Oggenen ofrileqafroK - Tirage d part

?KĘBA AHTIĄKAANTIQUITE VIVANTE

ANNEE s5, 1-2 rOA.

ZIVA ANTIKA

Elwira KaczyńskaKrzysztof Tomasz Wtczak

PIGS IN LACONIAN

SKOPJE CKONJE2005

I 39- 148

ELWIRA KACZYŃSKAKRZYSZTOF TOMASZ WITCZAKDepańment of Linguistics and Indo'European StudiesInstitute of Classical PhilologYUniversity of Łódź

uDc 811.14'02',373.6

PIGS IN LACoNIAŃ

Abstract..InhislexiconHesychiosofAlexandriaregisteredfiveLa-conian names for .pig'. Thróe ofthem demonstrate specific dialectalfeatures(e.g.thedev-elopmentofAGk.*0toLac.oisattestedinthename oiro"'pig'; the initial digamma [p] is preserved in the.follo-wing two gló.J"ś' pop0o1opioxot 'piglets' and yóovtr .'female

pig'

.o*;;. Th.-Luconian glosies in question are discussed philologicallyand ótymologically. frhenever possible, both the original meaning

and the motivation for change are explained'

The animal terminology of Ancient Greek is dominated by the

standard dialects (especially by Ionic and Attic). The dialectal names,

which appear in thó well known Hesychian glossary, are usually

omitted ln tfr" standard etymological dictionaries (e.g. in Boisacq,

DELG; Frisk, GEW; Chantraine, DELG) and monographs'

InthispaperweintendtodiscussalltheHesychianglosseswhich belongód io the Laconian dialect of Ancient Greek and which

denoted 'domesticated pig'. In the lexicon prepared by Hesychios ofAlexandria (5th or o,I' ó' ło) there are five Laconian glosses which

demonstrate some'pig' connotations:

l . Bop0cryopioKtcl ' 1oipera xpćcr, rcri prrpoi 1oiporpopOcryopiorot (popOóxeor cod. Marc.)' Aórolveg (HAL2: I 385' s'v''9-8Żg: ńłl'' I335, s'v. p-822)' See also op0cxyopioroq '1orpt6rov

prxpóu (HAL2: |I '7'74, o-1176). The latter form is quoted and

expiained by authors of the Greek etymological dictionarięs'

2. pro}"opó1u [Latte pco}"ópu21a] ' tfiv o0v' Aaxorveę (HALI:

I 408, s.v. p-i:sł; HALI: I 355, s.v. B-l375). Not considered by

Boisacq und Fri.k, but quoted by Chantraine (DELG I Ż03) under the

heading pó}'oq m. 'a lump of earth, clod; land, ground, soil''

3. yórovcr 'tę 0'ą},ei'cl [so cod. Marc' and K'Latte; recte: óq

Olilero]. Aóx<oveq, (ńłl l : I 42'7,s'v. y_478; HALz : I 37 4, s'v' 7 -a7 7)'

Not quoted in dictionaries.

l40 El*iruKu"ryń"ku,K.T.wit"rak, Pig' i, Lororio, żAfi 55(20o5)l3g_t4t

4. nte\ućo.. o6E Ónó Aarórlrlrv. fi ei6og 6óv6poo (HAL| ; tII4o2,s.v. r_4l86). Discussed under the heading ntćLuę (,wild boar'), butnot explained.

5. oira .iE. Aórolveq (HAL': Iv l,28, o-607). Not discussedetymologically, but mentioned by Frisk (GEW ll8Z4) in his discussionof o0g ('pig').

Our notes and remarks will refer to the derivational andetymological aspects of the relevant lexemes. We will be engaged inestablishing the Common Greek (and Indo-European) etyma, theirprimitive semantics and eventually their dialectal distribution. somedetails of their phonology will also reviewed. We turn now to the firstLaconian name for 'pig'.

l. The Hesychian gloss contains two cognate terms: Lac.popOayopiorra denotes 'piglet's meal'(: AGk. 1oipero rpćc), whereasLac. pop0crTopioror (m. pl.) means 'small piglets' (: AGk. prrpoilotpor). A different gloss, attested in the Hesychian lexicon (HAL2:II 774, o-ll76): ópOcryopiorog . 1otpt6tov prrpóv ('sucking-pig'),demonstrates clearly that the initial graphem p- represents digamma(AGk. F- < IE. *w), i.e. the phoneme characteristic for the Doricdialects. The Laconian origin of the term óp0cryopi.oroE is confirmedindependently by Athenaeus (Deipnosoph. IV 139b, l40b). An alter-native form ópOpayopioroę (Pers., Stoic. l.l02) is also registered(LiddelI, Scott l99ó: 1248, 1250).

The Laconian term for 'piglet / cochon de lait', ópOoyopiorog'is analyzed etymologically by Boisacq (DELG 1916: 7 t2, s.v. ópOpog)on the basis of Athenaeus' explanation according to which the termóp0cryopioroE, developed from ópOpcryopiolcoq by the dissimilation ofthe liquids, denotes young animals exported for sale at dawn (Athen.,Deipnosoph. IV l40b: ćrei npóg tóv óp0pov ntrrpiorovtct), cf. Gk.ópOpoq m. 'day-break, dawn, cock-crow' and cryopcr f. 'market-place'.Also Bechtel (1963: II 328) treats the ancient etymology as strikingand indubitable, but he explains the Laconian term in question as akind of "ein Scherzwort". However, most linguists (beginning fromPisani 1958: 143) believe that the ancient etymology is in faci ficti-tious and the connection betweeen ópOoyopiorog and óp0pog is causedby the so called folk or popular etymology (see Frisk, GEW II 415;Chantrąine, DELG lII 1974: 8l8). Pisani (1958: l43) suggests thatthe Laconians derived their name for 'piglet' from the name of'op0ayópog, the first tyrant of Sicyon and the founder of a dynasty.Frisk (GEW II 415) qualifies Pisani's explanation as noticeable("Erwligenswert").

Elwira Kaczyńska, K.T.witczak, Piss in lacor?ian żAnt 55(2005)139-148 l41

According to our opinion, the Laconian term *pop0olopiorog

'''sucking-pig' represents a three-element compound' The initial cómpo_

nent, which seems to denote the squeaking voice of piglets, originatesfrom the verb ópOta(o 'to speak in a high tone; to shriek with loudwailings' (cf. also ópOioopo n. 'a high pitch of voice'), the final one

represents the diminutive suffix -ioroE. The main element appears togo back to the Indo-European root *gor- 'young animal, esp. piglet'(perhaps of onomatopoeic origin), which is also attested in Armenianand Celtic, e.g. Arm. xoć-kor 'piglet' vs. koriun'young of an animal(esp. young lion)'(Djahukian 1967: 189); OFr. gorre,Fr. goret'pig',Burg. guri'piglet / Ferkel', Catal. garrf, Sp. gorrino 'piglet, hog' (<

Gaulish *goruos), see Meyer-Liibke (1935: 325, No. 3320). In otherwords, the Laconian word in question means nothing other than'young squeaking piglet'. It should be emphasized that a fish wascalled óp0cl1opiorog "wegen des grunzenden Lautes'' (StrÓmberg 1943:

69; Frisk, GEW II 415). Thus both the Greek name for piglet and theone for fish are motivated by a squeaking or grunting sound.

2. The noun po}.opó1o (corrected by Kurt Latte intoprol"ópt1o) is undoubtedly a Laconian compound, containing twoelements. The former of them represents pó}'og m. 'a lump of earth,clod; land, ground, soil', the latter is derived from the Greek verbopóoool (Att. opóttro) 'to dig (the trench)' to dig up; make a canalthrough; to bury'(< IE. *Hrruk- / *Hrrug[h]-). In other words, itdenotes an animal 'digging the soil'.

The Laconian term in question may be treated as an innovativecompound. However, it should be emphasized that the verbal root*Hrruk- / *Hrrug[h]- 'to dig' (Walde, Pokorny 1926:353; Pokorny1959:869-870) creates some names for'pig'in three different Indo-European stocks:

BALTIC: Latvian rukśą 'a digging pig / ein wtihlendesSchwein', also ruksis 'young pig', rukse and rucis, ruicis 'piglet'(Sabaliauskas 1968: 179);

CELTIC: Old Irish rucht 'pig' (< Celtic *ruk-tu- 'digger I

Wtihler' (Pokorny 1959: 8701, see also Stokes, Bezzenberger 1894:235; Walde, Pokorny 1926:353; Vendryes 1974: R-50);

LUSITANIAN: Lat. ruo 'wild boar' (a substratal name attestedin the metrical inscription from San orente de Entines, Coruńa) <

Gallaecian *rugos, liter.'digger l hozador' (Acuńa Castroviejo, MillónGonzŁlez-Pardo l971 345-35l; Millón Gonzźńez-Pardo l9'I3: 129-155; Witczak 2005: 336).

The Laconian term seems to confirm the well known observa-tion that the Indo-European tribes classified pigs (also wild pigs) asanimals digging the soil.

3. The third Laconian term yócova denotes evidently ,female pig,sow' (= 46k. óg oljl"eto). Kurt Latte, the well known editor of theHesychian lexicon, suggested that the gloss in question is corrupted.According to his opinion, it can be related to another Hesychian glossdenoting' female pigs' : 1ptovó6eq . Ori},etat oóeg (HAL2 3g2,,1-964).Mauricius schmidt, an earlier editor of the Hesychian glossary, seemsto be sceptical in the face of this possibility: "probabiliter ad7polvó6eg retulit Kusterus, sed vix erat (?) quod in yprovóq mutaret''.The actual existence of Hesychian yprovó6ig (f'pr.j ,female pigs' isconfirmed by the Modern Greek diminutive form 7oopoóvr (n.) ;pig',which derives from Byz' Gk. 1oupoóvtv and further from the AncientGreek archetype *1póvrov (Andriotis 1990:7l). The development ofyćolvo (f.) from 1provóq seems doubtful both from the palaeographicalpoint of view and the derivational one. It is therefore necessary todistinguish the Laconian gloss yórovcr aS a separate term.

The primitive shape of the Laconian gloss may be reconstructedwith the initial digamma (f). It is possible to quote a number ofglosses in the Hesychian lexicon, where digamma was replaced bygamma, e.g.

[3.1] 7o6eiv lopioaoOor (HALZ: I 357, s.v. 1-19) derivesfrom Proto-Greek *phd6ćhehev ,to please, detight, gratify' and IE.*swdd-eye-se(n), cf. Lat. svavis adj. 'sweet' , Skt. svadń- adj. ,sweet'.

[3.2) yćup' ćap (HAL2: I365, s.v.7-224) and ytcrp . óop(HAL2: I 376, s.v. y-544) go back to Proto-Greek *póhcrp and IE.*wesy (n.) 'spring', cf. Lat. vćr n. .spring, springtime'. The secondgloss in question seems to be of Boeotian origin (fiop : Gk. Boeot.rLap).

[3.3] 7io ' rivOr1 (HAL2: I376, s.v. y-5a) represents the Greekterm *pfo (n. pl.) denoting 'violets' and secondarily also ,flowers',cf. Lat. viola f . 'violet'.

[3.4] yioyov loov (HALz: I 377, s.v. y-574) continuesundoubtedly Proto-Greek *piopog, -d, -ov 'equal to; the same as',cf. Gk Myc. wi-so-wo- (Aura Jorro 1993: 436).

[3.5] yttćcr . itśo (HAL2:I377, s.v. y-580) ,willow, Salix, goesback to IE. *wltewa / *wltuwd f. 'a kind of willow', cf. pol. witwa f.'a kind of willoą Sąlix viminalls', oPruss ' witwan .Sallow', Welshgvden'id.', OHG. wtda 'willow, Salix'.

E|niruKu"rri'ku, K.T.wit"ruk, Pi'' i, Lororio, żAnt 55(2005)|39-|48 |43

[3.6] 1ópruĘ ' ópttĘ (HAL2: I 388, s.v. 1_8ó0) < Anc. Gk' dial'+póptoĘ m. 'quail' Coturnix coturnix' < IE. *wort_ 'id.', cf. olnd.vórtikd-, dial. (Eastern) vartakd- f ., vartaka- m. 'quail', Pali va!!akd-

f. 'id.', Nepali balldi'id.', Oriya bhdloi, bhalui'the grey qluail, Cotur-nix communis', Sinhalese vatuva'snipe, sandpiper'; Khowar bąrti'quail, partridge', Ashkun uwiÓ 'partridge', Pashai walf 'id.'; KhotanSaka ba/ye 'quail', Ossetic (Iron) wcercc, (Digoron) wzrcccc,Sanglichi wÓrc, Wakhi wolć, Pahlavi vartak 'quail'' NPers. vardTi,

Kurd. verdI 'i6':; Shughni góró'quail', oroshori giró,Yazghliamig'ió'id.' ; Baluchi gvarddg'Gebirgerebhuhn', Chwarezmian wrdyc

l*wardlc) 'Wachtel, Coturnix coturnix'and so on (see Pokorny 1959:

I180; Frisk GEW II 429;Morgenstierne 1974:351' Teubner 1974:304;Abaev 1989: 91; Mayrhofer 1996:519-520; Steblin-Kamensky 1999:

390-391). Cardona (1985) wrongly suggests that the Greek term for'quail'was borrowed from an Oriental (especially lranian) source. The

Indo-European name for 'quaif is also attested in the westernperiphery: Port. dial. guarda, Catal. guatllą, dia|. (Valencia, Baleares)guatla'quail, Coturnix coturnix' (< *wirtala, *wÓrtld <IE. *wortala),

cf. OInd. vartTra-, vartira- m. 'ein der Wachtel oder dem Rebhuhniihnlicher Vogel'' Gk. óptaltxoq m. 'chick, chicken; young bird'(Witczak 2005: 344-345).

[3.7] 1ptvog ' 6ćppcl (HAL2: I 390, s.v. y-9l9) is anAeolic form(pptvog) developed fromAnc. Gk. pptvóq m. 'skin; hide of an animal,

esp. ox-hide', cf. Gk. Myc. wi-ri-no'hide'(PY Ub 1318), Hom.prvóq m. 'skin; hide of an animal, esp. ox_hidę' (Palmer 1963: 463:.

Aura Jorro 1993: 434-435). The Aeolic character of the Hesychiangloss in question is established on the basis of the accentual shift.

If the initial y- is an indication of digamma (F-), then the

Laconian form can be derived from IE. *wćs-Ón-'fat animal'. Thisname seems to derive from the Indo-European term for '(animal) fat,

grease, suet, brain, marrow': *wesd (f') and *wesmp (n'). This term

is attested in five Indo-European subgroups:

INDIC: OInd. vóqd, a|so vąsź (f.) 'fat, grease; brain', Pali vasa

(f.)'fat', Prakrit vąsą f.'fat; marrow'' Sindhi wąha f.'fat, grease,

blubber of fish', Kumaoni baso 'fat', Nepali boso 'id.'; Oriya basd

'fat, suet'(Turner 1966:667, No. 11443).

DARDIC: Kashmiri was f.'marrow, brain' (< Dardic *wasd,

according to Turner 1966:667, No. 11443).

IRANIAN: Avestan varlhd- f. 'ein Teil of Riickens' (Bartho-lomae 1904: 1348).

l44 Elwira Kaczyiska, K.T.witczak, Pigs in Laconian ŻAnt 55(2oo5)l3g_l48

ALBANIAN: ujame f. '(animal) fat, lard, suet, tallow' (< IE.*wes-mg n.) (Orel 1998: 83).

ANAToLIAN: Hittite waśśi- n. 'Ingredienz, Heilmittel, Salbe'(Friedrich l99l:248).

The Laconian term for 'sow' belonged originalty to the z-stems.It is uncertain, however, whether the lemma yócovcl is registered inthe accusative singular (with the ending -a) or in a secondary nomi-native sg.

The n-stem forms are also attested in Middle Latin, Germanic,Sanskrit and the Iranian languages, cf. MLat. ueso, uesonis 'polecat';oHG. wfessa'polecat', Luxemb. źls, West Flam. lisse, OFr. voisson'polecat, weasel' (< West Gmc' *wesón- m'); Skt. vasźn- m' 'otter'(lex.); Kalasha biśun'marmot'' Khowar btiśin'id.'(as if from Dardic*vaśini- 'marmot'); Kati uśd omarmot' (< Nuristani *vaśin-); Ishkas-him un-k 'marten', Sanglichi yń4ek'id.'; Munjani wlńg'marmot' (cf.also Munj. xar-wóńg 'rat hamster', orig. 'donkey's marmot',kórwuńgiy 'mole'' orig. 'blind marmot'), Wakhi winók 'marmot'(Stebline-Kamensky 1999: 389), Yidgha wiln'id.', Tadjik dial. unduk,wunduk, wandok'marmot', old Wanji mondak'id.' (< Iran. *wąhina-

ka- 'marmot or a similar animal, esp. marten, rat, hamster, mole').See also Burushaski aintq 'marmot' (usually treated as-a borrowingfrom an Eastern lranian source).

The cognate words which appear in Celtic (cf. OIr. fial'fercet'< Celt. *wlsalo-) and Germanic (cf. OHG. wisula f., MHG. wisel(e), G.Wesel 'wease|', oE. wesle, wesule, Dan. vcjsel < Gmc' *w[sulón-) arederivatives formed by means of the diminutive suffix -/o-. Also Alb.vjedhullć f. 'badger' (: Roum. viezure, Aroumanian vizur 'id.') derivesfrom *wesd-ulo- 'fat animal', cf. Av. vązdah- n. 'fatness'' Pashtowózda f' 'animal fat, grease', Parachi yazd, Yidgha wazd, wÓzd, Kurd.baz'id.'(Tsabolov 2001: 135; Morgenstierne 2003: 94).

The semantic difference between the Laconian term in questionand other Indo-European words is noteworthy. However, it is easilyexplainable on the basis of the original semantics: 'fat (or fattened)animal', as a sow is an excellent example of a fattened animal.Therefore the suggested semantic development of 'fat(tened) animal'to 'female pig, sow' is obvious.

4. According to Hesychios, the term nte}.óa (f') demonstratestwo different meanings: 'pig' in the Laconian dialect (o6ę ÓnóAaróvcov) and 'a kind of tree' (et6oę 6óv6pou) in the standardlanguage. The latter sense (actually 'the elm') is attested as early as

ska, K.T.Witczak in Laconian ZAnl 2005)r 39-148

in the archaic Mycenaean Greek dialect (l4th c. BC), cf. pe-te;re-wct

(KN So 894.1; So 4429.b) and pte-re-wa (KN Se 879.b; Se 880;

89l.B; 892 893 5729; 7920; So 44Ż9'b; So 443 l; So 4437 ; 4440.b;

4445;4448:4449): rl7et"iś.Fd. f. 'elm, Ulmus campestris L.; elm-tree's

wood' (Aura Jorro 1993 165-|66), see Attic ntexćd, Ionic nre}ub\'

Epidaurian rel'ód 'id.'. This term derives from IE ' *(t)pelćwą f. 'ahydrophilous tree', cf' Arm. t'ełi 'e|m-tree, (Jlmus', ossetic ferve'alder-tree, Alnus glutinosa' (Abaev 1958 455-456)' oHG. fćlawa,German Felber'a kind of willow, esp. sallow'(Boisacq, DELG 820)'

The Laconian term for'pig'represents undoubtedly a differentquestion, though Frisk (GEW II 610) and Chantraine (DELG III 946)

are inclined to accept (both with a question mark) the connection ofit with the noun nreLćd" f' 'elm, Ulmus campestris L.'. However, we

must refer to Anc. Gk. ncć}"dg m. 'wild boar' (Lyc', Alex. 833),explained as rónpoę, ri1prog 2gotpoę by an ancient scholiast, whoinforms us that this word was known to the Cilicians (napd Kil'tĘrv).Unfortunately, it is unclear whether the term in question was used by

the Greeks in Cilicia, or perhaps by the non-Greek inhabitants ofCilicia. If the latter suggestion is correct, the name for wild boar must

be treated as a borrowing taken from the Cilician language' whose

filiation remains uncertain' However, the word nre}vć.q. denoting'sow'was registered by Hesychius as belonging to the vocabulary of the

Doric Laconians, thus both words in question, used in Cilicia and

Laconia, respectively, as well as in the literary language (only byLycophron in his Alex. 833), seem to indicate their purely Greekorigin.

The etymology of both words nrćLd.ę (m.) 'wild boar' and

nre}rźa. (f.) 'pig' is claimed as obscure (Boisacq, DELG 820: "Etym.obscure''; Frisk, GEW II 610: "unerklŻirt''). The ręlation to Lith'kiaille (f.) 'pig' and kuilis (m.) 'wild boar', suggested by Fick (1890:

39Ż), or to Sanskrit kirih (m.)'wild boar'(lex') and kiryd4t (f') 'wildsow', proposed by Prellwitz (1892: 265-266), is not accepted in the

standard etymological dictionaries (cf. Boisacq, DELG 820; Frisk,GEW II 610-611; Chantraine, DELG III946).

5. The gloss oirct 'óg' A&rroveq is discussed by Neroznak(1978: 185), who believes that it was borrowed from a Paleo-Balkansource. He refers to Alb. thi'pig'(< *sl < IE. *szs, cf' Orel 1998:

477) and also Finnish siką 'id'' and some Baltic forms. His way ofthinking runs as follows:

"oiKo ' ÓE 'cslłHsf ', CP. rpev. oioloq 'NupHar cBVHbfl', Si-

ar-ro (Frisk, GEW, 699)' Ecrru Óq rrlrerc' qplcTo IpeqecKIłM

146 El.iruKacryirska, K.T.witcrak, Pig'' i, Larrrio, żAŃ 55(2005)139_148

oro6paxeHueu o6ulenHAoerponeficroro gTr{MoHa, To Drocca lecnxnnoTHocIłTc' r naneo6alKaHcKoMy I{cToqHI{Ky. B cBrgn c 3TI,IM ocoostftnHTepec Bbr3brBaer an6. cnoao thi < *si, npoMexyrovHofi crynenrrcAna KoToporo K n.-e. *sŻs uoxHo clłnTaTb Inoccy lecnxnx oiro.Cnoso :nBHo apeanHoro xapaKTepa' cp. TaKxe $un. sika.cBIłHrx'. HaBo3MoxHocrb KoHTaKToo unnnpnftqeB c yrpoQunauu yrasusal H.frorrrr. PacrunpeHue _ł_ ncrpeqaeTc' u s lanrflficKl{x

'a3uKax' cp.

JII,IT. AIłaneKr. ciuka, a TaKxe sukis 'no1cBl.tHoK', He'cHoe pyccK.ArraJIeKT. )tcltJłcKa, JruuKa 'nopoceHox' [...] . Cp. rarxe nrll. cilka'cBIłHBfl 'n cilcir7a oCBI,IHKa',

iuras ciicir1a'uopcrcar cBHHKa'.

Neroznak's discussion explains little, as he does not take intoaccount the well known phonological processes which appeared in theLaconian dialect of the Ancient Greek language. The term oiro .pig'(Gk. óE)' quoted by F{esychius as a Laconian gloss' contains the initiałphoneme o-, which goes back evidently to Ancient Greek *0- (Buck1955: 59). The Laconian use of o for 0 is confirmed by Aristophanesin his comedy Lysistrata and by numerous Laconian inscriptionsbeginning from the fourth century BC, e.g. Gk. Lac. dvćor1re (: Att.avś0r1re), Lac. ot6l (= Att. Oeot). The Laconian form oira (< GreekDoric *Oircr f.) cannot be separated from the Slavic adjective *diku'wild, savage'(see e.g. HSorb. diki, dźiki, Russ. dzrzź,IJkr' Óurcuil,Pol. dziki'id.', cf. also Lith. dikas ad1.'empty, hollow, idle, free;barren, sterile', Latv. dtks 'id.', Welsh dig adj.'angry, irritated') andthe Slavic names for'wild boar, wild sow': Ukr. dzx, Russ. dial.(Western)

'Óurc'id.'; Pol. dzik m. 'boar, Sus scrofaL.', dziki wieprzm.'wild boar', dzika świnia f.'wild sow'(Sławski 1952-l956:204;Bańkowski 2000: 332; Boryś 2005: l44). The comparison of theLaconian and Slavic terms for '(wild) pig' allows to formulate thefollowing two conclusions: (l) the distribution of the Indo-Europeanadjective *dhlkos was not restricted to the North-Western area, as asubstantivized form appeared in the Laconian dialect of AncientGreek. (2) the Laconian term gives strong evidence for initial *dh-

(the Celtic and Bałto-Slavic languages do not distinguish the reflexesof IE. *d and *dh, and the North-Western data are ambiguous as tothe primitive value of the dental phoneme). It is possible that Alb.dikć f. 'desire, lust' continues PAlb. *dIka, being a substantivizedfeminine adjective related to Lith. dikas and Slavic *diko (so Orell99s: 6s).

E|*irrKacrrhska, K'T.witczak, Pig' i, Lo"oria, ŻArt 55(Ż005)|39_|48 |4'1

Conclusions.

Our analysis of five Laconian terms for 'swine' has blearly.demonstrated that the Laconians preserved two Indo-European names:

IE. *wes-ón- 'fat animal' (hence Lac. pćcovo f. 'female pig, sow'),

and IE. *dwkA.wild pig'(hence Lac. otrd f. 'pig').A different term*pop0alopioxoE ('piglet') seems a Laconian innovation, perhaps ofonomatopoeic origin. Also Lac. pol}"opó21a (or perhaps ptol'ópo2go)

'pig' (liter. 'digging the soil') demonstrates a relatively recent

character, though some Indo-European parallels may indicate a

possibility of an older derivation. The primitive filiation of Ciliciannrś?,.crę ('wild boar') and Laconian nreLć,d. ('pig') cannot be

determined with certainty.

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Abaev, v. I. [A6aen B. I,I.] 1989. klcmopuxo-tmulnot ozu.lecKui cnoeapu ocemuHcKoeo

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