecision-makingsystematicallyfavoursomegroupsoverothers.”(p.22)
Thisstatementindicatesthattosupportsocialjusticethecommunities’engagementinthe
processesofprovidingandregulatingofPOSisrequired.
274
Dr.Farhan,theattorney,claimedthatthelawisnotdesignedtodealwithnuisancesrelatedto
parentingorlitteringinPOSandheassertedthattheseshouldbeundertheresponsibilityof
thespacemanagement.Managementstrategiescanintervenetoallowcertaingroupsto
practisearightortopreventcertaincategoriesfrompracticingspecificbehaviours(Dr.
Farhan),whichmightcreateexclusion.However,theAttorneyassertedthatbeforeactivating
anyregulation,itisnecessaryforthesetobepublishedandpeopleshouldbeawareofthem.
Dr.Al-Mahroos,PaediatricianandPresidentoftheArabSocietyforthePreventionofViolence
againstChildren,furtherstressedthatthereasonbehindanyregulationshouldbeveryclear,
andhereforexample,inrelationtoAl-Mahroos’expertise,“regardingchildren’srightsand
safety”.TheexpertinterviewssupportthecaseofhavingafollowupsysteminPOS.For
example,theAttorneyrecommended,“thereisaneedtoprovidearesponsiblerepresentative
inthespace”.Thesecouldbesomestrategiesthatsupporttheinvolvementofpeopleinthe
processofmanagement;theFriendsGroupsandcommunicationbetweenpractitionersand
usersappearedeffectivetosomeextentaccordingtotheexpertinterviewees,butthe
questionishowtoensureawideconsultationandinclusiveengagement.Whenthedecisions
inplanning,designandmanagementofPOSreflectcertaingroupsandpeople,thisappearsto
givepreferentialtreatmenttoonegroupoveranother,aformoffavouritism.Theanalysisof
thecollecteddatarevealsthatthepracticeoflandscapearchitectureisoftennotcritically
addressingthesesmallconflictsthathaveincreasedwithculturaldifferences.Thiscanleadto
anunjustsituation,resultingintheseactionsbeingignored,excludedorcriminalised.
Throughoutthefindings,thedisparitywasrevealedwhentheexpertsonlytalkedabout
regulationandexclusionmanagementprocedurestocontrolmisuse,whilethefindingsfrom
othermethodsshowexamplesofdesignandmanagementthatsupportinteraction,
negotiationandconvivialityacrossdifferences.Expertinterviewsandotherethnographic
methodsshoweddifferentexclusionstrategiestopreventcertainbehaviours,butsuch
behaviourscontinuewhichmeansthereisnoclarityinunderstandingofdifferentsocial
responsibilitiesandculturalexpectations.
275
Inprofessionalpractice,thereshouldbeanunderstandingthatdifferentparentingstylesand
litteringappearfromculturaldifferences;however,theseissuesshouldnotbeignored,but
insteadshouldbeconsideredwithoutexclusionstrategies.POSneedtobeinclusiveandthe
roleofdesignandmanagementneedstobeemphasisedtoprovidesociallyresponsivePOSfor
differentexpectationsandlegitimisingandsupportingdiversepatternsofuseinwhichpeople
feelwelcomeandnotintimidated.Thoughtfulplanning,designandmanagementisrequired
withanunderstandingofculturaldifferencestoalleviatetensions.Socialjusticealsoneedsto
beconsideredintheprovisionandregulationofPOSwithconcernsforwellbeingand
understandingtheculturaldifferencesintransculturalcities.
Inordertofulfilthisresponsibility,“plannersneedculturalcompetencyskillstorecognise,
understand,andengagethisdifference,diversity,andculturalheterogeneityincreativeand
productiveways”(AgyemanandErickson,2012,p.358).Culturalcompetencyasrecommended
inurbanplanningbyAgyemanandErickson(2012)cansupportwiderconsultationand
recognitionofdifferences.Itisvitaltoprovidewideandeffectivecommunicationtoolstodeal
withdifferentculturalexpectationsandmisunderstandings.Conflictscouldberecognisedas
opportunitiesfortransculturalengagementandlearningexperiences(Hou,2013;UNESCO,
2009).Throughculturalliteracy,itispossibletounderstandcontradictoryaspirationsand
meaningsbehinddifferentbehavioursinamulti-culturalcontext(WoodandLandry,2012).It
isimportanttograspthemostusefulmethodineachcontext:storytelling,listening,
interpreting,visualandbodylanguageor“othermoresymbolicornon-verbalmeansof
storytelling”provide,“atool-kitfornegotiationandmediation”whenrequired(Sandercock,
2003b,p.26).Sennett(2013)alsoraisedanimportantpointaboutthesecommunicationtools;
theyaretoolsforcooperation,whichneedmorethanwillingness,theyrequireskillsand
practicesasdoesanyothercraft.
8.9Conclusion
Sandercock(2003a)statesthatthegoalofepistemologyshouldnotmerelybetoidentifythe
constraintsandconflictsthatoverlapdifferencesbutrathertolinktoandreflectonthe
practice.Thisresearchcontributestolinkingtheoryandpracticeandusestheframeworkof
SocialJusticeandPublicSpaces(LowandIveson,2016)asabasisforconsideringthe
implicationforthepracticeoftransculturalurbanisminplanning,designandmanagementof
POStosupportconvivialityacrossdifferences.Theexpertinterviewswereusefulinanalysing
theresearchoutcomewithaprofessionalperspectiveandgroundingthefindingsonlandscape
276
architecturepracticeinaBahrainicontext.Theframeworkrecognisedthelinkbetweenthe
outcomesoftheexpertinterviewsandfindingsfromothermethodswithregardtosupporting
equitytobeabletoreceivethebenefitsofPOSwithdifferencesandcomplexityin
transculturalcities.Triangulatingtheethnographywithexpertinterviewshighlightedthegaps
andexploredtheroleofprofessionalpracticeinareasthatwerenotfullyconsideredby
experts.Thefundamentalroleofthesocialjusticeframeworkistofindmorepositive
approachesforprofessionalpractice.
ThediscussionsinthischapterillustratedthattosupportconvivialityinPOS,socialjusticein
thesepublicspaces(andinsocialinteractions)needstobeendorsed(LowandIveson,2016).
Fromthefindings,migrants’experiencesandtransculturalpracticesinPOSsupported
convivialityandencounters;however,recognitionofculturaldifferencesisachallengeto
promotesocialjusticewiththenuancesofperceptionsandexpectationsthatmayconflict.
Parentingandcleanlinessappearedasculturaldifferenceswithregardtosocialresponsibility
andshouldbeconsideredasintegraltothecomplexityofatransculturalcity.Thoughthese
conflictsaremundane,ignoringthemwouldhavewidespreadimplicationsforthevalueof
theseplacesassitesofinterculturalexchange,andalsopossiblydiminishtheirstatuswithin
theBahrainienvironment.Discussionofthefindingsunderthesocialjusticeframework(Low
andIveson,2016)highlightedtheethicalobligationofprofessionalpracticetothebuilt
environment(AgyemanandErickson,2012).Ithasalwaysbeentheroleofthelandscape
designertomaintaintheresponsivenessoftheirdesignanditisstilltheresponsibilityof
landscapearchitectstorespondtodifferentculturalexpectationsinPOSwhenworkingin
transculturalcities(Hou,2013).
Theapproachoftransculturalurbanisminlandscapearchitectureappearsasanecessary
principletosupportconvivialityandinclusivityandtorespondpositivelytoculturaldifferences
inBahrainandtheregion.Oneofthekeyfindingsofthischapteristhatinissuesrelevantto
socialdynamicsandculturalunderstandinginthebuiltenvironment,theroleofplanning,
designandmanagementshouldbeseenasintertwinedandintegrated.Accordingly,to
promoteinclusivityandsupportconviviality,thefindingsstronglyrecommendthecasethat
bothlandscapedesignersandplannersneedtohaveagreaterunderstandingofstrategic
managementduringthesiteplanninganddesignprocess.Managementstrategiesshouldalso
bestudiedwithanunderstandingofsocialequityconcept,distributionofresourcesandvalues
forpublicopenspaces.
277
Thisresearchdevelopsasocio-spatialimplicationfortransculturalurbanisminplanning,
designandmanagementofPOSinBahrainwithinthesocialjusticeframeworktosupport
convivialityandpositiveencounters.Recognisingdifferences,maintaininginclusivityand
justiceandsupportingthedynamicsofeverydayusesofPOSwouldsupportthepositive
qualitiesofsocialencountersinPOS.Thekeyrecommendationsare:
1. Legitimisingandfacilitatingtheculturalpracticesforusingoutdoorspacesand
supportingthewidepatternsofsociabilityinbothformalandinformalPOS.
2. Inparksandgardens,supportingtheaffordancesforleisurepractices,legitimising
differentpracticeswheneverpossible,providingspatialchoicesorvariationsand
increasingrecreationalactivitieswouldinformnegotiationandmaintainopportunities
forencounterswithculturaldifferences.SupportingtheaffordancesofPOSfordiverse
patternsofuseisnotmerelyrelatedtoflexibilityorthestandardisationofspaces;but
requiresthoughtfullandscapedesignandmanagementwhichemploysprofessional
understandingandskillsregardinghowactivitiescanoverlapand/orbeseparated
(spatiallyandtemporality)toensurehighqualityexperiencesforallusers.
3. Thepossibilitytochangethespatialfunctionsorlandscapeelementsorincreasing
capacitiesandopeninghoursofparksandgardensshouldbeconsideredunderdesign
andmanagementstrategies.Short-termprojects(tacticalurbanism)canalsobeused
informalandinformalspaces(suchasstreets)giventhesocialandculturaldynamics.
4. Intransculturalcities,theconceptofconvivialityneedstobeconsideredatboththe
microscaleandcityleveltomeetindividualperceptions,forexample,increasingthe
capacitiesofparksandgardensinscaleandnumber,providingvarietiesofPOSwith
inclusivitytorespondtodiverseusersandeffectivelyaddressinglocational
disadvantages(formalandinformal)whilealsoconsideringaccessibility.Equityin
consideringthequalitiesofinformalspacesanddifferentoutdoorculturalleisure
practicesshouldalsobeconsideredascrucialintransculturaltheoriesandpractice.
5. ThequalityofinclusivityofPOSshouldbemaintainedwithinthecomplexityofa
transculturalcity.Thesecomplexitiesareconsideredaspartofthesocialandcultural
barriersforaccessingPOS.Mundaneconflictsarealsoshapedbythecomplexityand
culturaldifferencesintransculturalcities.Theseminorconflictsshouldnotbeignored
andprofessionalpracticeshouldnotallowtheseconflictsandcomplexitiestocreate
278
exclusions.Responsivenesstowardsculturaldifferenceshastobeachievedwithout
exclusionorimposinginsensitiveregulations.Planning,designandmanagement
strategiescansupporttransculturalconvivialityinpublicopenspacesandsome
combinationsoftheabove-mentionedpragmaticapproacheswouldworktoacertain
extenttoreducethetensionsorconflicts.Regulationshouldbeproducedonlythrough
effectivetransparentcollaborationandthearticulationandunderstandingof
legitimatedifference.
6. Culturalliteracyandcross-culturallearningtoolsaredevelopedwithinthe
transculturalurbanismapproach.Throughunderstandingtheculturaldifferencein
cities,thecomplexitiescanbealleviatedandopportunitiesfornegotiationsbetween
diverseuserscanbesupported.ExclusionhasbeenenactedinKhalifaGardenwhen
thecurrentpracticefailedinprovidingoptions,whichrequiredwidercommunication
andconsultation.Providingopportunitiesfornegotiationandcommunicationis
importanttoavoidthemisunderstandingofculturaldifferences.Withtranscultural
complexity,itisnotrealisticorappropriatethatlandscapearchitectsandmanagers
shouldhavesoleresponsibilityinsupportingconviviality.Ideally,greenspacesectors
mayworkincollaborationwithlocalgovernancestructuresandcommunity
facilitators.
279
ChapterNine:ConclusionandRecommendations
9.1Revisitingthethreevignettes
ChapterOneillustratedvignettesaboutthreepublicspacesinBahrainandalsohighlighted
thatpublicopenspacesintransculturalcitiesreflectarangeofsocial,culturalandpolitical
influences.ThefirstvignettewasaboutthePearlRoundaboutandthepoliticaluprisingsin
2011,whichhighlightedthespatialrelationshipbetweenthepublicsphereandpublicspaces
(GehlandSvarre,2013;LowandIveson,2016).ThesecondvignetteportrayedBabAl-Bahrain
Squareandthecompetitionarrangedin2012todesigntheSquare.Thiscompetitionreceived
accusationsofbeingarepressivetool;thesechargesconcernedtherelationshipbetween
urbandesignapproachesusedinthiscompetitionandthepoliticaleventsof2011.Thethird
vignettewasKhalifaGardenandtheveryrecentdirectiveofassigningentryfeesforthefirst
timeforapublicparkinBahrain.Thisdecisionwastakenbecausethemunicipalitywasina
dilemmaashowtodealwithdifferencesinculturalpracticesthatcreatedconflictsinpatterns
ofuse.ThereisagapinunderstandinghowthesevariousinfluencesshapetheuseofPOSin
Bahrain;thisresearchwasanattempttoaddressthisgap.
Theresearchlookedbeyondtheheadlines.Throughouttheresearchamoredetailed
understandingofdifferentpatternsofuseinPOSandsocial-spatialassociationswasobtained.
ThefieldworkprovidedgroundeddataonhowPOSareused,howpatternsofusearechanged
withculturaldifferencesandwhatPOSmeansformigrants.Thefindingsexploredpositive
meaningsaroundwellbeing,socialsupportandfeelingwelcomeandasharedsenseof
belongingdevelopedfromthemigrants’experiencesinPOSinBahrain.Eventhoughina
differentcontextandwithadifferentpatternofmigration,thesefindingsagreewith
Armstrong(2004),Lowetal.(2005),RishbethandFinney(2006),PetersanddeHaan(2011)
andRishbethandPowell(2013).Thecollecteddataalsoillustratedevidenceofconvivialityand
positiveencountersacrossdifferencesinthecontextofBahrain,whichshowedsimilarities
withotherstudiesonconvivialityindifferentcontexts(WiseandVelayutham,2009and2014;
Wessendorf,2014b;Nealetal.,2015).
ByinvestigatingthePOSatmicroscale,thisresearchgainedanin-depthunderstandingofa
rangeofmundanetensionsandconflictsfromdifferentculturalexpectationsintranscultural
280
cities,andparticularlyinKhalifaGardenasnotedinthevignettes.Thoughsuchaggravations
aretrivial,theycouldbemobilisedorescalatedintothepublicsphere.Thedifferencesin
parentingpracticesandcleanlinesslevelsintheGardenhavebeenescalatedleadingto
inclusioninthemedia(newspapers)andanintroductioninBahrainforthechargingoffeesfor
entrytoapublicpark,whichisasocialexclusionpolicy.Theresearchinvestigatedthat
convivialityandtransculturalengagementisnotalwaysstraightforwardandcanexacerbate
prejudice(Valentine,2008).
Themethodsselectedinthisresearchallowedmetoexplorecross-culturalinterpretationsof
theseconflictsandenabledmetoengagewithusers(Sandercock,2000;Agyemanand
Erickson,2012)andtheirculturaldifferencestorecognisethevariousreasonsfordissimilar
practices,toacknowledgedifficultiesandfindpossiblewaysformovingcollectivelytowards
sharedunderstandingsthatwouldsupportdevelopingrecommendationsandstrategies.From
theperceptiveoflandscapearchitecture,throughdesignandmanagementofthespaces,itis
possibletosupportdiverseneedsandengagements.Publicspacesmeanresponsivespacesfor
differentusesandneeds(Dee,2001);withcomplexityintransculturalcities,itisstillthe
responsibilityoflandscapearchitecturetoprovideinclusivespacesregardlessofthe
differences(Hou,2013).
Ashighlightedinthevignettes,thereisarelationshipbetweenPOSandsocialandpolitical
influencesandtheroleoflandscapearchitectureinthisrelationshipneedstobeemphasised
(GehlandSvarre,2013;LowandIveson,2016).Hence,thisresearchlinkedthetheoryof
transculturalcitiesandconvivialityinPOSwithpracticeandaspectsofpolicyand
management.Publicspacesshouldbeegalitarianspacesthatsupportsocialinclusivityand
wellbeingwithconsideringintersectionalityandculturalcomplexityinatransculturalcity,but
whatmightbeappropriatetosomeindividualsmightconflictwithothers.Decisionsmay
reflectcertainviewsofparticulargroupsandthisappearsaformofbiasofonegroupover
another.Thiscomplexitywoulddriveanethicalapproachtobeaddressedasanintegralpart
ofthetheoryandpracticeoftransculturalcities;andwithincreasingnumbersofmigrantsin
theGulfcities,howmighta‘just’citybeprioritisedandimplemented(AgyemanandErickson,
2012,LowandIveson,2016).
Assuggestedinthetitleofthisthesis,urbanopenspacesareimportantsitesforconvivialityin
adiversepopulationcontextsuchasBahrain.Transculturalandconvivialitytogetherinthese
spacesleadtothedevelopmentofflourishingcross-culturalinteractionsandmeaningful
encountersacrossdifferences.ThepublicnessandinclusivityofPOSmaintainthesebenefits
281
forthediversesocietywhilstsupportingtheintegrationagenda.Theroleofplanning,design
andmanagementofPOSarefundamentalinthisprocess.
9.2Thekeyfindingsoftheresearchaims
Theprimaryfocusofthisresearchwastounderstandtheroleandpotentialofurbanpublic
openspaces,andinvestigatebywhatmeansthesemightsupporteverydaypositivesocial
encountersacrossdifferenceswithinaBahrainicontext.Inthisresearch,Ifocusedonthree
areasoftheory:Transculturalcities,convivialityandsocialusesandvaluesofpublicopen
spaces.Theresearchfindsthatconviviality,transculturalpracticesandprocessesandsocial
usesandvaluesofPOSareinterrelatedinsupportingmeaningfulencounters.Theresearch
alsodiscoveredthatchallengesforencounterscanemergefromthecomplexityof
transculturalcities.Byconductingtheresearchusinglandscapearchitecturemethodsand
approaches,theresearchfindsthatplanning,designandmanagementcanreflectonand
respondtotheseareasoftheoryandalleviateconflictsandgenerateproductivespacesthat
supportpositivesocialencounter.
AimsoneandtwowereaddressedinbothChaptersFiveandSix,withadiscussionoftheir
contributiontoareasoftheoryinChapterSeven.Thefindingsofthethirdaim,aselaboratedin
ChapterEight,contributetolinkingthedevelopingtheorytothepracticeinordertoinform
planning,designandmanagementofPOSandpresentoptionsforfuturedevelopment.This
researchrecommendsatransculturalurbanismapproachtorespondtoculturaldifferences
andsupporttheconceptofbeingtogetherintransculturalcontexts.Thissectionsummarises
themainfindingsinresponsetotheresearchaims.
9.2.1TheimportanceofPOSfortransculturalprocessanddevelopinganewformof
belonging
Thefirstaimofthisresearchwastounderstandtheeverydayactivities,preferencesand
motivationsforusingPOSinBahrain,withaparticularemphasisontheexperiencesofusers
frommigrantbackgrounds.Themainobjectivesofthefirstaimwereto:
a. Understandhowtheuseofoutdoorspacesisreflectedacrossdifferenttypologiesof
spaces.
282
b. Investigatehowtheseusesarereflectedatdifferenttimesofthedayandyear,and
howtheyarereflectedwithintersectionalitiesingender,socio-economicstatus,
generationandmigrants’identities.
c. AddresshowthehistoryofmigrationshapesthevaluesandpreferencesofusingPOS.
Thekeyfindingsofthefirstaimare:
1. ThefirstoverallkeyfindingunderthisaimemphasisesthattheuseofPOSisa
resourceformigrantsacrossbordersthatmaintainstheirtransculturalconnections.
ThefindingsaddressedtheimportanceofPOSassitesfortransculturalprocessesand
practices,especiallybyconsideringthesocialusesandvaluesofPOS.Leisureactivities
areacommonmotivationforusingPOSintheselectedcasestudies,particularly
amongmigrants,whichreflectsthatPOSsupportsmigrants’experiencesandare
welcomespaceswheremigrantsfeelcomfortable.Theresearchaddressedthat
patternsofoutdoorsociabilityappearedinthefindingsasformsofleisureforusers
withdifferentmigrantbackgroundsandmaintainingthesepatternspostmigration
supportsthetransculturalprocess.Theabovefindingsareinlinewiththeliteratureon
theimportanceoftheoutdoorbuiltenvironmentformigrantsandnewcomers
(Armstrong,2004;Lowetal.,2005;MeanandTims,2005;RishbethandFinney,2006;
Beundermanetal.,2007;Peters,2010;Gehl,2011;PowellandRishbeth,2012;Hou,
2013).
2. Thefindingsfromtheempiricalresearchvalidatetheneedforvariationofoutdoor
affordancesforappropriatedifferentleisureactivitiesandpatternsofsociabilityin
formalandinformalPOSwithdifferenttypes,formsandgeographicallocations,which
supporttheargumentsofByrneandWolch(2009)andPetersanddeHaan(2011)that
outdoorleisureactivitiesarecontextdependentanddifferentleisureactivitieswould
fitindifferentplacesreflectingethnicandculturalidentitiesandaffordancesofplaces.
3. Thisresearchfoundthatintheformalparksandgardensdifferentpatternsofuseare
visible,whichreflectdifferentculturalbackgroundsandmigrantorigins.Thisisalso
emphasisedbythestudiesinWesterncontexts,forexample,theworkofLowetal
(2005)aboutculturaldiversityinpublicparksinNewYork.Thefindingsalsoaddthat
theleisurepracticesinparksandgardensshiftspatiallyandtemporallybetweenday
andnightindifferentseasons.Thesedynamicsdisplaytransculturalpracticesand
aspectsofadaptationparticularlywiththeideaofchangingenvironmentin
283
transculturalcities(Hou,2013).Hence,theseformalgreenspacesactasimportant
sitesfortransculturalpracticesandprocessesandindevelopingnewformsof
belonging,whichhighlighttheroleoftheprovidersinsupportingdiversecultural
practicesandadaptation.
4. Thisresearchfindsthaturbanheritagesitesareinclusivespacesandthatprotecting
heritagedoesnotconflictwithtransculturalprocessesandtheadaptationofmigrants.
Allthehistoricalsitesinthecasestudieswereconnectivelocationsforpeopleand
providedsupportwithasenseofbelongingandwelcome.Thefindingsidentifiedthat
patternsofsociabilityindesert,souqandneighbourhoodsreflectdifferentleisure
culturalidentitiesandpractices.Thelocationsappearedasheritagesitesinthefield,
butthesetypologiesandpracticesarenotonlycommontoBahrainisbutarealso
sharedbyvariousmigrantsfromAfrica,theMiddleEastandtheIndiansubcontinent,
wheretherearesimilaritiesinclimate,geography,history,religionorculture.
5. Thesefindingssuggestthat,intransculturalcities,alongsidesocialandcultural
dynamics,ourunderstandingofmemoryandsensoryexperiencesinoutdoorspaces
needstobeinclusiveastheysupportadaptationwithculturaldifferencesand
promotewellbeingasalsoaddressedintheliteratureaboutmigrants’experiencesina
newplacebyGhoshandWang(2003),Armstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth
(2012).Thefindingsexploredthattheoutdoorsocialactivitiesevokememories
throughexposuretodiversesensoryexperiences(visual,non-visualandsocial)ata
micro-scale,whichpromoterestorationvalues.Visibleoutdoorsocialisingactivities
canrecallsimilarexperiencesfromthepastorchildhoodmemories(WardThompson,
2007;Pink,2008;Ingold,2012)remindmigrantsoftheseexperiencesintheirhome
country,evenconnectingacrossdifferenttypologiesofoutdoorspaces.Thesefindings
arereflectingandextendingstudiesontheimportanceofPOSformigrantsand
newcomers(Armstrong,2004;Lowetal.,2005;RishbethandFinney,2006;Cattellet
al.,2008;Peters,2010;PowellandRishbeth,2012).
6. Thefindingssupportthestudiesonwellbeingandstressrestorationinoutdoorspaces
(Kaplan,1995;Korpelaetal.,2001;OttossonandGrahn,2005;Hansmannetal.,2007;
GrahnandStigsdotter,2010;WardThompson,2011;SchwanenandWang,2014).In
commonwithotherresearchinthosetopics,formalgreenspacesandparksand
gardensdidappeartohavesignificantrestorativevalue,butalsorestorationisfound
inanaridenvironmentandabuiltenvironmentaswellasinspacesreflectingheritage
284
suchasthesouqinmyfindings.Thiswouldalsoemphasisethesocialdimensionsof
restorativeexperiencesinrelationtospatialconfigurationofurbanopenspaces
(Thwaitesetal.,2005;Thwaitesetal.,2011).Inconceptionsofhealthycitiesand
wellbeing,thisresearchsuggeststhatthedifferentusesandtransculturalpracticesof
outdoorspacesbeyondformalgreenspaceshouldbeconsideredasbeingintegralto
wellbeing.
7. Theresearchalsosupportsthecasethatthevisibilityofdifferencesinasuperdiverse
contextcansupportadaptationandindevelopingasenseofbelongingasspecifiedfor
examplebyWessendorf(2014b),inherstudyaboutconvivialityinsuperdiverse
contextsandbyPowellandRishbeth(2012),intheirstudyabouttherelationshipof
migrants’experiencesandtheoutdoorbuiltenvironment.
8. Thefindingsalsohighlightthattheprocessofshapingandevolvingculturalidentities
anddevelopingnewformsofattachmentsthroughusingoutdoorspacesisnotsimple.
Culturaldifferencessuchasmobility,socio-economic,workinghoursandfamily
responsibilitiesandintersectionalityofage,genderandmigrationwouldalsoshape
thepatternsofuseandnon-useofPOS(ByrneandWolch,2009;Rishbeth,2013).My
researchfindsthatdifferentsensesofsocialresponsibility(parentingandcleanliness)
wouldaddtothesedifferencesandshapetheengagementsofpeopleandcross-
culturalinteractionsintransculturalcities(Hou,2013).Thesedifferencesarebarriers
tobeingoutdoorsandshouldnotbeignoredintheoriesandpracticeoflandscape
architecture,transculturalcitiesandconviviality.
9. ThisresearchisthefirstintheGCCthatdiscernstheroleofthebuiltenvironmentin
promotingemotionalattachmentandasenseofbelongingformigrants,including
temporaryworkersandshortstaymigrantsandsupportingtheiradaptation,
integrationandexperiences.Thisresearchaddsanewcontext,withdistinguished
culture,geographyandclimateandwithdifferentpatternsofmigration,tothe
literatureonmigrantexperiencesinanewplace,forexampleGhoshandWang(2003),
Armstrong(2004)andPowellandRishbeth(2012).Theresearchisalsoanempirical
contributiontourbanstudiesinGCCthatsupporttheimportanceofinvestigatingPOS
incontemporarycitieswithculturaldiversityandtransformationandalsoemphasises
theimportanceoftheinformalPOS(Al-Ansari,2009;Alraouf,2010;Ben-Hamouche,
2013;Addas,2015;).Thisresearchisalsoanadditiontostudiesofthe‘theevolving
Arabcities’(Elsheshtawy,2008).WhilemoststudiesonGCCcountriesexaminecities
285
atthemacrolevel,thecontributionofthisresearchistoinvestigatethenuancesof
everydayspaces.Thevisibilityofmigrantexperiencesandthefluidityofoutdoor
spaceshaveavitalroleinsupportingtransformationofidentitiesandculture,inwhich
hybridityandsocio-spatialassociationsaredeveloped.Therefore,migrantexperiences
inGCCcountriesandtheroleofurbanoutdoorspaceshastobeconsideredinstudies
onculturaltransformationinthesecountries.Theresearchalsochallengesthework
thatdescribesthemigrantexperiencesinGCCasmerelybeingstrangerswithsocial
complications(Gardner,2011);myresearchexploredevidenceofoutdoor
transculturalpractices,beingwelcomeandthesenseofbelonging.
9.2.2ThescopeofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacrossdifferences:Productivesites
forpositiveencounters
Thesecondaimofthisresearchwastoexplorehowconvivialityissupportedoraggravatedin
urbanpublicspaceswithinthecontextofanethnicallydiversepopulation.Themainobjectives
ofthesecondaimwereto:
a. Explorehoweverydayactivitiessupportdifferenttypesofsocialinteractioninformal
andinformalspaces.
b. Investigatehowconvivialityisshapedwithregardtoculturalandethnicdifferences.
c. Critiquebothsupportiveandproblematicspatio-temporalnegotiationinthe
transculturaluseofPOS.
Thekeyfindingsofthesecondaimare:
1. ThefindingsconfirmthatthesocialvaluesforinteractioninPOSsupportconviviality
andcontributetothebodyofliteratureonsocialcohesion(Lownsbroughand
Beunderman,2007).RegardingsocialbenefitsinPOS(Gehl,2011),thefindings
showedhoweverydaysocialencountersinPOSareimportantforprovidingsocial
supportformigrantwomenandmigrantmaleworkers.Opportunitiesinpublicspaces
forsocialinteractionrepresentsocialvaluestotheusers(MeanandTims,2005;
RishbethandFinney,2006;Cattelletal.,2008).SuchencountersinPOSappearedan
essentialelementforbuildingrelationships,whichalsopromotessocialcapital
(Putnam,2000;LownsbroughandBeunderman,2007).Forsomewomen,visitinga
parkisanopportunitytoestablishrapportwithotherwomen,whichprovidescrucial
socialsupportandwellbeingforthosewomen.Inthefindings,theusersbenefitfrom
286
socialencountersacrossdifferenceseventhoughsuchencounterswerefleetingor
onlyinvolvedsharingtheleisureoutdoorspace,asalsosupportedbyCattelletal.
(2008),Nealetal.(2015)andTheYoungFoundation(2012).
2. Tosupportmeaningfulcontactsthatpromoteasenseofcommunityandsocialcapital,
the‘electivepractice’ofbeingoutdoorsandleisurepracticesshouldbefacilitated.The
findingsindicatedthattheactivitiesinPOSincreasetheopportunitiesforinteractions
asalsosupportedbyPeters(2010)andNealetal.(2015).Theresearchidentifiesthat
tosupportconviviality,weneedtosupportinclusivityinPOSandtounderstand
particularlytheculturaldifferences.Thesefindingsconfirmthattheegalitarian
principlesofPOSareimportanttosupportconviviality.ItisemphasisedbyNealetal.
(2015)thattheelectivepracticesofleisureactivitiesinparksandgardenssupport
convivialencounters.Thisstudyhighlightsthatinhighlytransculturalcities,itis
especiallyimportanttoacknowledgeandsupportdifferentleisurepractices.The
findingsinthisresearchalsoconfirmthat,eitherinformalorinformalPOS,the
differentleisurepractices,whichreflectdifferentculturalidentities,shouldbe
facilitatedtomaintaintheelectiveanddemocraticqualities.Supportingthe
affordancesfordifferentactivitiesinarangeofspatialtypologies,including
greenspaces,seaordesertedgesorinsouqandstreet,cansupportandgenerate
positivesocialencounters.
3. Usinglandscapearchitectureasalenstoexaminethephysicalandspatialqualitiesof
encountersinthefindingshighlightstherelationshipbetweenconvivialityand
materiality(AskinsandPain,2011).ThespatialqualitiesofPOSinthefindings
appearedimportantinmaintainingandfacilitatingtheregularpracticeofbeing
outdoorsandhenceprovidingopportunitiesforencounterswithdifferentpeople.
Socialresponsivenessinlandscapearchitecturemeansthatdesignersshouldbeaware
ofthedivergentwayspeopleuseandexperiencelandscapesandthenrespondto
theseinspace(Dee,2001;Thwaites,2001),whichalsosupportsthetranscultural
urbanismapproach(Hou,2013).
4. Thisresearchhighlightstheimportanceofconsideringmundanepracticeswithin
debatesonsocio-spatialityandtensions(Amin2008,Valentine,2008).Abetter
understandingofmundaneconflictsisneededalongsideaconsiderationofthediverse
usersandvalues.
287
5. Parentingandlitteringinpublicappearedasmundaneconflictsregardingcultural
differencesandsocialresponsibilityinpublicspacesandethicsofcare,which
challengessocialencounteracrossdifferences.Thisfindingaddstotheliteratureon
complexitiesintransculturalcities(Vertrovec,2007a;Hou,2013)andtotheliterature
oncomplexitiesforconvivialityacrossdifferences(Vertrovec,2007a;Valentine,2008;
Noble,2013;Wessendorf,2014b).
6. Peoplehavedifferentculturalinterpretationsregardingparentingandcleanlinessin
outdoorspacesinBahrainandtheseintegrationsandpracticesarenotshaped
collectivelybyculturalgroups,origin,religion,ethnicityorbyclassandincome
bracket.Inthefindings,usersstressedthedutyofcareinpublicspacesevenamong
peoplewithsharedArabculturesandreligion.Thefindingsfromethnographic
fieldworkalsoshowthatlitteringcannotalwaysbeexplainedbytherelationship
betweenpro-environmentalbehavioursandlevelofattachmentstothespaces(Uzzell
etal.,2002;Lewicka,2011).Parentingjudgmentsareformedduetodifferentcultural
expectations,butparentingcultureorstylealsodifferswiththeageoftheparentsand
children,educationlevelororiginassupportedbyliteratureonparentingculturesand
styles(BernsteinandTriger,2010;Babuc,2015).
7. Althoughsuchconflictsappeartrivialintheinterculturaldiscourses,understanding
tensionsatamicrolevelisvitaltoconcernsofscalingup,generalisingandmobilising
encountersasemphasisedinthestudiesonthegeographiesofencounters(Valentine,
2008;Wilson,2016).Ignoringtheseconflictswouldhavewidespreadimplicationsboth
forthevalueoftheseplacesassitesofinterculturalexchangeandpossiblydiminish
theirstatuswithintheBahrainienvironment.Theoutcomesoftheseconflicts
regardingdifferentpracticesleadtotemporalorspatialwithdrawal,whichboth
challengesocialencountersandcross-culturalinteractionintransculturalcities.
Mundaneconflictscouldreinforcesegregationbetweengroupsofdifferent
backgrounds,suchascountryoforiginorpoorandrichifscaledup.Forthisreason,
thereisthepotentialthatminorconflictsescalatetoinformanti-migrationpoliciesor
policiesthatlimitthedevelopmentofculturaldiversityanddifferentheritages.With
escalatingconflicts,POScouldlosetheirpositivesocialvalues,whichisalsoarelevant
concerninthefieldoflandscapearchitecture.
288
8. TosupportconvivialityinPOSintransculturalcities,thespacescanbesocially
responsiveandshouldbeprovidedwithchoicesthatsupportpositivenegotiationto
supportsocialencountersandcross-culturalinteractionsacrossdifferences.
9.2.3Socio-spatialimplicationsfortransculturalurbanisminplanning,designand
managementofPOSwithcommitmenttosocialjusticetosupportconvivialityacross
differences
ThethirdaimwastoidentifythepotentialofplanninganddesignofPOSforsupporting
convivialityintransculturalpublicspaces.Toaccomplishthelastaim,theobjectiveswereto:
a. AddressthecurrentpoliciesforimplementingPOSinBahrain.
b. Identifyculturallyappropriateopportunitiesforsupportingconvivialityinpublicopen
spaces.
c. Analysethecurrentpolicies
d. Informdesignapproachesandpoliciesforplanningandmanagingopenspaces,
specificallywithinMiddleEasternandIslamiccontexts
Thekeyfindingsofthethirdaimare:
1. TheroleofdesignandmanagementofPOSinsupportingconvivialityacross
differencesappearedtobeimportantinthefindings,butthisroleiscurrently
underestimated.ThoughPOSarerecognisedassitesforintegration,thereisalackof
understandingoftheimplicationsofthisforlandscapeplanning,designand
managementprofessionalsasrevealedinthecomparisonbetweenthefindingsfrom
theexpertinterviewsandethnography.Theresearchalsosupportsthenotionthat
POSneedtobemaintainedasconnectivesitesandsupportcross-culturalsocial
benefits.Planning,designandmanagementhaveimportantrolesinsupporting
migrantexperiencesinurbanspacesandpromotingconviviality.
2. Theresearchsupportsthecasethattheaffordancesforbeingoutdoorhaveaprime
roleinsupportingconvivialityinPOS,providingopportunitiesforencountersand
supportingthemigrants’adaptation.BysupportingaffordancesofPOSforawide
rangeofactivitiesandculturalpractices,flexibilityandappropriationanduseof
differenturbanpublicspacesrequiresthoughtfullandscapedesignandmanagement
289
whichemploysprofessionalunderstandingandskillstoensurehighquality
experiencesforallusers.
3. Thisresearchfoundthatmeaningfulencounterscouldbegeneratedandconflictscan
bereducedthroughtheuseofthe‘justcity’frameworktoexplicitlyintegratean
ethicaldimensiontothetransculturalpracticewithrespecttopublicopenspaceand
culturaldifferences(LowandIveson,2016),asanalyticallydiscussedinChapterEight.
4. Intransculturalcontexts,peoplewithprofessionalrolesinurbanspacedesignand
managementshouldsharetheresponsibility(AgyemanandErickson,2012)for
supportingconvivialityandalleviatingmundaneconflicts.
5. Thisresearchsuggeststhattosupportconvivialityandtorespondpositivelytocultural
differencesinPOS,introducingtransculturalurbanismintheplanning,designand
managementoflandscapearchitectureappearsasanecessaryapproachinBahrain
andtheregion.SupportinginclusivityinPOS,legitimisingdifferentculturalpractices,
facilitatingtheuseofinformalspaces,supportingnegotiation,andculturalliteracyare
importanttransculturalstrategieswithsocialjusticecommitmentofplanning,design
andmanagementofPOSinBahrainandtheregiontosupportpositiveencounters.
Therealsoneedstobeameanstofacilitatesharedcommitmentsandcollaboration
withotherprofessionalsectors,serviceprovidersandcommunityleaders.
9.3Sociableandintegratedculturallyresponsivepublicspaces:A
frameworkstrategyforplanning,designandmanagementofPOSin
Bahrain
Theresearchdevelopedananalyticalrecommendationframeworkinvolvingimplementation
oftransculturalurbanism(Hou,2013)inpracticewithaspectsofsocialjusticeinpublicspaces
(LowandIveson,2016)tosupportconvivialityinPOS.Theframeworkintegratesplanning,
designandmanagementintoacomprehensiveapproachandsupportsthecasethatplanners
anddesignersshouldhavemanagementskillstoadvocateconvivialityinmoderncities.These
recommendationsarebuiltuponculturalcompetencyresearchapproach(Agyemanand
Erickson,2012)andcriticalevaluationofthefindingswithinasocialjusticeframeworkto
supportconvivialityintransculturalcities.Therecommendationhighlightssocialinclusivity,
justiceandsociability.ConsideringthevaluesofPOSfordiverseusers,POShavetobe
290
providedandregulatedtoensureinclusivityandjusticeinreceivingthebenefits.Maintaining
inclusivityandjusticeisaccomplishedthroughsupportingthedynamicsofeverydayuses,
culturalpracticesandpatternsofsociabilityandnotignoringmundaneconflicts.
Responsivenesstowardsculturaldifferenceshastobeachievedwithoutexclusionorimposing
insensitiveregulation.
Theframeworkencapsulateslandscapeatdifferentscales,atcitylevelandcountrylevelas
wellasinthesmalldetailsinplacesthataredesignedfororusedbypeople.Theframeworkis
developedaroundfouritemstopromotesocialinclusivityinPOSwithculturaldifferences:
IncreasingthecapacityofPOS,facilitatingtheinformalPOSandlegitimisingthecultural
practiceofbeingoutdoorsinmundanespaces,supportingdifferentpatternsofsociabilityand
leisurepracticesinparksandgardensandsuggestingeffectivetransparentcollaboratively
producedregulation.Theexpertinterviewsprovidedabasisforfacilitatingcooperationwith
practice.Reconnectingwiththeexpertinterviewees,sharingwiththemtheresearchfindings
andrecommendationsanddrawingupontheirexpertiseisonewaytomoveforwardthe
researchandfindings.
Thesestrategiesarenotonlyanoutcomefrommyownreflection,butalsofromcooperation
betweenexpertsandusersinrelationtotheoreticalframework.Expertperspectivefinely
shapedthesestrategiesinrelationtothecollecteddatafromthefieldworktosupport
people’ssocialvaluesandusesinthesespaces.Therelationshipbetweentheethnographic
findingandtheexpertinterviewswereanalysedwiththesocialjusticeframeworkthatinform
planning,designandmanagementofpublicopenspacesinBahrain.Collaborationcouldalso
bedevelopedthrougharrangingworkshopsontopicsrelevanttosocialinclusion,integration,
convivialityandculturalcompetencyandthemanagementprocessindealingwithcultural
differencesastheseallhaveimplicationsforwellbeing.
9.3.1IncreasingthecapacityofPOS:Reducingpressureandpromotingsocial
inclusivity
1. ImplementingmorePOSofdifferentscalesandtypeswithintheurbancontexts
providesincreasedopportunitiesforpeopletohaveencountersatdifferentpatterns
duringaday.Thiswillgivethemmoreoptionstoexploreandnegotiatewithdifferent
preferences.ThereshouldbeanunderstandingthatdifferenttypesandsizesofPOS
couldhavedifferentcapacities.
291
2. Introducingmorelarge-sizedparksandgardensisconsiderednecessarybecauseofthe
highdemandinordertoreducepressureonuseandtoensureinclusivesocial
encounters.Thelargeparksandgardenswithcomparablequalitiesandconditions
shouldbedistributedwithinthecities.
3. ThereshouldbealsoastrategytoincreasethenumberofurbanPOSatacommunity
levelthathaveadistinctqualityandsupporteverydaysocialencounter.Augmenting
thelocalscaleofbelongingmightalsobeimportantinthelongtermforBahraini
culture,whichcontinuestobeethnicallydiverse.However,creativedesigndecisions
arerequiredforthesmallopenspacesintheneighbourhood.Somesmallopenspaces
mightnotbeeffectiveifdesignedaspublicgardens,butpossiblyassmallpublicplazas
withsocial,optionalandnecessaryactivities.
9.3.2Legitimisingtheculturalpracticeofbeingoutdoorinmundanespacesand
supportingeverydaysocialencounters
1. Itisnotalwayspossibletoprovideparksorgardensinsomecongestedareas,butit
mightbepossibletofacilitatethesidewalksorpedestrianisestreetsforuse,whichis
alsoacreativedesignsolutiontodealwithinequalities.Designersneedtounderstand
thevalueofthemundanespacesasaccessibleandinclusiveoutdoorspacesthat
supportsociability.Thesespacescouldbeinfrontofcold-stores(mini-supermarkets),
vegetableshopsandtraditionalbakeriesorinfrontofhousesormosquesinthesouq
orneighbourhood-spaceswhichpeopleareusingfornecessaryactivities.Supporting
theseessentialactivitieswithoptionaldiversionssuchassittingorwaiting(Gehl,2011)
meansprovidingchoicesforbeingoutdoorsandlingering(PowellandRishbeth,2012).
Thereshouldbeprovisionformoreopportunitiesforsittingandstrollinginthese
spacestopromotesharingspacesandencounters,whichcouldbemeaningful.By
supportinglocalmundaneleisurepracticeswithmaterialssuchaslightingpoles,
plantingmaterials,benches,shadeorpavementitwouldpossiblymakethesesettings
moresafeandpleasantaswellaslegitimised.Assigningabudgetforthemanagement
andmaintenanceoftheseinformalspaceswouldalsoenactsocialjusticeinareaswith
locationaldisadvantages.InBabAl-Bahrain,noseatingareasareprovided,sothe
migrantmenoccupythegroundaroundtheroundaboutandpavementsides,despite
theinconvenience.
292
2. Theroleofplanning,designandmanagementoftheeverydayspacesshouldnotmean
displacingthelocalusersorsegregation,butinsteadinvolvefacilitatingthespaceinto
socio-spatialexperienceswithoutpractisinganyexclusionstrategies.Forexamplein
Block-338andinSahat,theresidents(mostlymigrants)arenotexcludedfromusing
thenewpedestrianisedculturalandtourismstreetscapes.Thecoffeeshops,
traditionalcafesandfoodoutletsappearedasimportantspatialqualitiesinthesecase
studiesandencouragedpeopletouseoutdoorspacesandcometogether.While
shops,restaurantsandcafesarenotalwaysaffordable,theideaofsharingtheuseof
thepublicbenchesandtheprovidedlandscapeelementsenacttheegalitariannature
inthesespaces,eventhoughnotallareusingthespaceforleisure.Theremightnotbe
adirectsocialinteractionbetweendifferentclasses,butsharingthespacewithjoyand
acceptanceprovidedpositivesocialengagementsandencountersandalsopresented
thechanceforunemployedworkerstofindjobs.
3. Legitimisingthetemporalityofusingurbanspacesisalsoacreativeapproach.Notall
roadsintheneighbourhoodsinBahrainaredesignedwithpavements.Temporarily
pedestrianisingsomeroadsintheneighbourhoodcouldbeacreativesolution,butit
hastobeformallymanaged.Plannersandmanagersshouldalsoconsiderthe
temporalityofusingparkingareas.InBahrain,itisverycommonthatchildrenusethe
parkingareasofthemosquestoplayfootballoutsideoftheprayerhours,whichcould
besupportedbythetacticalurbanismconcept.
4. Arrangingpubliceventsandattractionsinmundanespacesisalsoanapproachthat
canpromoteinclusiveengagementsandinterculturalinteractions.Thefindingsshow
thateventsinformalandinformalspacessuchasmarkets,musicconcerts,andart
galleriesarecommoninBahrain.ThecontextsofBabAl-Bahrain,Block-338andAmwaj
havemostlymigrantresidentsandorganisingeventsintheseareasbridges
differences.Implementingeventsatthebordersofmigrants’accommodationareas
negatesexclusionandsupportsjusticeandsocialencounters.WefindthattheBahrain
NationalQuarryeventonMarch2017hasachievedthis.
5. WalkabilityappearedasanimportantqualityofPOSthatpromotespermeability,
legitimiseslingeringandsupportseverydaysocialencounters.Safetyinthiscontext
representsbeingsecurefromtraffichazardsanditisalsoprovidedthroughthenatural
surveillance.Walkabilitydoesnotnecessarilymeancar-freezones,butmoresafeand
convenientplacestowalk.Walkablespacesmeansprovidingsidewalks,safemeansof
293
crossingtheroadsandadditionalbusstops.Ithasalsobecomeessentialfor
practitionerstoconsidersocialequityandinclusivenessinprovidingalternative
transportationmodesofaproperquality.Giventheimportanceattachedtodrivingit
isimportanttoprovideadequateaccessiblecommonparkingaroundthecitiesand
considertheirconnectivitytodifferentcommunalservicesandattractionpointssuch
asreligiousbuildings,parksandgardens.Thisalsoreducesthepracticeofusingthe
pavementforparking.Thehotandhumidweathermakesmanypeopledecidetodrive
thanwalk.However,manymigrantsdonothavecarsanddependuponwalking.
Thereforestreetlandscapedesignandplantscansoftentheharshenvironment
throughprovidingshadeandbencheswhereusersareencouragedtowalkorpause.
ProvidingapropermicroclimateisessentialinBahrainweatherforaformalor
informalPOS.Plantingtreesisusefulforreducingheatanddust,creatingapleasant
microclimateandenvironmentalandvisualqualities.
9.3.3Facilitatingsocialinclusivityinparksandgardensandincreasingactivities
1. Insteadofprohibitingcertainactivitiesinparksandgardens,formalspatialand
temporalalternativesshouldbeprovidedthroughmanagementanddesign.Children
inPOSshouldhavepriorityasifnegativelymanagedthiscandeveloptensionsthat
mayresultthebanningofchildrenfromparksandgardens.Asalternativesto
prohibitingchildrenfromcyclingorplayingonthelawnthedesigncouldconfirmthe
children’srighttoplayinurbanareasandatthesametimeensuretheirrighttobe
safe.Theprovisionofalternativespacesforchildrenwithsufficientplayground,cycling
tracksandspacesforchildrentoplayballreducechildren’sfightsandkeepsthem
activeandsafe.Thefindingsrevealedthatthesportareasinparksandgardensare
onlyprovidedforadultsandthechildrenarenotallowedtoplayonthegrass,leaving
nospaceforchildrentoplayandsotheyusetheroadswithoutheedtosafety.Many
ofthesechildrenaremigrantchildrenwhodonothaveotherprivatealternatives.
However,flexibilitydoesnotmeanallowinguserstolitter,vandaliseortoleave
childrenunattended,butprovidingspatialortemporalalternativesinsteadof
restrictingactivities.
2. Providingfacilitiesthatattractuserswithdifferentlifestylesalsosupports
inclusiveness.Cafesandrestaurantswithoutdoorseatingareascanrespondtothe
diverseculturalgroupswhohavemovedtheiroutdooractivitiestoBlock-338and
Amwaj.Thecollecteddatashowsthatthemajorityofparkusersarefromless
294
privilegedclasses(mostlymigrants).Theirintensiveusesanddominantbehaviours
havecreatedafeelingofalienationamongthemiddlestrataofuserswhohavechosen
towithdraw.Therefore,throughdesignandprovisionofactivitiesandelement,the
POScanattractdifferentsocialgroups.
3. Itisnotonlyaboutprovidingvariousactivitiesinwhichtoengage,butalsoabout
developingasenseofcollectivenessandbeinginaplaceamongstothersinarelaxed
andpleasurableenvironment.Thedesignoftheparkandgardenisimportanttoallow
afeelingofcomfort,beingwelcomingandconvenientforalongstay.Aplaceshould
befacilitatedforusewithservices(e.g.,toilets,water,andfoodoutlets,prayer
rooms),provisionofalternativesittingareasonthelawn,picnictablesthatcan
accommodatelargeextendedgatherings,differentmicroclimateeffects,lightingand
durablesurfaces.Therefore,thefamilieswhospendlonghourspicnickingwillnotfeel
outofplaceorunwelcome.Theparksandgardenscouldbemanagedsoastoprovide
equipmentforhiresuchaschildren’sbicyclesandportablechairs.
4. Robustnessindifferentspaces,whichareusedintensively,shouldnotbeignored.The
continuousmaintenanceandcleanlinessisstillpartofmanagementdutiesandshould
notbeneglected.Anydamageandunsafeconditionsintheparkandtoolsshouldbe
repairedorreplaced.Insufficientnumberofelements(suchasbenches,playground
elements,lighting...etc.)shouldbereportedandactionneedstobetakenseriously.
5. Thedesignandmanagementofaspaceneedstoberesponsivetowardsthecarers.
Similarly,thesizeoftheplaygroundshouldbeadequatetoprovidedifferentchoicesof
seatingareasforparentsaccompanyingtheirchildren.Thegardenshavetobe
facilitatedwithrampsandfinishedwithappropriatematerials.Inlargeparks,
distributingtheplaygroundstodifferentareasoftheparkisagoodpractice,buteach
playgroundshouldhavediversetypesofequipment.InKhalifaGarden,the
playgroundsaredistributed,accordingtoage;soamotherwithchildrenofdifferent
agesandpreferencescannotsupervisethemsimultaneously.
6. Openinghoursshouldbeflexibleandresponsivetotheweatherandtopeople’sdaily
patternoflife,workinghours,lifestyle,agesandsocio-economicstatusasinAradBay
Parkwhichisopen24hours.Extendingopeninghourswithflexibilityensures
accessibilitywithresponsetosocialequityandethicsofcare.
295
9.3.4Effectivetransparentandcollaborativelyproducedregulation
1. Lastly,thereisalsoaroleforregulationtodealwithconflicts,thoughithastobethe
finalresort.Thisregulationcanbeseenasatroubleshootingschemeandattemptsto
dealwithlitteringandparenting,whichwereprimaryissuesintheresearchfindings.
Workingcollaboratively,theregulationsproducedneedtobeclearandspecifictothe
problemssuchaslitteringandleavingchildrenunattended.Ifanewregulationis
introduced,ithastobeimplementedafterwideconsultation,intercultural
engagementandrespectingandrespondingtoculturaldifferences.Therefore,thereis
aneedforaclearmanagementtooltofamiliariseandupdatetheusersinthesehybrid
spaces,notonlyabouttherulesbutalsoabouttheirrightsinengagementinthe
processofproducingregulations.
2. Theschemeisalsotoavoidsolutionswithatendencyforexclusion,suchasfencesor
fees.Acarefullychosenregulationallowspeopletofeelconfidentandwelcomein
usingthespace.Regulationshouldnotcontradicttheideaofwellbeing,butshould
protectallusers’rightsinenjoyingtheopenspaceswithoutthemfeelingintimidated
orunsafe.Itcouldbeappropriateinsteadofimposingfeesthatfinescouldbesensibly
appliedifthelitteringorparentingissueisrepeatedandaffectsothers’rightinusing
thespace.Themanagementshouldalsoavoidterminologiesandsymbolsthatfocus
oncertainmigrantgroupsorpromotestereotypes;butdealwiththesituationina
cosmopolitanandfluidmanner.
3. Theregulationneedstobedesignedwiththeunderstandingthatasculturechanges;
behavioursalsochange.Someregulationscouldbeshort-termandtargetcertain
prevalentissues.Parksandgardenscouldbezonedwithdifferentregulations
dependingontheactivities.Forexample,Hunainiyahisinthemiddleofthedesert;
therefore,itcouldhaveadifferentlevelofregulation.Itmaynothaveregulation
regardinglitteringifsuchanexplicitlawwillbeassignedinotherareas.These
variationsshouldbedecidedthroughwideconsultation.
4. Introducinginterculturaldialogue(Sandercock,2003a)andafollow-upsystemcould
becostly,butsociallysustainable.Followupdoesnotonlymeanrecruitingsecurity
guardsorpoliceofficers.Representativescouldbeemployednottoissuefinestothe
offenders(wholitterorleavechildrenunattended)orreportmisusebuttohavea
dialoguewiththemsoastoapplyakindofmutualproblemsolving.Theconcept
296
behindthedialogueshouldnotaimtodefineacommonculture,buttoprovide
practicaloptionsandsolutions.Userscanrespecttheirlocalcultureandretaintheir
individuality.Hence,migrantsaredealtwithasasourceofknowledgeoftheir
practicestoachieveinterculturalexchange.Theprocessofinterculturaldialoguehelps
tounderstandthemoralreasoningofdifferentculturalpracticestodeterminewhat
escalatesaggravations.Forinstance,frommyresearch,sittingonthelawnand
childrenplayingonthelawnarenottheissues.Theissuesarelitteringand
unsupervisedchildren;butthecurrentmanagementpracticesdonotinterpretthese
issueseffectively.Nevertheless,theresearchcannotconsiderdifferentsolutions
becauseofcontextualdifferencesandthereforetheneedforwiderconsultation.
5. ItispossiblethatthemembersofFriendGroupscouldhavearoleinthisprocess.
Resourcesneedtobegatheredtoprovidetrainingandauthorityforthegroups.They
shouldhaveaclearandestablishedroleasmutualproblemsolvers.The
representativesorFriendGroupsshouldbeawareoftheconnotationsofsocial
equalityandrespectfulnessofdifferentideasandsolutions.Itisveryimportantthat
therepresentativeswhoareidentifiedbelongtodiversesocialgroups.
6. WorkshopscouldbeheldfordecisionmakersonsocialinclusivityinmanagingPOS:
Practitionersinthefield,MunicipalBoardmembersandstakeholderswhoare
involvedindecisionmakingabouttheurbanplanning,designandmanagementofPOS
inBahrainshouldbeencouragedtoattendworkshopstofacilitateandfamiliarise
themselveswiththetopicofsocialinclusion,integrationandthemanagementprocess
indealingwithculturaldifferences.Theyshouldalsobecomefamiliarisedwiththe
socialvaluesofPOSacrossculturaldifferencestogiveeachdecisionasocial
dimension.Thisresearchcouldfacilitatethisimpact.
9.4Scopesforembeddingintopolicyandpracticeinothersectors
Thefindingsofthisresearchextendbeyondacademia.Theresearchexplicitlyembeddedthe
needtoinformpractice.Akeyrecommendationisthatscholarsshouldhaveamoredirectand
activeimpactonprofessionalpracticeindealingwiththecomplexityofPOSdynamics.This
workisasubstantialpieceofresearchwithaclearpotentialtocollaboratewithprofessionals
inthefieldoflandscapearchitecture,andactasaspringboardforotherareas.
297
Inlinewiththekeyresearchfindingsonsharedresponsibilitytoensurelong-termoutcomesin
transculturalcities,supportsocialinclusivityandbenefitsinusingPOS,thisresearch
recommendsworkingacrossdifferentprofessionalsectors.Consequently,sincethisresearch
considerswellbeing,educationandculturalheritage,itcouldbeassumedthatthisresearch
wouldhaveimplicationsfordifferentprofessionalsectorsonissuesrelevanttogender,
migrantworkers,publictransportation,education,healthandurbanheritage.Such
collaborationwouldeitherbethroughintersectionalworkwithothersectorsorworkingin
partnershipandjointresearchprojects.Thevariationintheprofessionalbackgroundsofthe
expertsinterviewedalsosupportstheneedforconsultationwithdifferentsectors.
9.4.1Implicationsforthehealthsector
Thescopeofthisresearchistopromotecooperationbetweenacademia,planning,designand
managementofPOSandthehealthsectorinBahraintoendorsetheuseofPOSaspartofthe
mentalwellbeingandhealthagenda.Thekeyfindingshighlightedtheroleofformal
greenspacesinBahrainforhealthandaddressedtheroleofplanning,designandmanagement
forfacilitatinginformalopenspacesfordiverseusers,whichalsohasimplicationsfor
wellbeing.ThehealthsectorinBahrainshouldplayanimportantroleinpromotingtheneed
formoregreenspacesandfacilitatingtheuseofinformalPOSbyincreasingplantsandusing
elementsoflandscapedesign.TheresearchhighlightedtheroleofPOSinpromoting
wellbeing,particularlyamongstwomenandmigrantworkers.Hence,inclusivityand
maintainingpublicaccessibilitytoPOSshouldbeintegraltothehealthagendainBahrain,with
particularemphasisongenderandmigrants.
9.4.2Implicationsforcommunitycapacitybuilding
TheresearchhighlightedtheroleofPOSinbuildingasenseofbelonging,emotionalcitizenship
andattachmentandsupportingintegration,adaptationandsocialcohesionofdifferent
culturesinBahrain.Thisresearchcouldsupporttheeducationalauthority’sroleinthe
integrationagendainschools(Alexanderetal.,2007).Convivialityandsocialencounters
acrossdifferencesintheframeworkofthisresearchemphasisethesocialvalueofPOSgiven
theculturaldifferencesinBahrain.Ithasalsohighlightedtheroleofsocialinteractionand
encountersinPOSforsocialsupportparticularlyamongmigrantwomenandmaleworkersand
thefundamentalroleofPOSforbuildingsocialcapitalinasocietywithdiversity(Putnam,
2000).Hence,thisresearchisalsoimportantforsocialdevelopmentandsupportingsocial
workinBahrain.WorkingwiththeFriendsGroupsofKhalifaGardenisoneapproachto
298
promotetheroleofcommunityinvolvementandsocialwork(Dunnettetal.,2002).Theroleof
theFriendsGroupstoworkasfacilitatorsinPOScanalsobeextendedthroughtrainingand
workshopsthatintroduceculturalliteracytoolstohelpwithunderstandingculturaldifferences
andthereasoningofdifferentpracticesandneeds.Inaddition,theopportunityofthe
facilitatorstomakecontactwithpeopleinPOSwouldsupportsocialencounters.
9.4.3Implicationsfortheheritagesector
Theconceptoftransculturalurbanismoutlinedinthisresearchcansupportcontinuing
differentculturalpracticespostmigration,whilstprotectingthelocalculture.Thisresearch
raisestheopportunityforcooperationbetweenheritagesectorsinBahrainandtheplanning,
designandmanagementofPOS.Publicopenspacesandlandscapecharacterisanintegral
aspectofheritage;hence,landscapearchitecturalpracticecanplayavitalroleinachievingthe
agendaofbothconservationandsocialinclusivity.Thisresearchillustratesthatheritagecan
beexplicitlyinclusiveevenduringtimesofhighpopulationchangeandthatheritagecan
provideasenseofbelongingforeveryone,includingnewcomerstothecities.Theprofessional
practiceintheregionneedstoconsiderthatthehistoricallocationsareimportantsites;not
justasrecordsofthepast,butalsotosupportthecontinuityofdifferentculturalpracticesfor
migrantandnon-migrantpopulations.Parksandgardensneedtobespecificallyconsidered
withintheagendaofurbanheritagepolicies,andlandscapearchitecturecanplayanimportant
roleinreconnectinguserstotheirurbanheritagethroughimplementingapproachesof
transculturalurbanism.Heritagelocationsintheregionshouldbeaccessibletodiverse
populationsanddifferentpatternsofuseshouldbefacilitatedandlegitimisedwhenever
possibleintheselocations.Toensuresocialinclusivityandprotectdiverseheritagepracticesin
transculturalurbanspaces,landscapearchitectureplanning,designandmanagementneedto
recognisethatoutdoorleisurepracticesareculturallydefined.Landscapetheoryandpractice
shouldrecognisecontemporarymigrants’outdoorleisurepracticesintheconservationof
heritagelocationsandshouldalsoconsiderdifferentintangibleurbanheritagepracticesin
planning,designandmanagementofbothformalandinformalPOS.Culturalcompetency
couldalsobeconsideredwithinopenspacesandheritageprofessionalpracticetoincorporate
culturaldifferencesandculturalchangesthroughmigration.
9.4.4Implicationsforlandscapearchitectureeducation
Toprepareacompetentandresponsivenewgenerationinthefieldoflandscapearchitecture
indealingwithchallengesandrealityinpubliclifeisanimportantscopeforthelong-term
299
outcomesofthisresearch.Thefindingsfromthisresearchcaninformandimprovearangeof
teachingmodulesanddesignstudioswithinthelandscapearchitectureeducationinBahrain.
Culturaldifferencesandmigrationshouldnotdisappearfromthedevelopmentofthecurrent
curriculum.Atransculturalurbanismframeworkwithasocialjusticeagenda(LowandIveson,
2016)andculturalcompetencyprocess(AgyemanandErickson,2012)couldbeembeddedin
theeducationforlandscapearchitecture.Theuseofthisframeworkcanenhancethecurrent
landscapedesigneducationwithnewunderstandingsofinclusivity,positiverecognitionand
culturaldifferencesintheuseofPOS.Thefindingsofthisresearchcanalsoenrichsuchcourses
withgroundeddataaboutthepatternsofuseofPOSinBahrainandtheimportanceof
informalPOSinBahrain.Thisresearchcanalsohaveimplicationfordesigncoursesin
introducingnewmethodologiesforsiteinventoryandanalysistoinvestigatesocio-spatial
dimensions.
9.5Scopeforfutureacademicresearch
OneofthecriticalfindingsofthisresearchistheimportanceofPOStoprovidesocialsupport
forpeoplecommonlymarginalisedfromformalleisureopportunities.Embeddingthetheoryof
convivialityandencounterwithinthesocio-spatialapproachesoftransculturalurbanism
providesanotherpotentialopportunity;thereisthepossibilitytodevelopadeeper
understandingofmigrantworkersandlessmobilewomenintheuseofPOSinBahrain.
InvestigatingtheexperienceofmigrantsinBahrainwouldmeritfurtherresearchproposalsto
extendthedepththroughengagementwiththemoremarginalisedmigrantsinGCCcountries
(Gardner,2010a;GardnerandWatts,2012;Bolleter,2015)andwiththepotentialforusingco-
producedresearch.Consideringtheappropriateethicalandmethodologicalapproach,thereis
scopealsotoworkwithtranslatorstounderstandbetterthehiddenvoicesofthesegroups
regardingtheirsenseofwellbeing,inclusivityandhowthecitiesaresociallyresponsivetotheir
perceptions,giventhetemporarystatusofthesemigrants.Giventhegapinthefindings
betweentherecentdecisionsandtheimportanceofPOSforprovidingsocialsupportfor
women,thereisaneedforfurtherresearchintheseareastosupportthesocialinclusivityof
POS.
ThisresearchalsoprovidesanopportunitytoextendthescopeinternationallywithSilkRoad
cities,GCCcountriesorbeyond.Thereareclearlysharedcharacteristicsbetweencitiesin
BahrainandothercitiesinboththeGulfregionandaroundtheSilkRoutesregardingaspects
ofurbanheritage(Elisseeff,2000;Al-Rasheed,2005;Olimat,2013).Intermsofthe
300
implicationsofthisresearchforurbanheritage,thereisarolefornetworkingwiththe
countriesontheSilkRoute(intheMiddleEastandCentralAsia)andGCCcountries,which
providesaninternationalremitforthisresearch.Aspartofdevelopingthisresearch,I
consideredthecurrentresearchdirectionsoftheinternationalagendaandthepotentialfor
collaboration;researchwithSilkCitieshasemergedasakeyone.Ipresentedapaperforthe
SecondSilkCitiesInternationalConferenceattheUniversityCollegeofLondoninJuly2017
withtheconceptofchangingpopulation,protectingurbanheritageandculturalconnection.
TheconceptoftheSilkCities,whichisanindependentacademicandprofessionalinitiative,is
concernedwithcitiesinthecountriesalongthehistoricSilkRoads(SilkCities,2017).The
initiativeofSilkCitiesusesthenarrativeoftheSilkRoadsandfocusesoncross-cultural
exchangeandconnectivity(ibid).LiteratureshowshowBahrainwashistoricallyahubfor
cross-culturalexchangesthroughtrade(Al-Rasheed,2005;Al-Nabi,2012).Therearevalid
opportunitiestodevelopthisresearchwithinacademiafromothercountriesaroundtheSilk
Routes.
9.6Reflectionson(andlimitationsof)thescopeoftheresearchandthe
fieldworkprocess
“Oururbanlandscapeneedsthefantasyandimaginationtotranscendtheunderstandingofplaceandenrichthedepthoffocusthatthedialecticmemoryrecallsinthespaceofthecity.Itrequiresaninnovativeintegrativeapproachofmutualrespectbetweenpeoples,theirgenerationsandtheirenvironment;aKantianredefinitionwherenewlife-stylesandexperiencesinteractwiththeirlandandtimescape”.(Turner,2010,p.211)
DuringthefieldworkinBahrain,Ispentconsiderablelengthsoftimeattheselectedsites,
sitting,walking,takingphotos,listeningtopeopleandobserving.Despitebeingaloneduring
mostoftheethnographicsessions,IdidnotfeelthatIwasalone;Iwaspartofthecrowdin
thesePOS.ThewalkingexperiencesbroughtmeclosertostreetlifeandIbecamefamiliarwith
thepeopleandplaces,thoughwalkingwasdifficultinsomeareas.Duringthesitevisits,
people,withvisibledifferences,appearedequalinthePOS;theyallsharedthepatternsofjoy
ofsocialisingorbeingoutdoors.Inthecollecteddata,theimportanceofPOSfordiverseusers
appearedsignificantandthatpeoplehavedevelopedvariousformsofattachmenttothese
spaces.Similarly,Ifeltattachedtoallmycasestudyareas.Myexperiencesofbeingoutdoors
inthesespacesmeantagreatdealtomeandthepicturesIhavetakenholdpleasant
memoriesofthepeopleinthesespaces.Thesespaceswillcontinuetobeinmyscheduleto
301
visitandenjoy.Frommydirectreflectionduringthefieldwork,POSinBahrainareimportant
sitesforconvivialityandtransculturalpracticesandprocesses.Fromaprofessional
perspective,IconsiderthatthequalityofsociallifeinPOSinBahrainhasthepotentialtobe
improvedtosupportinclusivemeaningfulencounters.
9.6.1Professionalperspective
Iworkedasapractitionerinaprivatearchitecturalfirmbeforejoiningacademiaatthe
UniversityofBahrainandsubsequentlypursuedmyMaster’sprogrammeinlandscapedesign
attheUniversityofSheffieldin2002.IntheyearssincemyMarchdegreeandpriortostarting
thePhDprogramme,Icontinuedmyworkinacademiainthearchitecturedepartmentin
BahrainteachinglandscapemodulesanddesignstudiosinwhichIhadtheopportunityto
developthecurriculumforlandscapearchitecture.Theseexperiencesintensifiedmyambition
toimprovethequalityofoutdoorspacesinBahrainforpeople’sbenefitandtofurtherthe
understandingofthesocialaspectsoflandscapearchitectureinBahrain.ThroughoutmyPh.D
studyinlandscapearchitecture,mypreviouscomprehensionaboutdesignlanguage,elements,
tools,skills,andtheimportanceofsiteanalysisandvisualpresentationhasshapedthe
researchprocess.Mypreviousprofessionalexperiencehasalsosupportedmyabilityto
conducttheresearchon-siteindifferentcasestudiesandinanalysingthespatial,locational
andphysicalqualitiesofthesespacesinrelationtothefocusoftheresearch.Conducting
researchwithinthedisciplinesofsociologyandgeographywasthechallengeIwantedto
undertakesothatIwouldgainskillsandknowledge:firstly,indevelopingthequalitativesocial
researchmethodsandethnographyandunderstandingthatpeoplecouldbeasourceof
knowledge,andsecondly,addressingtheimportanceofthesocio-spatialdimensioninthefield
oflandscapearchitecture.Byconductingthisresearch,Ihavealsodevelopedanunderstanding
ofthefundamentalaspectsandimportanceofconsideringthesocialusesandbenefitsofPOS
withinclusivityanddemocracywithawiderimplicationforwellbeing.Asaresultofthe
culturalcomplexityinBahrain,Irecognisethatthisisnoteasyandagreatdealofworkneeds
tobedonetomaintaintheegalitarianqualityofPOSandtounderstandculturaldifferences.
9.6.2Engagingwithnotionsofculturalliteracy
ThediversityandfluidityoftheBahrainiandnon-Bahrainipopulationsalongwiththeir
differentmigrantbackgroundsandgenerations,otherculturaldifferencesandintersectionality
presentthechallengeofunderstandingpeople’sdifferentperceptions.Theselectedmethods,
whichdevelopedfromculturalliteracytools–storytelling,ethnographyandintercultural
302
communicationmethods–helpedmetoovercomethischallenge.Reflectingonthefieldwork,
shorton-siteinterviewsandwalkinginterviewsindicatedthefeasibilityofengagingwith
notionsofculturalliteracyinpracticeandresearchinBahrain.Asexplainedinthe
methodologychapter,Itookthedecisionearlyduringthefieldworktoclearlyevaluatemy
positionthroughouttheresearchandbereflexivetoovercomethechallengeofpowerrelation
inqualitativeresearch.Inthefield,peoplefeelcomfortabletotalkbecauseoftheclarityofmy
position.BeingaBahrainifemaleresearcherfacilitatedconductingtheresearchwithboth
womenandmeninPOS.Conductingtheresearchon-siteandusingopenquestionsand
participantledinterviewsreducedmypowerasaresearcher,whiletheparticipants,including
themigrants,weretheinsiders.Myroleasanoutsiderand/orinsiderwasshiftingthroughout
theresearch,outsiderinunderstandingtheperceptionsandinterpretationsfromthe
participants’perspectiveandinsiderwhenexploringcommunalitywithusers,e.g.havingan
interestintheimportanceofPOSorbeingamother,parent,female,Bahrainiorresidentin
Bahrain,asthediversityonasmallislandalsoprovidedsimilarity.
Conductingtheseon-sitemethodsistimeconsumingandrequiresskillsandtraining.Priorto
andduringthefieldwork,Iattendedmanycoursesandworkshopsandlearnedfromthe
experiencesofmysupervisor.Inaddition,Ihavealsoreadtopicsonthissubject.Myskillshave
beenfurtherdevelopedbypracticingthemethodsandthroughself-evaluation.
Empathy,listening,observing,contextualisingandbeingreflexiveisimportantasitisnot
possibletobetotallyunbiased.Understandingdifferentexperienceswithinsocialandcultural
dynamicsandexploringareasofcommonalities,conflictsandnegotiationswerepossible
throughlisteningtoparticipantsinwhichdifferentstorieswereelicitedandinterpreted.To
achieveawiderconsultation,infutureresearchorinintroducingculturalliteracytoolsinto
practice,recruitingstrategiesforcommunityfacilitatorshavetoincludemembersfromdiverse
backgroundstobeabletointerviewtemporaryworkersandnewcomers,manyofwhomdo
notspeakEnglishorArabic.Theinclusionofmembersfromdiversebackgroundsasfacilitators
alsoincreasestheempathyintheprocess.Irecommendthatdevelopingcross-cultural
learningmethodsandtoolscouldbeanend,butnotameanstoanend.Thisisthestartofa
processthatcanturnintoreality,whichcanprovideanopportunityfordevelopment,
creativityandfurtherresearch.
303
9.6.3Othermethodologicallimitations
Iwasawareofthelimitationsandchallengesinthequalitativeresearchbeforeconducting
suchresearch.Akeychallengeoftheresearchprocesswasoneofcomplexity.Mason(2002)
arguesthatthequalitativeapproachcelebratesrichness,depthandthemulti-dimensionality
oftheresearchsituation,andthatitalsoinvolvesunderstandingitscomplexityanddiversity.
Accordingly,thiscomplexityshapedtheselectionofthedatacollectionmethodsandI
attemptedtoseekmoredetailedandin-depthunderstanding.Forinstance,through
developingmultiplemethods,Icouldcaptureandrecognisethiscomplexitywhilealsomaking
itmanageableandtheprocessachievable.Anotherwaytoachievetheresearchaimswasby
balancingthebroadscopeinterviewswiththein-depthinterviews.Selectingrepresentatives
andparticularcasestudies,whichwerebasedonspecificcriteriaandwithmanageablesizes,
alsomadetheresearchachievable,thoughinevitablyIhavenotbeenabletoreflectthe
experienceofallthediversegroupsthatcomprisetheresidentsofBahrain.
Thebroadscopeethnographicpracticeprovidedopportunitiestointerviewmoreparticipants.
Conductingtheresearchinanumberofformalandinformalspacesandcasestudiesalso
providedaccessibilitytoawidersegmentacrossthesociety;however,theresearchcouldnot
includethenon-users,whichisalsoalimitation.Althoughtheinterviewswereconductedin
duallanguages(ArabicandEnglish),thereweresomeuserswhodidnotspeakeitherofthese
languages,whichcanbeseenasalimitationtotheresearchscope.
Theethnographyfieldworkandfollow-uptripsprovidedrichdataandopportunitiesfor
reflection.IconductedintensivesystematicsitevisitsduringthefieldtripstoensureIvisitedat
differenttimes,days,seasonsandevents.Ialsoarrangedfollowuptripstocovervarious
seasonsandeventswheneverpossible.ThenumberofcasestudiesIselectedmeantIwasnot
abletovisitallthecasestudiesatthesametimeoronthesameday,whichwasafurther
limitationinthescopeofgatheringdata.
PowerrelationandconfirmationbiasarealsochallengesasdescribedinChapterThree.
Participant-ledinterviews,beingreflexiveandunderstandingpositionalitywereconsidered
throughouttheresearchtoovercometheseissues.Similarly,inSection3.5.1.1andSection3.7,
Idescribedhowtheconfirmationbiasinusingqualitativeandethnographicmethodswas
addressedbyanumberoftechniques,suchasbeingreflexivethroughunderstandingmy
position,thecontextandthetime.Therepeatedobservationsandtherecordedfieldnotes
andreflectionsprovidedanopportunitytobereflexiveduringtheobservationanddata
304
analysis.Focusingontheresearchaims,planningthesitevisitsahead,predeterminingthe
ethnographiclocationsandpreparingquestionsbeforegoingtothesiteswerefurtherwaysto
overcomethechallengeofbias.Theinnovativego-alongisasystematicapproachof
ethnographicpracticeandaddedin-depthdatatotheresearch;however,ithadsome
challengessuchasclimateinsummer,walkinginconvenience,beingvisible,culturalsensitivity,
keepingtheinterviewontopicandthenumberofinterviews.Thego-alongmethodwas
designedwithunderstandingofthesechallengesasdescribedinSection3.5.2.Intheanalysis,
Ialsoprimarilyreliedonthecollecteddatafromtheshortandgo-alonginterviews;however,
theobservationswerefundamentalforsupportingtheanalysisandensuringvalidity.Using
multiplemethodsandhavingparticipants’interpretationandpractitioners’perspectiveswere
alsoimportanttovalidatetheresearchfindings.
Throughtheprocessofbeingin‘twoplaces’,BahrainandUK,timewascriticalinarranging
tripsfortheempiricaldatacollection,flexibilityinaccessingdatainBahrainandhaving
increasedengagementwithprofessionalpractice.Somedecisionsandchangeshavebeen
madeinthecountryafterthefieldwork,butbecauseofthetimelineoftheresearch,the
consequenceofthesechangescouldnotbeevaluatedundertheresearchscope,forexample,
assigningfeesforKhalifaGarden,providingnewpublictransit,creatingaformalhawkingarea
inHunainiyahParkforusersandlaunchingLittleIndiainBabAl-BahrainSouq.Intermsof
practice,Icouldnottestandevaluatetheresearchimpactonpracticewithinthetimescaleof
thisresearchprogram.
Timelinessoftheresearchwasalsoconsidered.Thisresearchhasbeenconductedpostthe
2011politicaluprisinginBahrain.Iwasreflexiveduringtheresearchinalsoconsideringhow
thiscouldshapetheresearch.Sincetheseevents,manypoliticaldecisionsinthecountryand
intheGulfhavebeenshaped,andadisparityhasemergedbetweenthepolitical,socialand
culturaldynamicsandpublicspacesinwhichthisresearchwasdeveloped.However,the
collecteddatashowedthatpeopledidnottalkaboutthe2011politicaluprising,exceptabout
thedelaysontheroadsduringdemonstrationsoncertaindays;themundaneculturaland
socialvaluesandconflictsappearedmoresignificantinthedata.Iaminterestedinhow
newdecisionsandcurrentpoliticalchangesmaybereflectedintheuseofPOSinBahrain,and
certainlythereisscopeforextendingtheapproachesandframeworkexploredinthisPhDas
partofamorelongitudinalprocess.
Inshort,thisresearchwasdesignedtoencompassbothabreadthanddepthwithmultiple
casestudysitesandawiderangeofparticipantstoovercometheresearchchallenges.The
305
decisionhadalsobeenmadetobereflexiveandconsidermyposition,contextandtime
throughouttheresearchprocesstoaddressbias.Thereareclearlimitationstotheresearchin
relationtoitsscopeandintheabilitytotestrelevanceforpractice.Theresearchmethodology
wouldbeimprovedifIhadbeenabletoconductmorego-alonginterviews,havemorecase
studysitesorrecruittranslators.Havingafewstakeholdersasanadvisoryboardthroughout
theresearchwouldalsoimprovethemethodologyandincreasetheengagementwith
professionalpractice.Thesewerenotpossibletodogiventhetimescaleoftheresearch,but
wouldbebeneficialtoconsiderinfurtherresearch.
9.7Summaryofthesignificantimpactoftheresearch
Belowarethehighlightsofthepositiveimpactoftheresearchscopeandfindings.
Significanceofscope:
1. Theresearchestablishesastrongbaseconnectingtheoryandpracticeinconsidering
theopportunitiesandaddressingthechallengesofdiversity.
2. Conductingtheresearchwithinthefieldoflandscapearchitectureissignificantin
addressingthegapinunderstandinghowsocialandculturaldynamicsshapetheuseof
publicopenspacesinBahrain.
3. Thisresearchisaformofculturalliteracyandisdesignedtoinformprofessionals,
stakeholdersandpractitionersinthefieldofplanning,designandmanagementofPOS
inBahraininunderstandinghowpopulationdiversityshapestheexperienceof
everydaylife.ThereisscopeforrelevanceandimpactacrossthewiderGulfregion.
4. Usingapproachesandmethodsgroundedinthedisciplineoflandscapearchitecture
andsupportedbyethnographictoolshavebeenshowntobeusefulforunderstanding
socio-spatialprocessanddynamicsinPOS.
5. Theresearchfindsthatlandscapearchitecturecanreflectonandrespondtoareasof
theories(intransculturalcities,convivialityandsocialusesandvaluesofpublicopen
spaces).
Significanceoffindings:
306
1. Theresearchhighlightstheimportantroleoflandscapearchitectureinsupporting
convivialityacrossdifferences.Thisroleiscurrentlyunderestimatedinprofessional
practice.
2. Localheritagesitesareimportantinclusivesitesforsupportingtransculturalprocess
andpromotingasenseofbelonging.Landscapearchitecturehasafundamentalrolein
themanagementandconservationofhistoricalurbanspacesincontextsofdiverse
population.
3. Conflictsandaggravationsplayedoutatthemicro-scaleinPOScanbeindicativeof
mundanetransculturaldifferences,withpotentialtoescalateintootherformsof
exclusionsandsegregations.Landscapearchitecture(specificallymanagement
approaches)hasvitalroletobeproactiveinalleviatingconflictsandgenerating
productivespacesthatsupportpositivesocialencounters.
4. Theresearchprovidesarecommendationforplanning,designandmanagementof
greenspacesandoutdoorrecreationalsitesinBahrainwiththeaimofsupporting
conviviality,inclusivity,integrationandmigrantwellbeing.
5. ThisresearchpointstoopportunitiesforfurtherresearchonthissubjectintheMiddle
Eastorglobally.
307
References
Abitare,(2014).OfficeKGDVS&BBSinBahrain.Abitare[online].22Sebtember.Availabefrom:http://www.abitare.it/it/gallery/habitat/urban-design/kersten-geers-david-van-severen-in-bahrain/[Accessed12April2017]
Addas,A.N.,(2015).MotivationandAttachmentintheUseofPublicOpenSpacesinJeddah,SaudiArabia.PhDThesis,UniversityofSheffield.
Adloff,F.,(2016).Convivialism-nowmorethanever?!ConvivialismTransnational[online].22January.Availablefrom:http://convivialism.org/?p=223[Accessed26February2016].
Agyeman,J.andErickson,J.S.,(2012).Culture,recognition,andthenegotiationofdifference:somethoughtsonculturalcompetencyinplanningeducation.JournalofPlanningEducationandResearch,32(3),358-366.doi:10.1177/0739456X12441213[Accessed28December2016].
Agyeman,J.,(2013).Introducingjustsustainabilities:policy,planning,andpractice.London,ZedBooksLtd.
Akkari,A.(2004).EducationintheMiddleEastandNorthAfrica:TheCurrentSituationandFutureChallenges.InternationalEducationJournal,5(2),pp.144-153.Availablefrom:http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ903844.pdf.Accessed[22August2017].
Al-A'ali,M.,(2015).Publicparksclamponway.GulfDailyNews[online].7April.Availablefrom:http://archives.gdnonline.com/NewsDetails.aspx?date=04/07/2015&storyid=395435[Accessed3February2016].
Al-A'ali,M.,(2017a).Parksfeeplantocurbvandalism.GulfDailyNews.ThursdayJanuary122017,p.7.
Al-A'ali,M.,(2017b).Women-onlydaysplannedatpark.GulfDailyNews.ThursdayApril212017,p.11.
Al-Ansari,F.,(2009).PublicopenspaceonthetransformingurbanwaterfrontsofBahrain-thecaseofManamaCity.PhDThesis,UniversityofNewcastleuponTyne.
Al-Kaysi,M.,(1989).MoralsandmannersinIslam:aguidetoIslamicadab.Leicester,TheIslamicFoundation
Al-Khalifa,M.,(2012).NotionsofidentityintheBahrainunrestof2011.TurkishPolicy,10(4),pp.57-61.Availablefrom:http://turkishpolicy.com/Files/ArticlePDF/notions-of-identity-in-the-bahrain-unrest-of-2011-winter-2012-en.pdf[Accessed1July2016].
Al-Nabi,M.N.,(2012).TheHistoryoflanduseanddevelopmentinBahrain.Manama,InformationAffairsAuthority.Availablefrom:www.housing.gov.bh/en/.../6681%20book%20resized.pdf
Al-Rasheed,M.,(2005).Introduction:localizingthetransnationalandtransnationalizingthelocal.In:M.Al-Rasheed(Ed.)TransnationalconnectionsandtheArabianGulf.London,Routledge.pp.1-18.AvailableFrom:f3.tiera.ru/1/genesis/580-584/.../04957ecf6a63c33a1ad7635cc4f8943b
308
Alabdulla,M.(2017).Reclaimingurbanstreetsforwalkinginahotandhumidregion:thecaseofDammamCity:TheKingdomofSaudiArabia.PhDThesis,UniversityofEdinburgh
Alderson,P.,(2004).Ethics.In:S.Fraser,V.,S.Ding,M.Kellett,andC.Robinson(eds.)Doingresearchwithchildrenandyoungpeople,London,Sage.
Alexander,C.,Edwards,R.andTemple,B.(2007).Contestingculturalcommunities:language,ethnicityandcitizenshipinBritain.JournalofEthnicandMigrationStudies,33(5),pp.783-800.doi:10.1080/13691830701359223[Accessed19July2017].
Allport,G.,(1954).Thenatureofprejudice.Cambridge,MA,Addison-WesleyPubCo.
Alraouf,A.A.,(2010).RegeneratingurbantraditionsinBahrain.LearningfromBab-Al-Bahrain:theauthenticfake.JournalofTourismandCulturalChange,8(1-2),pp.50-68.doi:10.1080/14766825.2010.490587[Accessed13December2013].
Alrawaf,T.(2015).Impactsoftherapiddevelopmentinrecreationaldemandonthedesertenvironment:acasestudyoftheDammamregionofSaudiArabia.PhDThesis,UniversityofEdinburgh
Alwasatnews,(2015).BabAl-BahrainhoststhelongestIftarmealinRamadan.ALwastnews[online].11July.Availablefrom:http://www.alwasatnews.com/news/1007431.html[Accessed16April2017]
Amin,A.,(2002).Ethnicityandthemulticulturalcity:livingwithdiversity.EnvironmentandPlanningA,34(6),pp.959-980.doi:10.1068/a3537[Accessed29January2014].
Amin,A.,(2004).Regionsunbound:towardsanewpoliticsofplace.GeografiskaAnnaler:SeriesB,HumanGeography,86(1),pp.33-44
Amin,A.,(2007).Re-thinkingtheurbansocial.City,11(1),pp.100-114.doi:10.1080/13604810701200961[Accessed28July2016].
Amin,A.,(2008).Collectivecultureandurbanpublicspace.City,12(1),pp.5–24.doi:10.1080/13604810801933495[Accessed23February2017].
AmwajIslands,(2007).[OnlineImage].Availablefrom:http://realestate.theemiratesnetwork.com/developments/bahrain/amwaj_islands.php[Accessed17April2017]
Anderson,E.,(2004).Thecosmopolitancanopy.AnnalsoftheAmericanAcademyofPoliticalandSocialScience,393,pp.14-31.Availablefrom:http://www.jstor.org/stable/4127607[Accessed12June2016].
Anderson,J.,(2004).Talkingwhilstwalking:ageographicalarchaeologyofknowledge.Area,36(3),pp.254–261.doi:10.1111/area.12070[Accessed19June2014].
Ang,I.andStratton,J.,(2006).Multiculturalismincrisis:thenewpoliticsofraceandnationalidentityinAustralia.Topia,2,pp.22-41,Availablefrom:https://topia.journals.yorku.ca/index.php/topia/article/viewFile/155/145[Accessed25June2016].
309
Armstrong,H.,(2004).Makingtheunfamiliarfamiliar:researchjourneystowardsunderstandingmigrationandplace.LandscapeResearch,29(3),pp.237-260.doi:10.1080/0142639042000248906[Accessed15November2013].
Askins,K.,andPain,R.,(2011).Contactzones:participation,materiality,andthemessinessofinteraction.EnvironmentandPlanningD:SocietyandSpace.29(5),pp.803-821.
Atkinson,P.andHammersley,M.,(2007).Ethnography:Principlesinpractice,3rdEdition.London,Routledge.
Babuc,Z.T.(2015).Exploringparentalperceptionsandpreferencesaboutplay:acasestudyinErzurum.Procedia-SocialandBehavioralSciences,197,pp.2417–2424.doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.07.304[Accessed19July2017].
BahrainNewsAgency,(2016).HMKing:Bahraintoremainstateofinstitutions,ruleoflaw.BahrainNewsAgency[online].17June.Availablefrom:http://bna.bh/portal/en/news/732646[Accessed3July2016].
BAKBasel(2011)Correlationanalysisbetweentheinterculturalcitiesindexandotherdata.CouncilofEurope.Availablefrom:https://rm.coe.int/CoERMPublicCommonSearchServices/DisplayDCTMContent?documentId=0900001680495197
Barnes,M.,(2012).CareinEverydayLife:anEthicofCareinPractice.Bristol:PolicyPress.
Bassiouni,M.C.,Rodley,N.,Al-Awadhi,B,Kirsch,P.,Arsanjani,M.H.,(2011).ReportoftheBahrainIndependentCommissionOfInquiry.BahrainIndependentCommissionOfInquiry.Availablefrom:http://www.bici.org.bh/BICIreportEN.pdf
Bazeley,P.,(2013).QualitativeDataAnalysiswithNVIVO,2ndEdition.London,Sage
BBC(2016).Socialconvention,moralmaze.BBCRadio4[broadcast].30March.Availablefrom:http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b074xvh6
Beaugrand,C.,(2014).UrbanmarginsinKuwaitandBahrain:Decay,dispossessionandpoliticization.City,18(6),pp.735-745.doi:10.1080/13604813.2014.962887[Accessed23July2017].
Bel-AirF.D.,(2015).Demography,migration,andthelabourMarketinBahrain.GulfLabourMarketsandMigration,GLMM-EN-No.6/2015.Cambridge,GulfResearchCenter.Availablefrom:http://gulfmigration.eu/demography-migration-and-the-labour-market-in-bahrain/
Ben-Hamouche,M.,(2004).ThechangingmorphologyoftheGulfCitiesintheageofglobalisation:thecaseofBahrain.HabitatInternational,28(4),pp.521-540.doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2003.10.006[Accessed19March2014].
Ben-Hamouche,M.,(2013).Thecornerslaw:LeftoverspacesversussustainabilityinArabGulfcitiesthecaseofBahrain.URBANDESIGNInternational,18(2),pp.114–130
Bernstein,G.andTriger,Z.H.,(2010).Over-parenting,UCDavisLawReview,44(4),pp.1221-2011
310
Beunderman,J.,Hannon,C.andBradwell,P.(2007)SeenandHeard:ReclaimingthePublicRealmwithChildrenandYoungPeople.London,Demos.Availablefrom:www.demos.co.uk/files/070928_DEMOS_S&H_Pamphlet.pdf
Bogdan,R.andBiklen,S.K.,(2006).Qualitativeresearchforeducation:anintroductiontotheoriesandmethods,5thEdition.Boston,PearsonAllyn&Bacon.
Bolleter,J.,(2009).Para-scape:landscapearchitectureinDubai.JournalofLandscapeArchitecture,4,pp.28–41.doi:10.1080/18626033.2009.9723411[Accessed6July2015]
Bolleter,J.,(2015).ChartingthepotentialoflandscapeurbanisminDubai.LandscapeResearch,40(5),pp.621–642.doi:10.1080/01426397.2014.967189[Accessed6July2015]
Braun,V.andClarke,V.,(2006).Usingthematicanalysisinpsychology.QualitativeResearchinPsychology,3(2),pp.77-101.Availablefrom:http://eprints.uwe.ac.uk/11735[Accessed18January2017]
Brown,D.M.,(2013).YoungPeople,anti-socialbehaviourandpublicspace:theroleofcommunitywardensinpolicingthe‘ASBOgeneration’.Urbanstudies,50(3),pp.538–555.doi:10.1177/0042098012468899[Accessed7February2015].
Bryman,A.,(2004).Socialresearchmethods,2ndEdition.Oxford,OxfordUniversityPress.
Burgess,J.,Harrison,C.M.,andLimb,M.,(1988).People,parksandtheurbangreen:astudyofpopularmeaningsandvaluesforopenspacesinthecity.UrbanStudies,25(6),pp.455-473.doi:10.1080/00420988820080631[Accessed18January2014].
Bynon,R.andRishbeth,C.,(2015).Benchesforeveryone:solitudeinpublic,sociabilityforfree.London,TheYoungFoundation
Byrne,J.andWolch,J.,(2009).Nature,race,andparks:pastresearchandfuturedirectionsforgeographicresearch.ProgressinHumanGeography,33,pp743-765.doi:10.1177/0309132509103156.[Accessed20June2017].
Cahill,C.,(2013).Theroadlesstraveled:transculturalcommunitybuilding.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.pp.193-206.
Campkin,B.,(2013).Placing“matteroutofplace”:purityanddangerasevidenceforarchitectureandurbanism.ArchitecturalTheoryReview,18(1),pp.46-61.doi:10.1080/13264826.2013.785579[Accessed13February2015].
CarmonaM.,Tiesdell,S.,HeathandT.,Oc,T.,(2010).Publicplaces-urbanspaces:thedimensionsofurbandesign.Oxford,ArchitecturalPress
Carpiano,R.M.,(2009).Cometakeawalkwithme:the“go-along”interviewasanovelmethodforstudyingtheimplicationsofplaceforhealthandwell-being.Health&Place,15,pp.263-272.doi:10.1016/j.healthplace.2008.05.003[Accessed24June2014].
Cattell,V.,Dines,N.,Gesler,W.,andCurtis,S.,(2008).Mingling,observing,andlingering:Everydaypublicspacesandtheirimplicationsforwell-beingandsocialrelations.Health&place,14(3),pp.544-561.doi:10.1016/j.healthplace.2007.10.007[Accessed8December2013].
CentralInformaticsOrganization(2011).Statics:population[online].Availablefrom:www.cio.gov.bh[Accessed1March2014].
311
CentralInformaticsOrganization(2013).Bahrainlocator[onlineimage].Availablefrom:www.bahrainlocator.gov.bh[Accessed1March2014].
Chang,S.E.andFoo,Y.,(2013).Listeningtotransculturalvoices,watchingoutfortrans-Asianplaces:acasestudyofthe“Asian-ized”ChinesenewvillageofKampungKanthaninMalaysia.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.pp.193-206.
Charmaz,K.,(2006).Constructinggroundedtheory.London,SagePublications.
Chiesura,A.,(2004).Theroleofurbanparksforthesustainablecity.LandscapeandUrbanPlanning,68(1),pp.129-138.doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2003.08.003[Accessed8December2013].
Cho,S.,Trivic,Z.andNasution,I.,(2015).Towardsanintegratedurbanspaceframeworkforemergingurbanconditionsinahigh-densitycontext.JournalofUrbanDesign,20(2),pp.147-168.doi:10.1080/13574809.2015.1009009[Accessed1December2015].
Chuan,M.N.F.,(2011).TowardsacleanerSingaporesociologicalstudyonlitteringinSingapore.Singapore,Nationalenvironmentagency.AvailableFrom:http://www.publichygienecouncil.sg/docs/default-source/default-document-library/towards-a-cleaner-singapore-(final).pdf?sfvrsn=2
Coles,R.,Millman,Z.,andFlannigan,J.,(2013).Urbanlandscapes-everydayenvironmentalencounters,theirmeaningandimportancefortheindividual.UrbanEcosystems,16(4),819-839.doi:10.1007/s11252-013-0327-y[Accessed5March2014].
Conradson,D.andLatham,A.,(2005).Transnationalurbanism:attendingtoeverydaypracticesandmotilities.JournalofEthnicandMigrationStudies,31(2),pp.227-233.doi:10.1080/1369183042000339891[Accessed19February2014].
CouncilofEurope,(2008).Whitepaperoninterculturaldialogue,“livingtogetherasequalsindignity”.LaunchedbytheCouncilofEuropeanMinistersofForeignAffairsatTheir118thMinisterialSession,7May.StrasbourgCedex:CouncilofEurope.Availablefrom:http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/intercultural/source/white%20paper_final_revised_en.pdf
CouncilofEurope,(2013).Theinterculturalcitystepbystep.Strasbourg,France,CouncilofEuropePublishing.Availablefrom:https://rm.coe.int/CoERMPublicCommonSearchServices/DisplayDCTMContent?documentId=090000168048da42
Covell,C.,(1998).Kantandthelawofpeace:astudyinthephilosophyofinternationallawandinternationalrelations.London,St.Martin'sPress
Cresswell,T.,(1996).Inplace/outofplace:geography,ideology,andtransgression.Minneapolis,UniversityofMinnesotaPress.
Creswell,J.W.,(2003).Qualitativeinquiryandresearchdesign:choosingamongfiveapproaches.London,SagePublications.
Darwall,S.,(2012).Pufendorfonmorality,sociability,andmoralpowers.JournaloftheHistoryofPhilosophy,50(2),pp.213-238.doi:10.1353/hph.2012.0024[Accessed18December2015].
312
Das,C.,(2010).ConsideringethicsandpowerrelationsinaqualitativestudyexploringexperiencesofdivorceamongBritish-Indianadultchildren.In:T.Faist(ed).WorkingPapers–CentreonMigration,CitizenshipandDevelopment,76,Bielefeld,COMCAD.Availablefrom:http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/tdrc/ag_comcad/downloads/workingpaper_76_Das.pdf[Accessed20June2017].
Dayaratne,R.,(2008).Vernacularintransition:thetraditionalandthehybridarchitectureofBahrain.Availablefrom:uob.academia.edu[Accessed13December2013].
Dayaratne,R.,(2012).Landscapesofnation:constructingnationalidentityinthedesertsofBahrain.NationalIdentities,14(3),pp.309-327.doi:10.1080/14608944.2012.702744[Accessed20November2013].
Dee,C.,(2001).Formandfabricinlandscapedesign.LondonandNewYork,SponPress
Denzin,N.K.andLincoln,Y.S.,(2000).Handbookofqualitativeresearch,3rdEdition.London,ThousandOaks
Dito,M.,(2007).MigrationpoliciesandchallengesintheKingdomofBahrain.Cairo,CenterforMigrationandRefugeeStudies,theAmericanUniversityinCairo.Availablefrom:http://www.aucegypt.edu/GAPP/cmrs/reports/Documents/Mohammed_Dito.pdf
Dresch,P.,(2005a).Connectionandimagery:transnationalculture-flowsandtheArabGulf,ESRCfullresearchreport.Swindon,ESRC.Availablefrom:www.esrc.ac.uk/my-esrc/.../c859d33c-dc72-4838-8749-d31bfe78ef03
Dresch,P.,(2005b).Connectionandimagery:transnationalculture-flowsandtheArabGulf,ESRCResearchSummary.Swindon,ESRC.Availablefrom:www.esrc.ac.uk/my-esrc/.../1795cc32-5bf8-4fde-a20d-b3c1709428e7
DTNews,(2015).Bahrainparktoimposeentryfee.DTNews[online].19November.Availablefrom:http://www.newsofbahrain.com/viewNews.php?ppId=9117&TYPE=Posts&pid=21&MNU=2&SUB=2[Accessed3February2016].
DTNews,(2017).Userfeesforparks,swimmingpoolsoncards.DTNews[online].1February.Availablefrom:http://www.newsofbahrain.com/viewNews.php?ppId=30033&TYPE=Posts&pid=&MNU=&SUB=3[Accessed19February2017].
Dunnett,N.,Swanwick,C.,andWoolley,H.,(2002).Improvingurbanparks,playareasandgreenspaces.DepartmentforTransport,LocalGovernmentandtheRegions.Availablefrom:http://publiekeruimte.info/Data/Documents/e842aqrm/53/Improving-Urban-Parks.pdf
Elisseeff,V.(2000).Thesilkroads:Highwaysofcultureandcommerce.NewYork,UNESCO
Elsheshtawy,Y.,(2004).Redrawingboundaries:Dubai,anemergingglobalCity.In:Y.Elsheshtawy(Eds.).PlanningMiddleEasterncities:anurbankaleidoscopeinaglobalizingworld.LondonandNewYork,Routledge.pp.167-199.
313
Elsheshtawy,Y.,(2006).Transitortsites:mappingDubai’s“forgotten”urbanpublicspaces.In:N.AlSayyad(Ed.)Hypertraditions,tenthinternationalconference,specialissue,conferenceabstracts.December15-18,2006.Bangkok,Thailand.Berkeley,CenterforEnvironmentalDesignResearchpp.48-49Availablefrom:http://iaste.berkeley.edu/pdfs/18.1-Fall06Proceedings-sml.pdf
Elsheshtawy,Y.,(2008).Thegreatdivide:strugglingandemergingcitiesintheArabworld.In:Y.Elsheshtawy(Ed.)TheevolvingArabcity.Tradition,modernityandurbandevelopment.LondonandNewYork,Routledge.pp.1-26.
Evans,J.andJones,P.,(2011).Thewalkinginterview:methodology,mobilityandplace.AppliedGeography31,pp.849-858.doi:10.1016/j.apgeog.2010.09.005[Accessed23June2014]
Fainstein,S.S.,(2005).Citiesanddiversityshouldwewantit?Canweplanforit?UrbanAffairsReview,41(1),pp.3-19.doi:10.1177/1078087405278968[Accessed10July2016]
Fetterman,D.M.,(1998).Ethnography:StepbyStep,3rdedition.London,SagePublication
Fincher,R.,(2003).Planningforcitiesofdiversity,differenceandEncounter.AustralianPlanner,40(1),pp.55-8.doi:10.1.1.202.60[Accessed12July2016]
Finney,N.andRishbeth,C.,(2006).Engagingwithmarginalizedgroupsinpublicopenspaceresearch:thepotentialofcollaborationandcombinedmethods.PlanningTheoryandPractice,97(3),pp.281-295.doi:10.1080/14649350500497406[Accessed23March2014]
Fowler,N.,(2012).Bahrainmigrationprofile.Cairo,CenterforMigrationandRefugeeStudies,theAmericanUniversityinCairo
Francis,J.,Giles-Corti,B.,Wood,L.andKnuiman,M.,(2012).Creatingsenseofcommunity:theroleofpublicspace.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,32,pp.401-409.doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2012.07.002[Accessed23March2014]
Francis,M.,(2001).Acasestudymethodforlandscapearchitecture,LandscapeJournal,20(1),pp.15–29
Francis,M.,(2011).Mixed-lifespaces.In:T.BanerjeeandA.Loukaitou-Sideris(Eds.)CompaniontoUrbanDesign.London:Routledge,pp.432-445Availablefrom:http://www.petronet.ir/documents/10180/2324291/Companion_to_Urban_Design
Fuccaro,N.,(2005).Mappingthetransnationalcommunity:PersiansandthespaceoftheCityinBahraininC.1869_1937.In:M.Al-Rasheed(Ed.)TransnationalconnectionsandtheArabianGulf.London,Routledge.pp.39-58.Availablefrom:f3.tiera.ru/1/genesis/580-584/.../04957ecf6a63c33a1ad7635cc4f8943b
Gardner,A.andWatts,A.,(2012).Introduction:labormigrationintheGulfStates.In:A.GardnerandA,Watts(Eds.)ConstructingQatar:migrantnarrativesfromthemarginsoftheglobalsystem.KindleDirectPublishing
Gardner,A.,(2006).Theunwelcomeguest:episodesfromayearinBahrain.In:A.GardnerandD.M.Hoffman(Eds.).Dispatchesfromthefield:neophyteethnographersinachangingworld.Illinois,WavelandPress.pp.65-77
314
Gardner,A.,(2008).Strategictransnationalism:theIndiandiasporiceliteincontemporaryBahrain.City&Society,20(1),pp.54–78.doi:10.1111/j.1548-744X.2008.00005.x[Accessed28January2014].
Gardner,A.,(2010a).Cityofstrangers:GulfmigrationandtheIndiancommunityinBahrain.London,CornellUniversityPress
Gardner,A.,(2010b).Engulfed:Indianguestworkers,Bahrainicitizensandthestructuralviolenceofthekafalasystem.In:N.DeGenovaandN.Peutz(Eds.)Thedeportationregime:sovereignty,space,andfreedomofmovement.Durham,NC,DukeUniversityPress.pp.196-223
Gardner,A.,(2011).Gulfmigrationandthefamily.JournalofArabianStudies1(1),pp.3–25.doi:10.1080/21534764.2011.576043[Accessed30June2016].
Gardner,A.,Pesssoa,S.andHarkeness,L.,(2016).MigrantsandJusticeinQatar.In:R.Furman,G.Lamphear,andD.Epps(Eds.),Theimmigrantother:livedexperiencesinatransnationalworld.NewYork,ColumbiaUniversityPress.Chapter18.
Gardner,A.,Pesssoa,S.,Diop,A.,Al-Ghanim,K.,LeTrung,K.andHarkeness,L.,(2013).Aportraitoflow-incomemigrantsincontemporaryQatar.JournalofArabianStudies,3(1),pp.1–17.Availablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2013.806076[Accessed30June2016].
Gehl,J.,(2011).Lifebetweenbuildings:usingpublicspace.Washington,DC,IslandPress.
Gehl,J.andSvarre,B.,(2013).Howtostudypubliclife.London,IslandPress.
Ghosh,S.andWang,L.,(2003).Transnationalismandidentity:ataleoftwofacesandmultiplelives.TheCanadianGeographer,47(3),269-282.doi:10.1111/1541-0064.00022[Accessed19February2014].
Gilroy,P.,(2004).Afterempire:melancholiaorconvivialculture?London,Routledge.
Gilroy,P.,(2006).Multicultureintimesofwar:aninaugurallecturegivenattheLondonSchoolofEconomics.CriticalQuarterly,48(4),pp.27-45.doi:10.1111/j.1467-8705.2006.00731.x[Accessed20December2016].
Grahn,P.andStigsdotter,U.K.,(2010).Therelationbetweenperceivedsensorydimensionsofurbangreenspaceandstressrestoration.LandscapeandUrbanPlanning,94,pp.264-275.doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2009.10.012[Accessed19July2017].
Graziani,S.,(2012).[OnlineImages].Availablefrom:http://www.archaic-mag.com/pearl-trail-office-kgdvs-bureau-bas-smets/[Accessed12April2017]
GulfNews,(2017).ThequarryorchestrawiththeparticipationofBahrainNationalQuarryworkers(inArabic).GulfNews[online].10March.Availablefrom:http://www.akhbar-alkhaleej.com/14231/article/66483.html[Accessed22March2017]
Gustafson,P.,(2001).Meaningsofplace:everydayexperienceandtheoreticalconceptualizations.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,21(1),pp.5-16.doi:10.1006/jevp.2000.0185[Accessed28January2014].
Hailey,C.,(2008).InPreface,ArchitecturesofDurationandPlace,LouisianaState,UniversityPress.
315
Hall,S.M.,(2015).Migranturbanisms:ordinarycitiesandeverydayresistance.Sociology,49(5),pp.853-869.doi:10.1177/003803851558668[Accessed27November2016].
Hamblin,D.J.,(1987).HastheGardenofEdenbeenlocatedatlast.Smithsonian,18(2),pp.127-135.
Hansmann,R.,Hug,S.M.andSeeland,K.,(2007).Restorationandstressreliefthroughphysicalactivities.UrbanForestry&UrbanGreening,6,pp.213–225.doi:10.1016/j.ufug.2007.08.004[Accessed20June2017].
Hashem,N.,(2015).Assessingspatialequalityofurbangreenspacesprovision:acasestudyofGreaterDohainQatar.LocalEnvironment,20(3),pp.386-399.doi:10.1080/13549839.2013.855182[Accessed23July2017].
Herrmann,J.,(2010).Toleranceanddiversity.In:UNESCO(Ed.)Worldheritageandculturaldiversity.UNESCO.pp.129-135.Availablefrom:https://www.unesco.de/fileadmin/medien/Dokumente/Bibliothek/world_heritage_and_cultural_diversity.pdf
Hills,R.C.,andAtkins,P.WB,(2013).CulturalidentityandconvergenceonwesternattitudesandbeliefsintheUnitedArabEmirates.InternationalJournalofCrossCulturalManagement13(2),pp.193–213.doi:10.1177/1470595813485380[Accessed30January2015]
Hollway,W.andJefferson,T.,(2000).Doingqualitativeresearchdifferently:freeassociation,narrativeandtheinterviewmethod,2ndEdition.London,SagePublications.
Holton,M.andRiley,M.,(2014).Talkingonthemove:place-basedinterviewingwithundergraduatestudents.Area(46)1,pp.59–65.doi:10.1111/area.12070[Accessed21June2014]
Hou,J.,(2013).Yourplaceand/ormyplace.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.NewYork,Routledge.pp.1-16
Hutnyk,J.(2005).Hybridity.EthnicandRacialStudies,28(1),pp.79-102.doi:10.1080/0141987042000280021[Accessed30May2017].
InformationeGovermentAuthority(2017).BahraininFigures2016.CenteralInformaticsOrganization.Availablefrom:www.data.gov.bh
Ingold,T.(2012).Introduction.In:M.JanowskiandT.Ingold(Eds.)Imagininglandscape:past,presentandfuture.Farnham,AshgatePublishingCompany.pp.1-18.
Ingold,T.,(2000).Theperceptionoftheenvironment:essaysonlivelihood,dwellingandskill.London,Routledge.
Irazábal,c.,(2011).Ethnoscapes.In:T.BanerjeeandA.Loukaitou-Sideris(Eds.)CompaniontoUrbanDesign.London:Routledge,pp.552-573.Availablefrom:http://www.petronet.ir/documents/10180/2324291/Companion_to_Urban_Design
Jacobs,J.,(1961).ThedeathandlifeofgreatAmericancities.NewYork,Vintage.
316
Jarach,K.andSpeece,M.,(2013).ArabGulfcities:competingidentitiesofcosmopolitanismvs.localism.In:N.Çatak,E.DuyanandS.Seçer(Eds.)RethinkingtheUrban.CUI’13,contemporaryurbanissues,conferenceproceeding,November4-6,2013.IstanbulUniversity.Istanbul,DAKAMPublishing.pp.121-129.Availablefrom:https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2529372
Jones,p.,Bunce,G.,Evans,J.,Gibbs,N.andHein,J.R.,(2008).Exloringspaceandplacewithwalkinginterview.Jornalofresearchandpractice4(2).ArticleD2.Availablefrom:http://jrp.icaap.org/index.php/jrp/article/view/150/161[Accessed24June2014]
Kaplan,S.,(1979).Perceptionandlandscape:conceptionsandmisconceptions.NationalLandscapeConference:USDAForestServiceGeneralTechnicalReportPSW35.Availablefrom:www.fs.fed.us/psw/publications/.../psw.../psw_gtr035_05_s-kaplan.pdf
Kaplan,S.,(1995).TherestorativeBenefitsofnature:towardsanintegerativeframework.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,15,pp.169-182.
Karolak,M.,(2009).PreservingArabcultureintheKingdomofBahrain.Availablefrom:http://nyitbahraincampus.academia.edu/MKarolak/Papers/531811/PreservingArab_Culture_in_the_Kingdom_of_Bahrain[Accessed1July2016]
Kent,E.,(2007).Wherethesidewalkends:Dubai.StreetsBlogNYC[online].Jan5,2007.Availablefromhttp://nyc.streetsblog.org/2007/01/05/where-the-sidewalk-ends-dubai/comment-page-1/[Accessed17March2017].
Khovanova-Rubicondo,K.andPinelli,D.,(2012).Evidenceoftheeconomicandsocialadvantagesofinterculturalcitiesapproach.CouncilofEurope.Availablefrom:https://rm.coe.int/CoERMPublicCommonSearchServices/DisplayDCTMContent?documentId=0900001680492f80
Kim,A.M.,(2015).Sidewalkcity:remappingpublicspaceinHoChiMinhCity,Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.
Kloek,M.E.,Buijs,A.E.,Boersema,J.andSchouten,M.,(2013).Crossingborders:reviewofconceptsandapproachesinresearchongreenspace,immigrationandsocietyinNorthwestEuropeanCountries.LandscapeResearch,38(1),pp.117-140.doi:10.1080/01426397.2012.690861.[Accessed20June2017].
Kloek,M.E.,Buijs,A.E.,Boersema,J.andSchouten,M.,(2015).Naturelovers’,‘socialanimals’,‘quietseekers’and‘activitylovers’:Participationofyoungadultimmigrantsandnon-immigrantsinoutdoorrecreationintheNetherlands.JournalofOutdoorRecreationandTourism,12,pp.47–58.Availablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jort.2015.11.006[Accessed20June2017].
Koch,R.andLatham,A.,(2011).Rethinkingurbanpublicspace:accountsfromajunctioninWestLondon.TransactionsoftheInstituteofBritishGeographers,37(4),pp.515-529.doi:10.1111/j.1475-5661.2011.00489.x[Accessed25December2016]
Korpela,K.M.,Hartig,T.,Kaiser,F.andFuhrer,U.,(2001).Restorativeexperienceandself-regulationinfavouriteplaces.EnvironmentandBehavior,33(4),pp.572–589
Kusenbach,M.,(2003).Streetphenomenology:thego-alongasethnographicresearchtool.Ethnography,4(3),pp.455–485.doi:10.1177/146613810343007[Accessed31October2013].
317
Lampe,D.,(2004).TowardaVisionoftheLivableCommunity.Denver,AllianceforRegionalStewardship.Availablefrom:https://datatoolkits.lincolninst.edu/subcenters/regional-collaboration/pubs/ARS_Monograph_8.pdf
Latham,A.,andMcCormack,D.P.,(2004).Movingcities:rethinkingthematerialitiesofurbangeographies.ProgressinHumanGeography,28(6),pp.701-724.doi:10.1191/0309132504ph515oa[Accessed20June2017].
Lawrence-Zuniga,D.,(2011).Influencesofanthropologyonurbandesign.In:T.BanerjeeandA.Loukaitou-Sideris(Eds.)CompaniontoUrbanDesign.London:Routledge,pp.552-573.Availablefrom:http://www.petronet.ir/documents/10180/2324291/Companion_to_Urban_Design
Lawton,P.,(2013).Understandingurbanpractitioners'perspectivesonsocial-mixpoliciesinAmsterdam:theImportanceofdesignandsocialspace,JournalofUrbanDesign,18(1),pp.98-118.doi:10.1080/13574809.2012.739546[Accessed23February2016].
Legeby,A.,(2013).Patternsofco-presence:spatialconfigurationandsocialsegregation.PhdThesis,SchoolofArchitectureandtheBuiltEnvironmentRoyalInstituteofTechnology(KTH)
Leitner,H.,(2012).Spacesofencounters:immigration,race,class,andthepoliticsofbelonginginsmall-townAmerica.AnnalsoftheAssociationofAmericanGeographers,102(4),pp.828-846.doi:10.1080/00045608.2011.601204[Accessed10August2016]
Lewicka,M.,(2011).Placeattachment:howfarhavewecomeinthelast40years?JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,31(3),pp.207-230.doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2010.10.001[Accessed1February2014].
Lieberman,S.G.,(1996).Drugdealingandstreetgangs-thenewnuisances:modernizingoldtheoriesandbringingneighbourstogetherinthewaragainstcrime.Wash.U.J.Urb.&Contemp.L.50(235),pp.259-64.Availablefrom:http://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_urbanlaw/vol50/iss1/9[Accessed13February2015].
Lofland,L.H.,1989.Sociallifeinthepublicrealm:areview.JournalofContemporaryEthnography,17(4),pp.453-482.
Loukaitou-Sideris,A.,(1995).Urbanformandsocialcontext:culturaldifferentiationintheUsesofurbanparks.JournalofPlanningEducationandResearch,14(2),pp89–102.doi:10.1177/0739456X9501400202[Accessed5November2013].
Low,S.andIveson,K.,(2016).Propositionsformorejusturbanpublicspaces,City,20(1),10-31.doi:10.1080/13604813.2015.1128679[Accessed21August2016].
Low,S.,Taplin,D.,andScheld,S.,(2005).Rethinkingurbanparks:publicspace&culturaldiversity.Austin.UniversityofTexasPress.
Lownsbrough,H.,andBeunderman,J.,(2007).Equallyspaced:publicspaceandinteractionbetweendiversecommunities,areportforthecommissionforracialequality.London,DEMOS.Availablefrom:www.demos.co.uk/files/Equally%20Spaced.pdf
318
Lung-Amam,W.,(2011).Fromneighborhoodtotransnationalsuburbanschools.In:J.HouandJ.L.Roberts(Eds.)Transculturalcities:symposiumproceedings.DepartmentofLandscapeArchitecture,UniversityofWashington,February1-13,2011,USA.USA:UniversityofWashington.pp.139-149.Availablefrom:http://faculty.washington.edu/jhou/transcultural/[Accessed7February2016].
Lung-Amam,W.,(2013).“Dumbwhitekids”and“Asiannerds”:raceandethnicrelationsinSiliconValleysuburbanschools.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.pp.177-190.
Lynch,K.,(1960).ImageoftheCity.Cambridge,MITPress
MadanipourA.,(2011).Livingtogetherorapart:exclusion,gentrificationanddisplacement.In:T.BanerjeeandA.Loukaitou-Sideris(Eds.)CompaniontoUrbanDesign.London:Routledge,pp.484-494.Availablefrom:http://www.petronet.ir/documents/10180/2324291/Companion_to_Urban_Design
Madanipour,A.,(2014).UrbanDesign,SpaceandSociety.London,PalgraveMacmillan
Mai,T.andSchmit,k.,(2013).Creatingpoliticalandsocialspacesfortransculturalcommunityintegration.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.pp.208-221
Manzo,L.C.,(2003).Beyondhouseandhaven:towardarevisioningofemotionalrelationshipswithplaces.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,23(1),pp.47-61.Availablefrom:www.elsevier.com/locate/jep[Accessed27January2014].
Manzo,L.C.,(2013).Wearethefruitbowl:placeculturalidentity,andsocialtiesamongimmigrantresidentsinpublichousing.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.NewYork,Routledge.pp.135-148
Manzo,L.C.,(2005).Forbetterorworse:exploringmultipledimensionsofplacemeaning.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,25,pp.67–86.doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2005.01.002[Accessed27January2014].
Mason,J.,(2002).Qualitativeresearching,2ndEdition.London,Sage.
Massey,D.,(2005).Forspace.London,Sage.
Matsuoka,R.H.andKaplan,R.,(2008).Reviewpeopleneedsintheurbanlandscape:analysisoflandscapeandurbanplanningcontributions.LandscapeandUrbanPlanning.84,pp.7–19doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2007.09.009[Accessed18October2013].
Mau,S.,MewesJ.andZimmermannA.,(2008).Cosmopolitanattitudesthroughtransnationalsocialpractices?GlobalNetworks,8(1),pp.1-24.doi:10.1111/j.1471-0374.2008.00183.x[Accessed18February2014].
McEwen,M.,(2012).UrbandesignservesastoolofrepressioninBahrain.TheHuffingtonPost[online].Availablefrom:http://http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mitch-mcewen/urban-design-serves-as-tool_b_1599789.html[Accessed19February2017].
Mean,M.andTims,C.,(2005).Peoplemakeplaces:growingthepubliclifeofcities.London,Demos.Availablefromhttps://www.demos.co.uk/files/Demos_PMP_Final_02.pdf
319
Michael,W.,(1983).Missingthepoint:samplingmethodsandtypesoferrorinthirdworldsurveysinidentifyingpovertyissues.In:M.BulmerandD.War(Eds.)Socialresearchindevelopingcountries;surveyandcensusesinthethirdworld.Chichester,JohnWiley
Miles,M.B.andHuberman,A.M.,(1994).Qualitativedataanalysis:anexpandedsourcebook.London,SagePublications.
MinistryofCulture,(2012).BABcompetition.Bahrain,Domus
MinistryofMunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning,(2012).Nationalplanningdevelopmentstrategyimplementation,finalreport,Task4.1D,socialandphysicalinfrastructurerequirementsreport.Manama,Atkins[Unpublishedreport].February2012.At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadani]
MitchellD.,(1995).Theendofpublicspace?people’spark,definitionsofthepublicanddemocracy.AnnalsofAssociationofAmericanGeographers,85,pp.108–133.Availablefrom:http://www.jstor.org/stable/2564281[Accessed8December2013]
Moore,R.andCosco,N.,(2007).Whatmakesaparkinclusiveanduniversallydesigned?amulti-methodapproach.In:C.WardThompsonandP.Travlou(Eds.)Openspace:peoplespace,London,Taylor&Francis.
MWMAUP,(2014a).Basemap[DigitalImage].At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadanifromMinistryofWorks,MunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning]
MWMAUP,(2014b).Siteplans[DigitalImage].At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadanifromMinistryofWorks,MunicipalityAffairsandUrbanPlanning]
MWMAUP,(2014c).[DigitalImage].At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadani]
MWMAUP,(2015).PlanningstandardsforparksandgardensinBahrain[DigitalDocument].At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadani]
Nagy,S.,(2006).Makingroomformigrants,makingsenseofdifference:spatialandideologicalexpressionsofsocialdiversityinurbanQatar.UrbanStudies,43(1),pp.119–137.doi:10.1080=00420980500409300[Accessed20June2017].
Nassauer,J.,(1995).CultureandChangingLandscapeStructure.Landscapeecology,10(4),pp.229-237.
Nasser,N., (2004). Frommulticulturalurbanities to thepostmoderncosmopolis: apraxis forurban democracy. Built Environment. 30 (1): pp. 4-16. Available from:http://www.jstor.org/stable/23289522[Accessed10June2016]
Neal,S.(2015).Researchingtheeveryday:anInterviewwithAmandaWise.Sociology,49(5),pp.988-1000.doi:10.1177/0038038515598110[Accessed15November2016].
Neal,S.andVincent,C.,(2013).Multiculture,middleclasscompetenciesandfriendshippracticesinsuper-diversegeographies.Social&CulturalGeography,14(8),pp.909-929.10.1080/14649365.2013.837191[Accessed15November2016]
320
Neal,S.,Bennett,K.,Cochrane,A.andMohan,G.,(2013).Livingmulticulture:understandingthenewspatialandsocialrelationsofethnicityandmulticultureinEngland.EnvironmentandPlanningC:GovernmentandPolicy,31(2),pp.308-323.doi:10.1068/c11263r[Accessed15November2016]
Neal,S.,Bennett,K.,Jones,H.,Cochrane,A.andMohan,G.,(2015).Multicultureandpublicparks:researchingsuper-diversityandattachmentinpublicgreenspace.Population,SpaceandPlace,21(5),pp.463-475.doi:10.1002/psp.1910[Accessed15November2016]
Neal,S.,Vincent,C.andIqbal,H.,(2016).Extendedencountersinprimaryschoolworlds:sharedsocialresource,connectivespacesandsustainedconvivialityinsociallyandethnicallycomplexurbangeographies.JournalofInterculturalStudies,37(5),pp.464-480.doi:10.1080/07256868.2016.1211626[Accessed15November2016]
Noble,G.,(2013).Cosmopolitanhabits:thecapacitiesandhabitatsofinterculturalconviviality.Body&society,19(2-3),pp.162-185.doi:10.1177/1357034X12474477[Accessed8April2016]
Noussia,A.andM.Lyons(2009),Inhabitingspacesofliminality:migrantsinOmonia,Athens,JournalofEthnicandMigrationStudies,35,pp.601–624.doi:10.1080/1369183090276518623October2015
O’Reilly,K.,(2012).Ethnographicmethods.London,Routledge.
Olimat,M.,(2013).ChinaandtheMiddleEast:fromsilkroadtoArabspring.LondonRoutledge.
Oliveira,E.,(2012).Immigrantsandpublicopenspaces:attitudes,preferencesanduses.PhDThesis,UniversityofEdinburgh,
Onley,J.,(2005).Transnationalmerchantsinthenineteenth-centuryGulf:thecaseoftheSafarfamily.In:M.Al-Rasheed(Ed.)TransnationalConnectionsandtheArabianGulf.London,Routledge.pp.59-90Availablefrom:f3.tiera.ru/1/genesis/580-584/.../04957ecf6a63c33a1ad7635cc4f8943b
Onley,J.,(2014).IndiancommunitiesinthePersianGulf,c.1500–1947.In:LawrenceG.Potter(Eds.)ThePersianGulfinmoderntimes:people,ports,andhistory.NewYork,PalgraveMacmillan.pp.231-266
Ottosson,J.andGrahn,P.,(2005).Acomparisonofleisuretimespentinagardenwithleisuretimespentindoors:onmeasuresofrestorationinresidentsgeriatriccare,LandscapeResearch,30(1),pp.23-55.doi:10.1080/0142639042000324758[Accessed20June2017].
Ozgüner,H.,(2011).Culturaldifferencesinattitudestowardsurbanparksandgreenspaces.LandscapeResearch,36(5),pp.599–620.Availablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01426397.2011.560474[Accessed29September2013].
Palgrave,W.G.,(1883).Personalnarrativeofayear'sjourneythroughcentralandeasternArabia(1862-63).London,MacmillanandCompany.
Pattisson,P.,(2016).Qatar's'familiesonly'zonesentrenchsegregationofmigrantworkers.TheGuardian[online],13April.Availablefrom:https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/apr/13/qatar-families-only-zones-entrench-segregation-of-migrant-workers[Accessed14April2016]
Patton,M.,(1990).Qualitativeevaluationandresearchmethods.London,Sage.
321
Pessoa,S.,Harkness,L.andGardner.A.M.,(2014).Ethiopianlabormigrantsandthe“FreeVisa”systeminQatar.HumanOrganization,73(3),pp.205-213.Availablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.73.3.l1r140q0l35051t3[Accessed28August2014]
Peters,K.anddeHaan,H.,(2011).Everydayspacesofinter-ethnicinteraction:themeaningofurbanpublicspacesintheNetherlands.Leisure/Loisir,35(2),pp.169–190.doi:10.1080/14927713.2011.567065[Accessed20June2017].
Peters,K.,(2010).Beingtogetherinurbanparks:connectingpublicspace.leisure,anddiversity.LeisureSciences,32(5),pp.418–433.Availablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01490400.2010.510987[Accessed29September2013].
Peters,K.,Elands,B.andBuijs,A.,(2010).Socialinteractionsinurbanparks:stimulatingsocialcohesion?UrbanForestry&UrbanGreening,9(2),pp.93–100.doi:10.1016/j.ufug.2009.11.003[Accessed8February2014].
Phillips,D.,Athwal,B.,RobinsonD.andHarrison,M.,(2014).Towardsinterculturalengagement:buildingsharedvisionsofneighbourhoodandcommunityinaneraofnewmigration.JournalofEthnicandMigrationStudies,40(1),pp.42-59.doi:10.1080/1369183X.2013.782146[Accessed7February2015].
Pink,S.,(2008).Anurbantour,thesensorysocialityofethnographicplace-making.Ethnography,9(2),pp.175–196.doi:10.1177/1466138108089467[Accessed19June2014]
Playingout(2016).PlayingoutinBristol2015-1016.Bristol:BristolCityCouncil.Availablefrom:http://playingout.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Bristol-final-report-2015-16_reduced.pdf
Powell,M.andRishbeth,C.,(2012).Flexibilityinplaceandmeaningsofplacebyfirstgenerationmigrants.Tijdschriftvooreconomischeensocialegeografie,103(1),pp.69-84.doi:10.1111/j.1467-9663.2011.00675.x[Accessed28October2013].
Pratt,M.L.,(1992).Imperialeyes:travelwritingandtransculturation.London,Routledge
ProjectforPublicSpaces,(2009).Whatmakesasuccessfulplace?ProjectsforPublicSpaces[online].30December.Availablefrom:https://www.pps.org/reference/reference-categories/placemaking-tools/[Accessed26Feb2016]
ProjectforPublicSpaces,(2014).UnitedArabEmirates:utilizingwaterfrontsasinclusivepublicspacesUnitedArabEmirates(2007-2008).ProjectforPublicSpaces[online].25March.Availablefrom:https://www.pps.org/projects/united-arab-emirates-utilizing-waterfronts-as-inclusive-public-spaces/
Putnam,R.,(2000).Bowlingalone:thecollapseandrevivalofAmericancommunity.NewYork,SimonandSchuster.
Raman,S.,(2010).Designingaliveablecompactcity:physicalformsofcityandsocialLifeinurbanneighbourhoods.BuiltEnvironment,36(1),pp.63-80Availablefrom:http://www.jstor.org/stable/23289984[Accessed12April2018].
RegionalPublicHealth,(2010).Healthyopenspaces:asummaryoftheimpactofopenspacesonhealthandwellbeing.RegionalPublicHealthInformationPaperMarch2010,LowerHutt.Availableonline:http://www.rph.org.nz/content/d893f45e-9d35-4906-bde7-c4912036c97e.cmr
322
Rinelli,L.,(2013).Peripheralizationandotherromanstories.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.pp.299-312
Rios,M.,(2009).Publicspacepraxis:culturalcapacityandpoliticalefficacyinlatina/oplacemaking.BerkeleyPlanningJournal,22(1),pp.21-112.Availablefrom:http://escholarship.org/uc/item/68w6n7n1
Rishbeth,C.andFinney,N.,(2006)Noveltyandnostalgiainurbangreenspace–refugeeperspectives.TijdschriftvoorEconomischeenSocialeGeografie,7(1),pp.27-46.doi:10.1111/j.1467-9663.2006.00520.x[Accessed28October2013].
Rishbeth,C.andPowell,M.,(2013)Placeattachmentandmemory:landscapesofbelongingasexperiencedpost-migration.LandscapeResearch,38(2),pp.160-178.doi:10.1080/01426397.2011.642344[Accessed28October2013].
Rishbeth,C.,(2001).Ethnicminoritygroupsandthedesignofpublicopenspace:aninclusivelandscape?LandscapeResearch,26(4),pp.351–366.doi:10.1080/01426390120090148[Accessed27October2013].
Rishbeth,C.,(2004).Ethno-culturalrepresentationintheurbanlandscape.JournalofUrbanDesign,9(3),311-333.doi:10.1080/1357480042000283878[Accessed27October2013].
Rishbeth,C.,(2013).Everydayplacesthatconnectdisparatehomelands:rememberingthroughthecity.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.pp.118-132.
Rishbeth,C.,(2014).Articulatingtransnationalattachmentthroughon-sitenarratives.In:L.C.ManzoandP.Devine-Wright(Eds.)Placeattachment:advancesintheory,methodsandapplications.NewYork,Routledge.pp.100-111.
Rishbeth,C.,Ganji,F.andVodicka,G.,(2017).Ethnographicunderstandingsofethnicallydiverseneighbourhoodstoinformurbandesignpractice,LocalEnvironment.doi:10.1080/13549839.2017.1385000[Accessed28January2018].
Rizzo,A.,(2014).RapidurbandevelopmentandnationalmasterplanninginArabGulfcountries.Qatarasacasestudy,Cities,39,pp.50–57.doi:10.1016/j.cities.2014.02.005[Accessed23July2017].
Robinson,W.I.,(2009).SaskiaSassenandthesociologyofglobalization:acriticalappraisal.SociologicalAnalysis,3(1),pp.5-29.Availablefrom:www.soc.ucsb.edu/faculty/robinson/Assets/pdf/Saskia%20Sassen.pdf[Accessed20February2014].
Robson,C.,(2002).Realworldresearch,2ndEdition.Malden,BlackwellPublishing.
Ronneberger,K.,(2008).HenriLefebvreandurbaneverydaylife:inSearchofthepossible.In:K.Goonewardena,S.Kipfer,R.MilgromandC.Schmid(Eds).Space,Difference,EverydayLife:ReadingHenriLefebvre.London:Routledge,pp.552-573.
Rose,G.,Degen,M.andBasdas,B.,(2010).Moreon‘bigthings’:buildingeventsandfeelings.TransactionsoftheInstituteofBritishGeographers,35(3),pp.334–349.doi:10.1111/j.1475-5661.2010.00388.x[Accessed29March2014].
323
Rossman,R.B.,andRalllis,S.F.,(1998).Learninginthefield:anintroductiontoqualitativeresearch.ThousandOaks,CA,Sage.
Saitta,D.,(2014).ManifestoforanInterculturalUrbanism.Planetizen[online].17July.Availablefrom:https://www.planetizen.com/node/70311[Accessed8June2014].
Sandercock,L.,(2000).Whenstrangersbecomeneighbours:managingcitiesofdifference.PlanningTheory&Practice,1(1),pp.13-30.doi:10.1080/14649350050135176[Accessed4September2016].
Sandercock,L.,(2003a).CosmopolisII:Mongrelcitiesofthe21stcentury.London,Bloomsbury
Sandercock,L.,(2003b).Outofthecloset:theImportanceofstoriesandstorytellinginplanningpractice.PlanningTheory&Practice,4(1),11-28.doi:10.1080/1464935032000057209[Accessed21July2016].
Sands,R.G.,Bourjolly,J.,andRoer-Strier,D.,(2001).Crossingculturalbarriersinresearchinterviewing.QualitativeSocialWork,6(3),pp.353-372.doi:10.1177/1473325007080406[Accessed20June2017].
Sassen,S.,(2005).Theglobalcity:Introducingaconcept.Thebrownjournalofworldaffairs,XI(2),pp.27-43.Availablefrom:www.saskiasassen.com/pdfs/publications/the-global-city-brown.pdf [Accessed18February2014].
Sassen,S.,(2011).Citiesinaworldeconomy.London,SagePublications.
Scannell,L.,andGifford,R.(2010)Definingplaceattachment:atripartiteorganizingframework.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,30(1),pp.1-10.doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2009.09.006[Accessed01Februray2014].
Schroeder,H.W.,(1991).Preferenceandmeaningofarboretumlandscape:combiningqualitativeandquantitiesdata.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology11,231-248.doi:10.1016/S0272-4944(05)80185-9[Accessed14February2014].
Schulz,RenateA.,(2008).Language,cultureandtransculturalGermanstudies:wheredotheymeet?In:S,D.Martinson,andR.A.Schulz(Eds.)TransculturalGermanstudies:buildingbridges.Bern,PeterLang
Schwanen,T.andWang,D.,(2014)Well-being,contextandeverydayactivitiesinspaceandtime.AnnalsoftheAssociationofAmericanGeographers,104(4),pp.833-851.doi:10.1080/00045608.2014.912549[Accessed15August2017]
Scopelliti,M.andGiuliani,M.V.,(2004).Choosingrestorativeenvironmentsacrossthelifespan:amatterofplaceexperience,JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,24,pp.423-437.doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2004.11.002[Accessed20June2017].
Sen,A.,(2011).DevonAvenue.In:J.HouandJ.L.Roberts(Eds.)TransculturalCities:SymposiumProceedings.DepartmentofLandscapeArchitecture,UniversityofWashington,February1-13,2011,USA.USA:UniversityofWashington.pp.34-48Availablefrom:http://faculty.washington.edu/jhou/transcultural/
Sen,A.,(2013).Transculturalplace-making:intertwinedspacesofsacredandsecularonDevon.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.
324
Sennett,R.,(2006).Theopencity.RichardSennett[online].Availablefrom:http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/UploadedResources/The%20Open%20City.pdf[Accessed17May2015].
Sennett,R.,(2013).Together:therituals.pleasuresandpoliticsofcooperation.London,Penguin
Shaftoe,H.,(2008).Convivialurbanspaces:creatingeffectivepublicspaces.London,Earthscan
Sheringham,C.andDaruwalla,P.,(2007).Transgressinghospitality:polaritiesanddisorderedrelationships?In:C.Lashley,P.LynchandA.Morrison(Eds.)Hospitality:asociallens.Oxford,Elsevier.Pp.33-46.
SilkCities(2017).2ndSilkCitiesInternationalConference:ReconnectpopulationtourbanheritageintheMiddleEast&CentralAsia.July11-13,2017.London,UniversityCollegeofLondon.
Silva,P.,(2016).Tacticalurbanism:towardsanevolutionarycities’approach?EnvironmentandPlanningB:PlanningandDesign,43(6),pp.1040-1051.doi:10.1177/0265813516657340[Accessed13April2017]
Siu,K.W.M.,(2013).Receptionofpublicspaceinatransculturalcity:creativeactandartbynewlyarrivedpersonsfromtheChineseMainlandandlocalresidentsofHongKong.In:J.Hou(Ed.)Transculturalcities:border-crossingandplacemaking.London,Routledge.
Skidmore,OwingsandMerrill(2007).Bahrainnationalplanningdevelopmentstrategy2030.Manama[Unpublishedreport].19January.At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadani]
Smith,M.P.,(2005).Transnationalurbanismrevisited.JournalofEthnicandMigrationStudies,31(2),pp.235-244.Availablefrom:www.docunator.com/bigdata/1/.../tranationalism_revisited.pdf[Accessed18February2014].
Sofoulis,Z.,Armstrong,H.,Bounds,M.,MellickLopes,A.,andAndrews,T.,(2008).Out&aboutinPenrith:universaldesignandculturalcontext:accessibility,diversityandrecreationalspaceinPenrith:finalreport.Penrith,N.S.W,UniversityofWesternSydney.Availablefrom:http://www.uws.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0008/46367/Out__and__About_Final_Report_with_Appendices.pdf
Soja,E.(1980).Thesocialspatialdialectic.AnnalsoftheAssociationsofAmericanGeographers,70(2),pp.207-225.Availablefrom:http://www.jstor.org/stable/2562950[Accessed18May2018].
Southworth,M.andRuggeri,D.,(2011).Beyondplacelessness,placeidentityandtheglobalcity.SouthworthRuggeri,In:T.Banerjee,andA.Loukaitou-Sideris(Eds.)CompaniontoUrbanDesign.London/NewYork:Routledge.pp.495-509Availablefrom:http://www.petronet.ir/documents/10180/2324291/Companion_to_Urban_Design
Spartz,J.T.andShawa,B.R.,(2011).Placemeaningssurroundinganurbannaturalarea:aqualitativeinquiry.JournalofEnvironmentalPsychology,31,pp.344-352.doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2011.04.002[Accessed13February2015].
Steiner,c.,(2010).Fromheritagetohyper-reality?TourismdestinationdevelopmentintheMiddleEastbetweenPetraandthePalm.JournalofTourismandCulturalChange,8(4),pp.240-253.doi:10.1080/14766825.2010.521245[Accessed23July2017].
325
SupremeCouncilforEnvironment,(2014).Siteplans[DigitalImage].At:[PersonalcollectionofW.AlMadani]
SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau(2011).Bahraininternationalmap[onlineimage].Availablefrom:http://www.slrb.gov.bh/News/details.aspx?slrb=3R+LaFXbV3O9lpW3/hv1AXpb4W3xlk0U[Accessed1March2014].
SurveyandLandRegistrationBureau(2015).Bahraingovernorates[onlineimage].Availablefrom:http://www.slrb.gov.bh/Maps/Provinces.aspx[Accessed12January2016].
Taylor,CandGibbs,GR(2010).Whatisqualitativedataanalysis(QDA)?QDAWebSite[online].Availablefrom:onlineqda.hud.ac.uk/Intro_QDA/what_is_qda.php[Accessed15March2017]
Teye,J.K.,(2012).Benefits,challenges,anddynamismofpositionalitiesassociatedwithmixedmethodsresearchindevelopingcountries:evidencefromGhana.JournalofMixedMethodsResearch,6(4),pp.379–391.doi:10.1177/1558689812453332[Accessed20June2017].
TheYoungFoundation(2012).Anodisasgoodasawink.London,YoungFoundation.Availablefrom:http://youngfoundation.org/publications/a-nod-is-as-good-as-a-wink/[Accessed4December2016]
ThwaitesK.,Mathers,A.andSimkins,I.(2014).Transitionaledges:towardsabalanceofform,placeandunderstandinginurbandesign.23rdIAPSTransitionstoSustainableSocieties.Timisoara,Romania,23June2014-27June2014.Availablefrom:https://iaps.architexturez.net/doc/oai-iaps-id-iaps-23-2014-116
Thwaites,K.,(2001).Experientiallandscapeplace:anexplorationofspaceandexperienceinneighbourhoodlandscapearchitecture.LandscapeResearch,26(3),pp.245-255.doi:10.1080/01426390120068927[Accessed15August2017]
Thwaites,K.,Helleur,E.andSimkins,I.M.,(2005)Restorativeurbanopenspace:exploringthespatialconfigurationofhumanemotionalfulfilmentinurbanopenspace.LandscapeResearch,30(4).pp.525-547.Availablefrom:https://doi.org/10.1080/01426390500273346[Accessed15August2017]
Thwaites,K.,SimkinsI.andMathers,A.,(2011).Towardssociallyrestorativeurbanism:exploringsocialandspatialimplicationsforurbanrestorativeexperience.LandscapeReview,13(2),pp.26-39.
TimeoutBahrain,(2011).BestwalksinBahrain.TimeoutBahrain[online].30January.Availablefrom:http://old.timeoutbahrain.com/gallery/20620-best-walks-in-bahrain[Accessed23June2015].
Tonnelat,S.,(2010).Thesociologyofurbanpublicspaces.In:W.Hongyang,S.MichelandZ.Guofang(Eds.)Territorialevolutionandplanningsolution:experiencesfromChinaandFrance.Paris,AtlantisPress.Availablefrom:www.academia.edu/313641/The_Sociology_of_Urban_Public_Spaces
TradeArabiaNews(2015).PlantobanmenfromRiffaparkinBahrain.TradeArabia[online].5May.Availablefrom:http://www.tradearabia.com/news/MISC_281257.html[Accessed3February2016]
326
Travlou,P.,(2006).Wildadventurespace:preparedforthecountrysideagency,EnglishnatureandruralDevelopmentservice.Edinburgh,EdinburghCollegeofArtandHeriot-WattUniversity.Availablefrom:www.openspace.eca.ac.uk/pdf/WASYP6_Stakeholders110906.pdf
Turner,M.,(2010).Theperceptionofurbanspaceaslandscape:fromsitetospaceandscape.In:UNESCO(Ed.)Worldheritageandculturaldiversity.UNESCO.pp.2003-2012.Availablefrom:https://www.unesco.de/fileadmin/medien/Dokumente/Bibliothek/world_heritage_and_cultural_diversity.pdf
UNESCO(2002).Universaldeclarationonculturaldiversity:avisionaconceptualplatformapoolofideasforimplementationanewparadigm.AdocumentfortheWorldSummitonSustainableDevelopment,Johannesburg,26August–4September2002.Culturaldiversityseries1.Availablefrom:http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001271/127162e.pdf
UNESCO(2009).Investinginculturaldiversityandinterculturaldialogue.Paris,Unesco.Availablefrom:http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001847/184755e.pdf.
UNESCO(2010.)Worldheritageandculturaldiversity.Germany,UNESCO.Availablefrom:https://www.unesco.de/fileadmin/medien/Dokumente/Bibliothek/world_heritage_and_cultural_diversity.pdf
UnitedNations,(2016).Internationalmigrationreport2015.NewYork:UnitedNations.Availablefrom:http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publications/migrationreport/docs/MigrationReport2015_Highlights.pdf.
UrbanTaskForce(1999).Towardsanurbanrenaissance,theRichardRogersreport.London,TheStationeryOffice.
Uzzell,D.,Pol,E.andBadenas,D.,(2002).PlaceIdentification,SocialCohesion,andEnviornmentalSustainability.EnvironmentandBehavior,34(1),pp.26-53.doi:10.1177/0013916502034001003[Accessed19November2014].
Valentine,G.andSadgrove,J.,(2012).Liveddifference:anarrativeaccountofspatiotemporalprocessesofsocialdifferentiation.EnvironmentandPlanningA,44(9),pp.2049-2063.doi:10.1068/a44491[Accessed22July2016].
Valentine,G.,(2008).Livingwithdifference:reflectionsongeographiesofencounter.ProgressinHumanGeography,32(3),pp.323–337.doi:10.1177/0309133308089372[Accessed29October2016].
Valentine,G.,andHarris,C.,(2014).Striversvsskivers:classprejudiceandthedemonisationofdependencyineverydaylife.Geoforum,53,pp.84-92.Availablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2014.02.007[Accessed17April2014].
Vertovec,S.,(1997).Threemeaningsof"diaspora,"exemplifiedamongSouthAsianreligions.Diaspora,6(3),pp.277-299.Availablefrom:https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/e0e0/0eb9dc0cc522e8a35bfb649c5ab529144ab6.pdf[Accessed22July2016].
Vertovec,S.,(2007a).NewcomplexitiesofcohesioninBritain:Super-diversity,transnationalismandcivil-integration.London:CommissiononIntegrationandCohesion.Availablefrom:https://www.compas.ox.ac.uk/media/ER-2007-Complexities_Cohesion_Britain_CIC.pdf
327
Vertovec,S.,(2007b).Super-diversityanditsimplications.EthnicandRacialStudies,30(6),pp.1024-1054.doi:10.1080/01419870701599465[Accessed5March2014].
Viña,S.andMattelmäki,T.,(2010).Spicinguppublicjourneys-Storytellingasadesignstrategy.In:ServDes,secondNordicconferenceonservicedesignandserviceinnovation.December2010.Linkoping;LinköpingUniversityElectronicPress.pp.1-10.Availablefromhttp://www.servdes.org/pdf/2010/vina-mattelmaki.pdf
WardThompson,C.,(2002).Urbanopenspaceinthe21stcentury.LandscapeandUrbanPlanning60,pp.59–72.doi:10.1016/S0169-2046(02)00059-2[Accessed20October2014]
WardThompson,C.,(2007)Playfulnature:whatmakesthedifferencebetweensomepeoplegoingoutsideandothersnot.In:C.WardThompsonandP.Travlou(eds)OpenspacePeoplespace.London,TaylorandFrancis.pp.23-37
WardThompson,C.,(2011).Linkinglandscapeandhealth:Therecurringtheme.LandscapeandUrbanPlanning,99,pp.187–195.doi:10.1016/j.landurbplan.2010.10.006[Accessed15August2017]
WardThompson,C.,Aspinall,P.,Bell,S.,Findlay,C.,Wherrett,J.,andTravlou,P.,(2004).OpenSpaceandSocialInclusion:LocalWoodlandUseinCentralScotland.Edinburgh,ForestryCommission.Availablefrom:http://www.openspace.eca.ed.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/Open-Space-and-Social-Inclusion-Local-Woodland-Use-in-Central-Scotland-research-summary.pdf[Accessed15August2017]
Watson,S.andStuddert,D.,(2006).Marketsassitesforsocialinteraction:spacesofdiversity.Bristol:PolicyPress.Available:https://www.jrf.org.uk/sites/default/files/jrf/migrated/files/1940-markets-social-interaction.pdf
Welsch,W.,(1999).Transculturality-thepuzzlingformofculturestoday.In:M.FeatherstoneandS.Lash(Eds.)Spacesofculture:city,nation,world.London:Sage,PP.194-213.
Wessendorf,S.,(2014a).Researchingsocialrelationsinsuper-diverseneighbourhoods:mappingthefield,IRISWorkingPaperSeries2-2014.Birmingham:InstituteforResearchintoSuperdiversity.Availablefrom:http://www.birmingham.ac.uk/Documents/college-social-sciences/social-policy/iris/2014/working-paper-series/IRiS-WP-2-2014.pdf
Wessendorf,S.,(2014b).‘Beingopen,butsometimesclosed’;convivialityinasuper-diverseLondonneighbourhood.EuropeanJournalofCulturalStudies,17(4),pp.392-405.doi:10.1177/1367549413510415[Accessed12May2015]
Whyte,W.,(1980).TheSocialLifeofSmallUrbanSpaces.Washington,D.C.,TheConservationFoundation.
Wiesemann,L.,(2012).Publicspace,socialinteraction,negotiationofdifference,MMGWorkingPaper12-08.Germany:MaxPlanckInstitutefortheStudyofReligiousandEthnicDiversity.Availablefrom:www.mmg.mpg.de/workingpapers
Wiles,R.,Crow,G.,Charles,V.andHeath,S.,(2006).Informedconsentandtheresearchprocess:followingrulesorstrikingbalances.SociologicalResearchOnline,12(2).Availablefromwww.socresonline.org.uk/I2/2/wiles.html[Accessed20June2017].
328
Wilson,H.F.andDarling,J.,(2016).Thepossibilitiesofencounter.In:J.DarlingandH.F.Wilson(Eds.)Encounteringthecity:urbanencountersfromAccratoNewYork.LondonandNewYork,Routledge.pp.1-24
Wilson,H.F.,(2011).Passingpropinquitiesinthemulticulturalcity:theeverydayencountersofbuspassengering.EnvironmentandPlanningA,43(3),pp.634-649.doi:10.1068/a43354[Accessed9Februarys2015]
Wilson,H.F.,(2013).Collectivelife:parents,playgroundencountersandthemulticulturalcity.Social&CulturalGeography,14(6),pp.625-648.doi:10.1080/14649365.2013.800220[Accessed7February2015].
Wilson,H.F.,(2016).OngeographyandencounterBodies,borders,anddifference.ProgressinHumanGeography,pp.1-21.doi:10.1177/0309132516645958[Accessed8October2016]
Wise,A.andVelayutham,S.,(2009).Multiculturalismandeverydaylife.In:A.WiseandS.Velayutham(Eds.).Everydaymulticulturalism.NewYork,PalgraveMacmillan.pp.1-20
Wise,A.andVelayutham,S.,(2014).Convivialityineverydaymulticulturalism:SomebriefcomparisonsbetweenSingaporeandSydney.EuropeanJournalofCulturalStudies,17(4),pp.406–430.doi:10.1177/1367549413510419[Accessed20December2016]
Wood,P.andLandry,C.,(2012).Theinterculturalcity:planningfordiversityadvantage.London,Earthscan.
Woolley,H.,(2003).Urbanopenspaces.London,SponPress
WorldBank(1999).EducationintheMiddleEast&NorthAfrica:Astrategytowardslearningfordevelopment.Washington,DC:TheWorldBank.Availablefrom:http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/486941468757187513/Education-in-the-Middle-East-and-North-Africa-a-strategy-towards-learning-for-development[22August2017].
Worpole,KandKnox,K.,(2008).Thesocialvalueofpublicspaces.York,JosephRowntreeFoundation
Yatmo,Y.,(2008).Streetvendorsas'outofplace'urbanelements.JournalofUrbanDesign,13(3),pp.387-402.doi:10.1080/13574800802320889[Accessed13February2015].
Yin,R.,(2003).CaseStudyResearch:DesignandMethods,3rdEdition.London,SagePublications,ThousandOaks.
Zakharia,C.,(2012a).Aerialviewofthecoveredpublicsquare[onlineImage].Availablefrom:http://www.designboom.com/architecture/noura-al-sayeh-leopold-banchini-bab-al-bahrain-pavilion/[Accessed12April2017]
Zakharia,C.,(2012b).Gatheringatnight[onlineImage].Availablefrom:http://www.designboom.com/architecture/noura-al-sayeh-leopold-banchini-bab-al-bahrain-pavilion/[Accessed12April2017]
329
Appendices
AppendixOneTheethnographiclocationpointsintheselectedcasestudyareasand
theirsurroundingcontexts**Note:Theethnographicpracticeincludesmymovementfromonelocationtoanother,hencethetimeineachlocationis+-5minutesusedforwalkinginbetweenthepointsineachdifferentday.
1 NearplaygroundandsportcourtandgatewayinSalmaneiaGarden5:30–7:00pmon3/9/2014
2 Inagrassedpicnicpodareainfrontofashop7–7:30pmon3/9/2014
3 Inthegatewayareanearthesportcourt,lawnandwalkway5:30–6pmon4/9/2014
4 Inthearcadeseatingarea6:00–6:30pmon4/9/2014
5 Alongamainpathwaynearbybenches6:30-7pmon4/9/2014
6 Inawalkwayandfrontofthesportcourt7-7:30pmon4/9/2014
7 Intheparkingareainfrontofschool10-11amon11/9/2014
8 Intheplazafrontofthegateway11am–12noonon11/9/2014
9 Inthewalkwayandtheelevatedwalkway7:30–8:30amon18/9/2014
10 Intheelevatedwalkway9:30–10:30amon30/10/2014
11 ArcadeArea5:30–6:30pmon5/12/2014
12 Picnicpod6:30-7pmon5/12/2014
1
2
3
6
7
8
11
109
12
54
AndalusandSalmaneiaGardens
330
1 Thecentralpartoftheparknearbytheparkingareaandtheplazawiththefountain12amon22/7/2017
2 Aroundtheplazanearbythewalkwayalongthesea8-9amon11/11/2014
3 Inthepicnicpodnearbytheparking9–10amon11/11/2014
4 Alongtheseaandthewalkwaynearbytheplaza10–11amon11/11/2014
5 Aroundandthroughthepedestrianbridge11am-12noonon11/11/2014
6 Atthestreetinfrontofhomesintheneighborhoodacrossthepedestrianbridge12am-12:30pmon11/11/2014
7 Inagrassedpicnicpod4–4:30pmon5/12/2014
8 Inagrassedpicnicpod4:30–5pmon5/12/2014
9 Inthewalkwayalongthesea9-11amon12/12/2014
2
1
3
45
7
8
9
6
AradBayPark
331
1 Attheridgeintheparkcontext7-8pmon3/10/20142 Infrontofhousesandmosqueattheridgearea2:15–3:15pmon10/10/20143 Nearbythefortattheridgeinthesurroundingcontext10-11am12/10/20144 Frontoftheschoolinthesurroundingcontext11am–12noon12/10/20145 AttheridgesideinfrontofhousesandoutdoorEidPrayarea4-5pmon13/10/20146 Inaplaygroundnearbybenches5-5:30pmon13/10/20147 Inthegrassedpicnicpodnearbyplayground5:30-6pmon13/10/20148 Intheplazaalongthewalkway7–8amon14/10/20149 Intheparkingareaneartheplazaandtheedgeofthepark3:30-4pmon18/10/201410 Inagrassedpicnicpod4-4:30pmon18/10/201411 Intheparkingareanearbybenches10–11pmon20/10/201412 Intheparkingareanearbywalkway7:30–8:30amon27/10/201413 Intheplaygroundnearbygrassedarea4:30–5:30pmon30/10/201414 Inaraisedlargeopenspace5:30–6:30pmon2/11/201415 Theparkingarea5–6pmon6/11/201416 Inapathwaynearbyparkingareaandgrassedspace8:30–9amon10/11/201417 Nearbyparkingarea,gatewayandbenches10–10:30amon10/11/2014
6
1
2
3
4
7
16
10
12
13
14
15
17
5
8
11
9
HunainiyahPark
332
1 Nearvolleyballcourtandtheparkingareainthegateway11-11:30pmon14/7/20142 Aroundswingplayground11:30pm-12midnighton14/7/20143 Inthelawnpicnicpodandwalkway6pmon23/7/20144 Atthelawnpicnicpodarea9–10pmon8/8/20145 Alongthewalkwaynearbyfootballcourt6–7pmon9/8/20146 Inawalkwayjunctionnearfitnessarea7–8pmon9/8/20147 Frontofthemosqueandtheparkingarea2:30-3:30pmon20/8/20148 Outsideoftheentrancesinthesurroundingneighborhood3:30-4:30pmon20/8/20149 Intheplaygroundnearbytheparkingandentrance6-7pmon20/8/201410 Inthelawnarea7-7:30pmon20/8/201411 Intheraisedplaza7:30–8pmon20/8/201412 Playgroundneargateway8-8:30pmon20/8/201413 Inthesurroundingneighborhoodneartheparkingarea2:30-3:30pmon21/8/201414 Atthegateway3:30-4:30pmon21/8/201415 Nearthebasketballcourt7-8amon12/9/201416 Frontofacaféinthesurroundingareaat5pmon19/9/201417 Atthemaingate9-10pmon18/10/201418 Nearbyparkingarea,benchesandwalkway9:30-10pmon18/10/201419 Inthesurroundingneighborhood,infrontoftheschoolandhouses9-10amon20/11/201420 Outsideoftheentrancesinthesurroundingneighborhood10-11amon20/11/201421 Outsideacaféinthesurrounding10pmon30/11/201422 Nearfootballcourt4-4:30pmon1/12/201423 Atthegatewaynearplaygroundandparkingarea4:30-5:30pmon1/12/201424 Nearbyplaza5-6pmon10/12/2014
16
19
21
2
1
10
4 5
6
7
8
9
3
11
13
14
15
17
18
20
23
24
22
12
KhalifaGarden
333
1 Pavedstreetcornerinthesquareareafrontofthemonumentnearbytheroundabout10–10:30amon10/8/2014
2 BehindthemonumentinfrontoftheSouqAvenue10:30-11amon10/8/2014
3 IntheAtrium11am-12noonon10/8/2014
4 Alongthesouqpedesterianisedalleyoutsidetheatrium12noon-12:30pmon10/8/2014
5 Pavedstreetcornerintheparkingareainthesquare10-11amon29/8/2014
6 Alleysinthehistoricalsouqandresidentialareaaroundthesquare11am–1pmon29/8/2014
7 Pavedstreetcornerinthesquareareainfrontofthemonumentnearbytheroundabout10am–11:30amon2/9/2014
8 Inalleysinsouqandresidentialarea11:30am–1pmon2/9/2014
9 Nearbybusstopattheparkingareainfrontofthesquare8-8:30amon5/9/201410 Inthealleyalongatraditionalcafé8:30–9:00amon5/9/2014
11 InalleysinfrontofthetempleandMattam9–9:30amon5/9/201412 InfrontofYateemCommercialCentrealongthewalkway9:30–10amon5/9/201413 Alongthesouqavenue10–10:30amon5/9/2014
14 Pavedstreetcornerintheparkingareainthesquare10:30–11amon5/9/2014
15 Inthealleyalongatraditionalcafé5:30–6:30amon11/10/2014
16 Inthesouqalley10:30–12:30pmon23/10/2014
1
3
4
5
12
8
16
15
9
1013
27
6
11
14
BabAl-Bahraincontext
334
1 Aroundagatewayofthespace,parkingarea,benches,sidewalkandafocalelement11am–12noonon9/9/2014
2 Aroundandendoftheroadofparkingareaandgreenspace12noon-1pmon9/9/20143 Micro-Plazaattheendofapedesterianisedstreetandajunction6-7pmon11/9/20144 Frontofalfrescocafesandparkingarea7-8pmon11/9/20145 Aroundbenchesinapedesterianisedstreetduringanevent8-9pmon12/9/20146 Infrontofalfrescocaféandparking9-10pmon12/9/20147 InapedesterianisedstreetinfrontofAl-Riwaq5:30–6pmon20/10/20148 Inaninnerpedesterianisedstreetinfrontofresidentialbuildingandrestaurants6-6:30
pmon20/10/2014
9 Sidewalkandgreenspace6:30–7pmon20/10/201410 Inapedesterianisedstreet,infrontofalfrescocafes10–11amon30/10/201411 Parkingarea,benchesandsidewalk8–9pmon3/11/201412 Innerpedesterianisedstreetnearbyamicro-plazainfrontofresidentialbuildingand
restaurants9–10pmon3/11/2014
13 Inaparkingarealinkedtomicro-plazaandrestaurants10–11pmon3/11/201414 Infrontofalfrescocafesandparkingarea10:30am–12:30pmon9/11/201415 Inapedesterianisedstreetduringamarketat9:30on14/11/2014
14
15
2
13
4
5
6
7
9
10
11
8
13
12
Block-338
335
1 Inmicro-POSSaha1andalongthesurroundingalleysinfrontofhousesandnearbybenchesandcafes8–9pmon30/12/2014
2 Inmicro-POSSaha2andalongthesurroundingalleysinfrontofhouses10–11pmon2/1/20153 AlongthealleysandinfrontofhousesandnearbybenchesandcafesaroundSaha1andSaha21–
2pmon3/1/20154 AlongthealleysandinfrontofhousesandnearparkingareasaroundSaha28–11amon8/1/20155 AlongthealleysandinfrontofhousesaroundSaha111am–1pmon8/1/2015
5
3
2
1
4
SahatinthePearlingTrail
336
1 Inalargeareawithgrandsteps11pm–12amon22/7/20142 Inaharborinthesurrounding31/10/20144:30–5pm3 Alongthepedesterianisedwalkwayalongthelagoonfromofthealfrescocafes5–8:30pmon
31/10/20144 Inthesurroundingareainfrontofaschool2:30-3:00pmon5/11/20145 Nearthebenchesalongthelagoon8–8:30amon6/11/20146 Infrontofarestaurantoutdoorseating8:30–9:30amon6/11/20147 Ingrassedareawithcircularbenches9:30–10:30on6/11/20148 Outdoorseatingareainfrontoftherestaurantandcafé10:30–11:30on6/11/20149 Grassedareaalongthelagoon11:30am–12pmon6/11/201410 Inasurroundingarea9–10amon7/11/201411 Atalfrescocafé10–11amon7/11/201412 Ataroadjunctionnearbyabridge11am–12pmon10/11/2014
2
4
10
1
3
5
6
7
8
9
11
12Amwaj-lagooncontext
337
AppendixTwo
1GA:Go-alongInterviews,total13with18people,SI:Shortinterviewsonsite,WE:WeekendPilotsitevisits:broadobservation,informaltalks,takingphotosandvisitingdifferentopenspaces.
Cases
FieldworkProcess1Sitevisitsandbroadscopeobservationandinterviews
G.A.total13Date Time Day Occasion
S.I.Total85
BabAlBah
raincon
text
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
10/8/2014 10am-12:30pm Sunday 3
9
29/8/2014 10am–1pm Friday WE
2/9/2014 10am–1pm Tuesday
5/9/2014 8–11am Friday WE 5
11/10/2014 5:30–6:30am Saturday WE
15/10/2014 9am–12midday Wednesday Faiza
23/10/201410:30am-12:30pm
Thursday Muharrampreparing 1
24/10/2014 9–10am Friday WE Muharrampreparing Kareem
24/10/2014 9–10pm Friday WE Muharram Irfan
Salm
aneiaGarde
nan
dAn
dalusGarde
ncontext
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
3/9/2014 5:30–7:30pm Wednesday 2
13
4/9/2014 5:30–7:30pm Thursday 5
11/9/2014 10am–12midday Thursday 3
18/9/2014 7:30–8:30am Thursday 1
30/10/2014 9:30am Tuesday
5/12/2014 5:30–7:00pm Friday WE 2
Shahrazadandherfriends
Block33
8
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
9/9/2014 11am–1pm Tuesday
7
11/9/2014 6–8pm Thursday 2
12/9/2014 8-10pm Friday WE
20/10/2014 5:30–7:00pm Monday 4
30/10/2014 10–11am Thursday
338
3/11/2014 8–11pm Monday HolidayMuharram
9/11/201410:30am–12:30pm
Sunday 1
14/11/2014 9:30pm Friday WE Market Kh
alifa
Garde
ncontext
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
00/5/2014 Pilotsitevisits
14/7/2014 11pm–12am Monday Ramadan
16
23/7/2014 6pm Wednesday RamadanIftartime
8/8/2014 9–10pm Friday WE 2
9/8/2014 6–8pm Saturday WE 6
20/8/2014 2:30-4:30pm Wednesday
20/8/2014 6-8:30pm Wednesday 4
21/8/2014 2:30-4:30pm Thursday 1
12/9/2014 7–8am Friday WE
19/9/2014 5pm Friday WE 1
18/10/2014 9-10pm Saturday WE
20/11/2014 9-11am Thursday
26/11/20148-9:30am
Wednesday Hala
30/11/2014 10pm Sunday
1/12/2014 4:00–6:30pm Monday 2
Rashidandhiswife
4/12/2014 7-9pm Thursday TheSyriansisters
10/12/2014 5-6pm Wednesday Nationalday
celebration
Hun
ainiyahpa
rkcon
text
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
3/10/2014 7-8pm Friday WE
Heiabeiatradition/PreccedingEidday
11
10/10/2014 2:15–3:15pm Friday WE
12/10/2014 10am-12midday Sunday
13/10/2014 4-6pm Monday 4
14/10/2014 7-8am Tuesday
339
18/10/2014 3:30-4:30pm Saturday WE 3
20/10/2014 10-11pm Monday Rahman
27/10/2014 7:30–8:30am Monday
27/10/2014 4:30–6:30pm Monday 2
30/10/2014 7–9pm Thursday
2/11/2014 9:30am Sunday HolidayMuharaam
6/11/2014 5–6pm Thursday 1
10/11/2014 8:30–10:30am Monday 1 Nazir
Amwaj
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
22/7/2014 11pm–12am Tuesday Ramadan
11
31/10/2014 4:30–8:30pm Friday WE 6
2/11/20149pm–12
midnightSunday Holiday
Muharaam 1 Samar
5/11/2014 2:30pm Wednesday
6/11/2014 8am–12midday Thursday 4
7/11/2014 9–11am Friday WE
10/11/2014 11am–12pm Monday
Arad
Bay
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits
23/7/2014 Aftermidnight Tuesday Ramadan
12
11/11/2014 8:30am-12:30pm Tuesday 7
AdamLeenMaysa
5/12/2014 4–5pm Friday WE 4
12/12/2014 9-11am Friday WE
5/5/2015Following-
up
3:30–5:30pm Tuesday 1
Saha
t/OldM
uharraq
context
00/12/2013 Pilotsitevisits,walkandtalkwithsomeresidents
30/12/2014 8-9pm Tues 2
6
2/1/2015 10-11pm Friday WE Newyear
3/1/2015 1-2pm Sat WE 1
8/1/2015 8am-1pm Thursday 3
343
AppendixFour
ListoftheShortOn-siteInterviews[SI]:Fieldnotes
[SI01]InKhalifaGarden-Indianman-Father-Age26/35-5yearsinBahrain(workedalsoinotherGulfcountries)-worksinbusiness-LiveinEastRiffa–Sittingongroundinthemiddleofthelawnwithoutamatwithhiswife,theirchildandafriend,gatheringandwatchingothers-8/8/14Friday9:00pm-Language:English
[SI02] In Khalifa Garden - Syrian woman - Mother - Age 26/35 - 11 and 19 years in Bahrain -Housewife-Live inEastRiffa–Havingagatheringandpicnic inthemiddleofthe lawn,nearthefootpathway,withagroupoffiveSyrianladies,sittinginacirclewithchildrenaroundthemgoingandcomingfromtheplayground-8/8/14Friday9:30pm-Language:Arabic
[SI03] InKhalifaGarden-Yeminiwoman-Mother -Age26/35-9years inBahrain-Housewife -Live in East Riffa – Sitting with her children on the lawn in front of the playground - 9/8/20146:00pmSaturday-Language:Arabic
[SI04]InKhalifaGarden-Pakistaniwoman-Mother-Age26/35-7monthsinBahrain-Housewife- Lives in EastRiffa– In thepicnic areanear football, playgroundandpathway-9/8/14Saturday6:10pm-Language:English
[SI05] In Khalifa garden - Mother - Palestinian origin - Born in Bahrain - Age 36/45 - FamilyPhysician-LiveinRiffa–Walkingexercisewithhersonintheprovidedwalkway-9/8/20146:30pmSaturday-Language:Arabic
[SI06] In Khalifa Garden - A youngwoman fromUganda - Age 20/ 25 - 2 years in Bahrain (AlsoworkedinChina)-Babysitter-LivesRiffa-KidsplaygroundinthesoutheastwithFriendsintheirweekholiday-9/8/14Saturday6:50pm-Language:English
[SI07]InKhalifagarden-Indianman-Age46/55-3yearsinBahrain-Accountantinacompany-LivesinRiffa-Joggingintheprovidedwalkway-9/8/20147pmSaturday-Language:English
[SI08]InKhalifagarden-Bahrainimother-Age36/45-LivesinEastRiffa-Walkingexerciseintheprovidedwalkway-9/8/20147:30pmSaturday-Language:Arabic
[SI09]InBabAlBahrain-BahrainiWoman-Age26/35-Student-LivesinthenorthernofBahrain-Sitting in the atrium in one of the cafés drinking juice looking at the mobile - 10/8/14 Sunday11:00am
[SI10] InBabAlBahrain -Bahrainigrandmother -Age56/65 -Lives inHamadTown-10/8/201411:30amSunday-Language:Arabic
[SI11]InBabAlBahrain-Bahrainimother-Housewife-Age26/35-LivesinSand-10/8/14Sunday12noon
[SI12]InKhalifagarden-Grandfather-Jordanianorigin-Age56/65-40yearsinBahrain-Retired-Lives in Hamad Town - Sitting on a prayer mat with a bottle of water and tea watching hisgranddaughterintheplayground-20/08/20146:30pmWednesday-Language:Arabic
[SI13]InKhalifagarden-Yemenimother-Age20/25-8yearsinBahrain-Housewife-LivesinEastRiffa-Havingapicnicwithherfriendsandtheirkidswereplaying,usingportablechair-20/8/20147:20pmWednesday-Language:Arabic
344
[SI14]InKhalifagarden-IndianFather-Age36/45-6yearsinBahrain-MechanicalEngineer-LivesinRiffa-Sittingonalawnonapicnicmatinthestageareaafterwalkingexercisewithhiswifeandtheirtoddlerdaughterandschoolagedson-20/08/20147:30pmWednesday-Language:English
[SI15] InKhalifagarden -Bahrainimother -Age26/35 -Born inBahrain -Multimedia specialist -Live in Saar - in the playground with her daughters and housemaid - 20/8/32014 8:00 pmWednesday-Language:Arabic
[SI16] In Khalifa garden - Bahraini Father - Age 26/35 - Lives in Riffa - Imet him near the gate,comingforhischildrentoplay-21/08/2014Wednesday
[SI17] In Salmaneia Garden - Indian mother - Age 26/35 - 5.5 years in Bahrain - Nurse in aGovernmental hospital - Live in Salmaneia - Playing with her children - 3/9/32015 6:45 pmWednesday-Language:English
[SI18]InSalmaneiaGarden-Pakistaniwoman-Age26-25yearsinBahrain-freshgraduate-LiveinAdlyia-gatheringwithherfamilyonthelawnandkidsareplaying-notmarriedandhavelittlebrothersandsisters-3/9/320157:00pmWednesday-Language:English
[SI19] InAndalusgarden-Filipinomother -Age36/45 -3years inBahrain -Technician -Lives inArad-JogginginAndalus-4/9/2014-6pmThursday-Language:English
[SI20]InAndalusgarden-ABahrainiFather-Age36/45-BahrainiandborninBahrain-WorksinaTransportationcompany-LivesinManama-SittingintheArcadeoppositetotherestaurants,onthediningchairsundertheshadedarea,withtwomendrinkingteaandsmokingand2-3childrenonbicyclesplayingaround-theirwivesarefromthePhilippines-Thewivesgatheringareinfrontoftheshop-4/9/14-Thursday-6:17pm
[SI21] InAndalusgarden - IndianWoman -Age26/35 -Housewife - Sittingwitha friendon thebenchintheshadedarealookingtowardthelawnsideandthefootballcourt,justfinishedjogging-4/9/14Thursday6:30pm-Language:English
[SI22] InAndalusgarden- Indiananfather -Age56/65 -37years inBahrain -hotelmanagementandadministration-LivesinManama-justfinishwalkingexercise-4/9/2014-6:40pmThursday-Language:English
[SI23] In Andalus garden - Jordanian and Egyptian young women - Age 18/25 - 4 &15 years inBahrain-Students-LiveinManama-Jogging-4/9/20147:00pmThursday-Language:Arabic
[SI24]InBabAl-Bahrain-Bahrainimother-Age26/35-Employeeinaministry-LivesinIsaTown-Inthetraditionalcaféinanalleywaitingtobeseated-5/9/14Friday9:10am
[SI25] InBabAl-Bahrain - Indianman -Age46/55 - 13 years inBahrain (Other countries:Dubai,Oman,Saudi,India)-Worksinaprivatecompany-LivesinJufair-Leisurelywalkinginthesouq-5/9/14Friday9:40amLanguage:English
[SI26]InBabAl-Bahrain-FilipinoMan-Age26/35-2yearsinBahrain-Worksinaprivatecompany- Lives in Muharraq - waiting for friends in front of Yateem Commercial Centre -5/9/14 Friday9:50amLanguage:English
[SI27] InBabAl-Bahrain -Americanmale -Walking inBabAlBahrainSooq -Frequentlyvisits thespace-5/9/14Friday10:20am
[SI28]InBabalBahrain-Bahrainiman-Age70s-Retiredteacher-LiveinMinaSalman-Walking-5/9/201410:30amFriday-Language:Arabic
345
[SI29]AndalusGarden-IndianMan-Busdriver-Outsidethegatesittinginparkingislandontheground (lawn) under the tree with two other drivers of the bus - 11/9/14 Thursday 11:00am -Language:English
[SI30]InSalmaneiaGarden-GroupofIndianandPakistaniworkers-11/9/14Thursday11:15am-Language:MixEnglishandArabic
[SI31]InSalmaneiaGarden-Bahrainimalesecurity-1/9/14Thursday11:30am
[SI32]InBlock-338-Britishwoman-Age46/55-5yearsBahrain-Worksinprivateschool-LiveinHamadTown-Sittingoutsideonthesteps-11/9/20146:30pmThursday-Language:English
[SI33] InBlock338 -Bahraini father -Age26/35 -Works in theMinistryof Interior - Live inRasRuman (Manama) - Strolling outside and smokingwith a friend - 11/9/2014 6:40pm Thursday -Language:Arabic
[SI34]InAndalusGarden-BahrainiMother-Age36/45-Housewife-LiveinNorthareaofBahrain-Jogging-18/9/20148:00amThursday-Language:Arabic
[SI35] In KhalifaGarden - Bahrainiman - Age 20/25 - student - lives in Riffa, 19/09/2014 Friday5:00pm-inAlfrescocafénexttotheGarden
[SI36] In Hunainiyah Park - two men - Arab origin - Age 36/45 - 27 and 19 years in Bahrain -employeeinthegovernment-LiveinEastRiffa-Sittingonabenchwatchingtheirchildrenplaying-13/10/20145pmMonday-Language:Arabic
[SI37] InHunainiyahPark-Syrianwoman-Age18/25-15years inBahrain (Livedalso in Jordan,SaudiandSyria)-LivesinWestRiffauptheridge-a-withherchildreninthelawnareawithoutmatnearthehistoricalbuilding-13/10/2014Monday5:25pm
[SI38]InHunainiyahPark-GroupofYemeniwomen-Age36/45-2yearsinBahrain-LiveinEastRiffa-SittinginthelawnareaandIsawthemprayinginthegarden-13/10/2014Monday5:30pm
[SI39]InHunainiyahPark-Yemenigrandmother-Age36/45-10yearsinBahrain-Housewife-Livein East Riffa - Sitting with a group of 7 - 8 women (from Pakistan and Yemen) on the lawn -13/10/20145:40pmMonday-Language:Arabic
[SI40]InHunainiyahPark-Yemenimother-Age36/45-Housewifeandprivatebusiness(selling)-LivesinEastRiffa-18/10/2014Saturday3:45pm-Language:Arabic
[SI41]InHunainiyahPark-Yemeniwoman-Age26/35-9yearsinBahrain-LivesinRiffaneartheparkabovetheridge-Sittingonthelawnwithherhusbandandchildren-18/10/2014-Saturday-16:05
[SI42] InHunainiyahPark-ThreePakistanismen-Age18/25-8years inBahrain,4yearsand15years-oneborninBahrain-Students-LiveinRiffaandMuharraq-Sittingonthelawnstudying-18/10/2014Saturday4:30pm-Language:English
[SI43] InBlock338-Bahrainifemale-Age20/25-BorninBahrain-employeeintheministryandstudyingMasters-LiveinArad-SittinginAl-Riwaqcafeoutsideandstudying-20/10/20145:40pmMonday-Language:Arabic
[SI44] In Block 338 - Bangladeshi man - Age 30/40s - 20 to 9 years in Bahrain - Unemployedcurrentlywasworkinginarestaurant-LivesinBlock338-Sittingoutsideonprovidedbencheswithhisfriendandchattingandwaitingforjob-20/10/20146pmMonday-Language:English
346
[SI45]InBlock338-Filipinomale-Age36/45-7yearsinBahrain-Worksinarestaurant-LiveinAdlyia (the sameareaof338) - Standingoutside in thepedestrianized streetwithhis friendandchatting20/10/20146:20pmMonday-Language:English
[SI46] In Block 338 - Bangladeshimen Age 20s/30s - 4/3 years in Bahrain -Works in hotel andapartment - Standingoutsidewith friend chattingand takingpictures in the street - 20/10/20146:40pmMonday-Language:English
[SI47] InBabAlBahrain -Bahraini father -Age46/55 - Employer inaprivate company - Lives inRiffa-walking-23/10/201411:30amThursday-Muharrampreparation-Language:Arabic
[SI48]InHunainiyahpark-Pakistanifather-Age36/45-27yearsinBahrain-Police-LiveinWestRiffa-Sittingonabenchandhistwoboysarewalkingaround,chattingandplaying-27/10/20145pmMonday-Language:Arabic
[SI49] InHunainiyahPark-Syrianman-Age36/45-20years inBahrain-working inaministry -LivesinWestRiffa-Playingwithchildren-27/10/2014-Mondayafternoon5:30pm
[SI50]InAmwajlagoon-Bahrainimother-Age26/35-BorninBahrain-Physician-LiveinRiffa-walkinginthelagoonsidewithherhusbandandchildren-31/10/2014-5pm-Friday-Language:Arabic
[SI51]InAmwajlagoon-Indianmother-Age20/26-Housewife-LiveinSaudi-walkingbesidethelagoonwithtwootherwomen-31/10/2014-5:30pm-Friday-Language:English
[SI52]InAmwajlagoon-Yemenimother-Age26/35-livesinBahrainsince2001-Student-LivesinRiffa-Sittingonabenchwithherdaughter-31/10/2014Friday5:45pm
[SI53]InAmwajlagoon-Indianman-Father-Age36/45-7yearsinBahrain-Worksinaprivatecompany-LivesinManama-Walkingalongsidethelagoonwithhiswifeandadaughterinababystroller-31/10/2014Friday6pm-Amwaj
[SI54] InAmwaj lagoon -Saudimale -Age26/35 -Engineer - Live inSaudi -walkingbeside thelagoonwithtwoFilipinosgirls-31/10/2014-6:10pm-Friday-Language:Arabic
[SI55] In Amwaj – Bahraini woman - Age 26/45 - physician - Lives in Manama – Walking withanotherwomanandtheirhusbandsandchildren-31/10/2014Friday6:30pm
[SI56] In Amwaj lagoon - Syrian parents - Age 26 /35 - only the father works - Live in Qallalii(Muharraq)-sittingonabenchbesidethelagoonhavingcoffeeandchatting-6/11/2014-8:30pm-Sunday-Language:Arabic
[SI57]InAmwajlagoon-Indianmale-Age26/35-3yearsinBahrain-Worksinahotel-LiveinQallali(Muharraq)-sittingaloneonachairofoneoftherestaurantsforbreakfastandwaitingforhisfriend-6/11/14-9:00am-Thursday-Language:English
[SI58]InAmwajlagoon-ThreewomenfromSerbiaandItaly-Age36/65-1-2.5yearsInBahrain-HousewivesandOneworksasprivatePianoteacher–LiveinAmwaj-Sittingoutsideonthechairsof the coffee shops looking towards the pathway and the lagoon and they come by walking -6/11/14Thursday11:15am-Language:English
[SI59] InAmwaj lagoon -Bulgarian father -Age46/55 - inBahrain since1998 - Supervisor inbigcompany -Live inAmwaj -byhimselfwalkingalongthe lagoonsideandsittingonthebenches -6/11/14-11:45am-Thursday-Language:English
347
[SI60]InHunainiyahPark-Agroupof3femalesandonemalefromItaly,Pakistan,Russia,SudanandBahrain-Age20/25-Twoofthemwork(teacherandinmarketing)therestarestudents-LiveinA’li,Junaibeia,Adleia,Jufair-chattingandswinging-6/11/14Thursday5:30pm
[SI61]InBlock-338-Bahrainiwoman-Age55/65yes-Retired-Lecturerinauniversity-LivesinMalekeia-outdoorsinthecafé-9/11/14Sunday11:30am
[SI62]InHunainiyahpark-Bahrainiwomen-Mothers-Age26/35-Housewives-LiveinRiffaandZallaq-Sittingonabencheatingandchatting-10/11/201410:00amMonday-Language:Arabic
[SI63] InAradBay Pak - Bahrainiman - Age 26/ 35 -Works in theMinistry of Interior - Lives inBusaiteen–justfinishedjogging-11/11/2014-8:30amTuesday-Language:Arabic
[SI64]InAradBayPak–Syrianwoman-Age26/35-4yearsinBahrain-LivesinMuharraq-Sittingonabenchinthemiddleofacircularareaintheopenplazanearthefountain-11/11/14Sunday8:45am
[SI65]InAradBayPak-AmanfromMalaysia-Age36/45-7yearsMalaysia–sittingonabenchonthelawnafterpreparingthepicnicsitting-11/11/14Sunday9:15am-Language:English
[SI66]InAradBayPak-Czechgrandmotherwith2Friends-grandmothersfromCyprusandGreek-Age50s/60s-30yearsinBahrain-LivesinSaarandherfriendsinJufair-walkingtotheircarafterjogginginAradBayPak-11/11/2014-9:45amTuesday-Language:English
[SI67]InAradBayPak–Aman-notBahraini-feedingfishonbridge-Language:English
[SI68]InAradBayPak-Bahrainimother-Age26/35-BorninBahrain-Privatebusiness-LiveinIsatown–Havingasmallbreakfastpartywithherhusbandonabench,themothertookherhusbandfromtheairportandbringhimheredirectly”-11/11/201410:35amTuesday-Language:Arabic
[SI69]InAradBayPak–Britishman-Age46/55-TeacherinBritishCouncil–LivesMuharraq–Onthepedestrianbridgewalkinghomeafterwalkingexercise-11/11/14Sunday11:30am
[SI70]InKhalifaGarden-TwoYemeni-Age18/25-1monthinBahrain-LiveinEastRiffa–sittingonthelawnnexttofootballcourt-1/12/144:20pm
[SI71] In KhalifaGarden - Filipinowoman and her husband is Bahraini - Age 36/45 - 12 years inBahrain-LivesinEastRiffa–Onthebenchnearparkingareaandplayground-1/12/144:40pm
[SI72]InAradBayPak–Egyptianman-Age36/45-worksinspecialeducation-LiveinMuharraq–Havingpicnicwithwifeandchildren-5/12/20144pmFriday-Language:Arabic
[SI73]InAradBayPak-Bahrainimother,borninBahrain,originIran-Age26/35-Teacher-LivesinMuharraq-Withherfamilysittingonthelawnnexttotheplayground-5/12/144:15pm
[SI74] InAradBayPak– Yemeni youngwoman -Age18/25 - Born inBahrain - student - Live inMuharraq-havingpicnicwithrelatives(allYemeniorigin)-5/12/20144:30pmFriday-Language:Arabic
[SI75]InAradBayPak–Yemeniwoman-Age26/35-LiveinBahrain24years-Housewife-LiveinSand-havingpicnicwithrelativesfromMuharraqinwhichmetbychanceinthepark(allYemenioriginsomeborninBahrain)-5/12/20144:45pmFriday-Language:Arabic
[SI76] InAndalusgarden -Egyptian -Age26/35 - Live inBahrain for10years - teachers - Live inManama-twosistershavingpicnicwithhusbandsandkidsatthediningarea-5/12/20146:10pmFriday-Language:Arabic
348
[SI77]InAndalusGarden-Fivewomenmothersandgrandmothers,YemeniOrigin-Age20/55-20yearsinBahrain–Housewife-LivesinManamaneartheGardencamebywalking-Gatheringonshadedareaconcretepergola-5/12/146:30pm
[SI78]InthePearlingTrailsite-Pakistaniman-Age26/30-5yearsinBahrain-Sittingoutdoorwithothermen-Worksinanoffice-30/12/20148:15pmSunday-LanguageEnglish
[SI79] InMuharraq site - Jordanian father - Age 36/45 - 15 years in Bahrain - Teacher - Live inMuharraq - Passing by in the alley in Muharraq site - 30/12/2014 8:45pm Sunday - Language:Arabic
[SI80] InMuharraqsite-Bahraini -Age18/25-Born inBahrain-Lives inMuharraq-playingballsoftlyandquietlywithhislittlebrothersinthealleyinfrontofhouse-3/1/20151:15pmSaturday-Language:Arabic
[SI81] InMuharraq site -Bahrainimother -Age46/55 -Housewife - Lives in theareaof the siteMuharraq - the front of her house is being prepared for car use 8/1/15 10:15am Sunday -Language:Arabic
[SI82]InMuharraqsite-Indianfather-Age36/45-20yearinBahrain-tailor-LivesintheareaofthesiteMuharraq-Infrontofhishousewalkinginthealleywithhischild8/1/1511:00amSunday-Language:English
[SI83] InMuharraq site - Bahraini youngman - Age 18 - 25 - Born in Bahrain - Yemeni origin –Student - walking through the open space - Lives in Muharraq - 8/1/2015 11:30am Sunday -Language:Arabic
[SI84] In Arad Bay Pak - Jordanianmother - Age 36 - 45 - 6 years in Bahrain - Her Husband isBahraini -Housewife-Lives inBusaiteen-Picnicking inthe lawnareawithher littledaughters inAradBayPak-5/5/20154:30pm-Tuesday-Language:Arabic
[SI85lp]InAmwaj-Italianinterviewee-Age46/55-20yearsinBahrain-LivesinAmwaj-Sittinginfront of his house with two Ethiopian women smoking shisha - 2/11/2014 - 9:30pm - SundayLanguage:English
349
Appendix Five
Go-along Interview: Guideline Questions
PublicOpenSpacesinBahrain:SocialUsesandValues(Topicscoveredinthego-alonginterview)
InthewayDoyoucometothisspacefromyourhouseorwork?Howlongittakesyoutocomehere?Doyoucomebycarorwalk?Inyourwaytothespacewhathappens?Whatdoyousee?Whodoyousee?Whatdifficultiesdoyoufacetocomehere?
Inthespace(stories,activities,likeordon’tlike,memories)Howoftenyoucomehere?Whenyouusuallycomeandatwhattime?(Seasons,days,times,occasions)Usuallyhowlongyoustay?
Whatdoyouseeinthespace?Whatusuallyhappens?Whodoyousee?(Families,individuals,groups,young,old,nationalities,gender)Whatdotheydo?Youopinionaboutwhatyouseeandwhathappens?
Whatyouusuallydocomehere?Withwhomdoyoucome?
Howthespaceisusedatdifferenttimes?
Doyoulikethisplace?Why?Whatdoyoulike?Whatdon’tyoulikeaboutthespace?
Howdoyoufeelinthespace?Whatisthebestpartforyou?(Themostclosestpart)Why?Howyourchildrenuseofthespaceissimilarordifferentthanyourchildhood?HowtheopenspacesnowinBahrainissimilarordifferentthanyourchildhood?Anycertainmemoriesaboutthisspaceoranyother?
Ifyouwanttochangesomethinginthespace,whatyouchange?
SocialroleDoyouexpecttoseesomeoneyouknoworsomeoneyouhaveseenbeforeinthespace?Doestheparkhaveasocialrole?Canyouexplain?Whatsocialinteractionhappensbetweenpeople?Whatconflictshappensinthespace?
Doyouseepeoplefromdifferentoriginsinthespace?Whoismoreoftenusingthespace?(Nationalityororigin-menorwomen–agegroups)Howdoesthisshapesocialinteractionsandfunctions?(Positiveornegative)
350
OtherspacesWhereotheropenspacesdoespeopleusuallyuse?Whyandwhen?
Doyouknowthefollowingspaces:andwhatdoyouthinkabout?BabAlBahrainareaandsouqBlock338inAdleiyahKhalifaGardeninRiffaSalmaneiaandAndalusGardensDohatAradAmwajlagoonHunainiyahAreafortandparkOldMuharraq
DemographicandPersonalinformationAgecategory: Doyouhavekids?Doyouwork?Ifyes,whatdoyouwork?Areyoustudent?Ifyes,whatdoyoustudy?InwhichareainBahraindoyoulive?Countryofborn:HowlonghaveyoubeeninBahrain?Nationality?
351
AppendixSix
ListoftheGo-alongInterviews[GA]:FieldNotes[GA01]InKhalifaGardencontext-Indianwoman-Singlemother-Worker-Age30s-16yearsinBahrain-LivesinWestRiffa-27/5/2014-5:00pm-Tuesday-Language:English
[GA02]InBabAl-BahrainArea-IndianWoman-Singlemother-Worker-Age30s-16yearsinBahrain-LivesinWestRiffa-15/10/2014-9:00am-Wednesday-Language:English
[GA03]InHunainiyahcontext-Bahrainiman-Student-Age20s-LivesinRiffa-20/10/2014-10:00pm-Monday-Language:Arabic
[GA04]InBabalBahrainArea-Bahrainiman-Father-EmployerinPrivateCompany-Age50s-LivesinRiffa-24/10/2014-9:00am-Friday-Language:Arabic
[GA05]InBabalBahrainArea-Indianman-Workinginanoffice-Age20s-2.5yearsinBahrain-LivesinRiffa-24/10/2014-10:00pm-Friday-Language:English
[GA06]InAmwaj-Bahrainiwomen-student-Age20s-LivesinAmwaj-2/11/2014-9:00pm-Sunday-FormalHoliday-Language:Arabic
[GA07]InHunainiyahPark-Balochiman-Father-Worker-Age40s-10yearsinBahraini-LivesineastRiffa-10/11/2014-9:00am-Monday-Language:Arabic(notaffluent)
[GA08]InAradBayPark-SyrianWoman-Mother-Housewife-Age28-4yearsinBahrain-LivesinBusaiteen(Muharraq)-11/11/2014-9:00am-Sunday-Language:Arabic
[GA09a]InAradBayPark-IndonesianWoman-Airhostess-Age30s-7yearsinBahraini-LivesinManama(Jufair)-11/11/2014-Sunday-9:30am-Language:English
[GA09b]InAradBayPark-Malaysianman-Chefonboard-Age40s-7yearsinBahraini-11/11/2014-LivesinManama-Sunday-9:30am-Language:English
[GA10]InKhalifaGardencontext-Palestinian/SyrianWoman-Mother-Teacher-Age30s-12yearsinBahrain-LivesinRiffa-26/11/2014-9:00am-Wednesday-Language:Arabic
[GA11]InKhalifaGarden-Bahrainiman-Father-Physician-Age30s-LivesinRiffa-30/11/2014-5:30pm-Sunday-Language:Arabic
[GA12]InKhalifaGarden-TwoSyriansisters-Mothers-Housewifeandilliterate-Age30s-20yearsinBahrain-LiveinEastRiffa-4/12/2014-7:00pm-Thursday-Language:Arabic
[GA13]InAndalusGarden-FourBahrainisyoungwomenfriends-employees-Age20s-LiveinManama-5/12/2014-5:30pm-Friday-Language:Arabic
Top Related