Paloma Resumen 2000

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Benfer Robert A, Early Villages. In: Encyclopedia of Archaeology, ed. by

Deborah M. Pearsall. © 2008, Academic Press, New York.

Nunez L and Santoro C (1988) Cazadores de la puna seca y salada,Estudios Atacamenos (9). Antofagasta: Universidad del Norte.

Pearsall D (1992) The origin of plant cultivation in South America.

In: Cowan CWand Watson PJ (eds.) The Origins of Agriculture:An International Perspective, pp. 173–205. Washington: Smith-

sonian Institution Press.

Rick J (1980) Prehistoric Hunters of the High Andes. New York:Academic Press.

Silverman H (ed.) (2004) Andean Archaeology. Blackwell.

Stothert, K (1988) La Prehistoria temprana de la Peninsula deSanta Elena, Ecuador. Cultura Las Vegas, Museo del BancoCentral del Ecuador, Guayaquil and Quito.

368 ASIA, EAST/Early Villages

Author's personal copy

Early VillagesRobert A Benfer, University of Missouri-Columbia,Columbia, MO, USA

ã 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Glossary

Ayllu An extended family unit for the Inca, whose history was

traced through ancestral mummies.

BP Radiocarbon years before the present, which is set byconvention to 1950. Since the number of radiocarbon years is not

always the same as the number of calendar years, it is possible to

adjust them into years calibrated by comparison of tree-rings

from long-lived Bristlecone pine trees.catchment The region used for obtaining resources. In coastal

Peru, a village catchment could extend from beneath the ocean to

altitudes in excess of 3500m.

Cribra orbitalia A special kind of pitting in the upper part of thefrontal bone that forms the back of the eye socket; the pitting

may become smooth with healing. It is associated with childhood

anaemia as a response of the body in producing more red cells inthis region, the most available one, of the body skeleton during

early childhood.

ENSO El Nino Southern Oscillation. The interaction of the

tropical Pacific ocean with the global atmosphere that results insporadic episodes of changing ocean currents and hence climate,

especially along the western coast of South America.

fog oasis In Peru, the coastal hills between 200 and 800m above

mean sea level are shrouded in fog from about June untilNovember. Trees, before nearly all have been cut down in

modern times, condensed the fog and in many years, the hills had

a savana-like appearance. Such foggy hills are called lomas inPeru.

lomas See fog oasis.

palaeodemgraophy Modeling demographic properties such as

estimated remaining life expectancy and fertiilty from thedistribution of the dead. Since emigration or immigration can

dramatically effect the relation between the properties of the

dead and living, assumptions of stability or other data, such as

living floor areas, are necessary to support such reconstructions.parental investment The varying economic investments

parents might make in children with respect to their own

maintainance; investment might vary by gender where there are

economic differences in their values.periosteal lesions Additional bone on the surface of a bone

that has a woven appearance; it is usually the results of infection,

either mechanically from punctures in the skin or from somechronic infectious diseases.

Encyclopedia of Archaeology

Preceramic period Alternatively called Archaic, in Peru, is the

time between the end of the Holocene until 1500 BC. The Late

Preceramic overlaps the Initial Period of Ceramics in the north

and central coastal regions, as Tom and Sheila Pozorski havedemonstrated and Leonid Velarde has recently shown for even

the early part of the Late Preceramic in central Peru. Needed

changes in periodization will not be discussed here.stable isotopes As used here, the concentrations of carbon and

nitrogen isotopes, which exhibit a pattern across varied food

sources and can be reliably measured in human osseous tissue.

village As used here, a settlement in which more than 50 personsare usually in residence. We use both floor area and

palaeodemography to estimate village size.

virtual reality Three-dimensional structures from digital

models, which can be entered andmanipulated. In PalomaWorld(available at my web site: http://rcp.missouri.edu), wire-frame

models were covered with texture from photographs of a

reconstructed house and the background at the site. Details were

modeled separately.

Introduction

With the onset of the Holocene, sedentary village lifeappeared in widely scattered locations around theEarth. Farming, facilitated by domesticated animals,produced a diet that, when supplemented by hunting,gathering, and fishing, describes one path from anomadic life to a settled one. Full-time fishing isanother possibly more ancient path. There are well-known examples of both economies in the Neolithicof Asia and in the Middle East. The earliest villagesfrom the Archaic (Preceramic) stage of the WesternHemisphere are those of fishermen.

Earliest Villages

One can define the archaeological signature of a villageas one left by multiple, clustered domestic structures ofbetween approximately 80 and 1500 inhabitants.Larger settlements are more conveniently referred toas towns, smaller ones as hamlets. Early dispersedsettlements would be difficult to distinguish fromhamlets without very widespread excavation.

The end of the last glacial period saw the firstagglutinated villages in the archaeological record inthe Eastern Hemisphere. Farming villages emerged atXinglongwa sites such as Jiahu in inland China, by9000 years ago. These sites are characterized by hav-ing large domestic structures and ceramics. In theMiddle East, Pre-Pottery inland Neolithic sites, suchas Biedla in Jordan, were also occupied by 9000BP.Jomon fishing ceramic-using villages in Japan date to10 000BP.

In the Western Hemisphere, the Peruvian pre-ceramic site of Paloma, Peru, was a small settlementat 7800BP, growing to a peak of several hundredbefore abandonment after 5000BP, whenmonumentalaceramic Late Preceramic sites began to be constructedto the north. Valdivian sites from Ecuador, such as

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ASIA, EAST/Early Villages 369


Real Alto, began to appear at about that time withpottery and a variety of cultigens. James Zeidler andDeborah Pearsall have shown that Valdivian peoplesmoved up the middle valleys from the earliest settle-ments in coastal Ecuador, suggesting initial and per-haps continuing association with fishing.Andean villages today are derived from long estab-

lished patterns. They are divided into at least twoallyus, between or among which marriages are typi-cally arranged, so villages tend toward endogamy.A single village may also exist in two physically differ-ent locations, often separated by altitude, so thatresources from different ecological zones are availableto a single group. Households vary in success withthose having the richest nexus of kin from which re-ciprocal aid is available doing better than less success-ful neighbors. Today in the Andes, a complete nuclearfamily with reciprocal relations among kin and non-kin is vital to sustain life. Modern villages may haveelaborate social interactions with other groups such asherders. Multiple ethnic groups may have settlementsclose to one another in the same valley.Persi stence of any villag e requi res succe ssful repro-

ductio n. Since half of the children bor n in pr ecera-mic times would die before the age of four years,and the last-bor n child ren would have to be caredfor by someo ne other than the mothe r – whose lifewould usually end during her reproduc tive perio d –consi derable commun ity inves tment woul d ha ve beenneces sary in child rearin g. Unlike moder n customs,prece ramic villag e burial was often in or ad jacent todomes tic struc tures in earl y villag es, presum ably byfamily. Thus , early villag es, before monum ental archi-tecture, displ ay the dom estic archi tecture of familie s.

Conditions for Sedentism in Early Villages

Early Jomon fish ermen lived year-round in their vil-lages; shel ls show daily and seasona l grow th incre-ments. Early settle d village life can appear variou slywith or wi thout intensi ve cultiva tion of plants, do-mesti cation of anim als, or the potte ry needed to storeand proces s produ ce. The prece ramic Palom a fishingvillag e was occupi ed throughou t the year, at leas t insome years .

Environmental Factors of Early Sedentism

In the Early Holo cene, im provem ents in food produc-tion would ha ve been stimulate d by increasin g carbondioxi de from the carbo n release d by melting glac i-ers. The estab lishment of mod ern patte rns of oceancurre nts some time afte r 5000 BP pro duced stablebeaches . Flood plain s and hills ab ove the beacheswould also be fruitf ul for collecting and hunt ing,and for cult ivation of plants. By 5000 BP, the longperio d of warm, humi d environ ment, the Holocene

Encyclopedia of Archaeolo

Globa l Clim atic Optim um (GCO ), was ending. Theresult was an increased unpredictability of a new coolerand dryer climate. People had to adjust no longer sus-tainable systems of subsistence to these more variableconditions. These cultural changes were importantand can be compared with adjustments to later cli-matic shifts as discussed by DeMonocal. They mayhave led to the abandonment of fog oasis sites likePaloma for river valley settings. Villages arise fromhamlets during the beginning of the GCO.

Early South American Settlements

Ea rlier Pleist ocene hamlets , su ch as Monte Verde,Chile and early Pa ijan sites in Peru report ed by TomDillahay, may ha ve had substa ntia l wooden dwell-ings. In centr al coastal Peru , Freder ic Eng el excavat edwell-pre serve d but isolated structure s clos e to beachesat Paracas and Qui pa with da tes betw een 9000 and10 500 BP. Othe r early fishing camps on the Peruvi ancoast s are this old or older but lack visibl e domes ticstructures. Early fishing settlements are known forthe length of the Chilean coast. In Ecuador, KarenStothert’s excavations at OGSE-80 in the Santa ElenaPeninsula possibly suggest early agglutinated house-holds by 8000 BP. However, these sites more likelyrepresent hamlets than villages, probably occupiedseasonally, as Piperno and Pearsall note.

Paloma, Chilca Valley, Peru

The Middle Preceramic site of Paloma, Peru, is one ofthe most intensively studied sedentary villages fromthe Middle Holocene of the Americas. The site issituated 3.5 km from the modern beach on an alluvialfan at an elevation of 200m above mean sea level, justbelow a fog oasis. Paloma lies 8 km from the ChilcaRiver (Figure s 1– 3). Freder ic Engel cond ucted thefirst excavations. The author directed subsequentexcavations in four more seasons between 1976 and1990 in cooperation with Engel, Alice N. Benfer, andGlendon F. Weir.

Paloma presents three important archaeologicalresources: (1) its preservation of organic materials isgood to excellent, (2) its well-stratified deposits showclearly separable village occupations over time, and(3) it was extensively excavated and analyzed. A listof 25 theses and partial list of publications is availableat the PalomaWorld web site at http://coas .miss ouri.edu (here after, Pa lomaWorld).

There were excavations of parts of 50 structures,400 storage pits, 35 hearths, and 201 human inter-ments over four field seasons. A series of 26 radiocar-bon dates registers earliest occupation at 7800BP, witha series of subsequent stratified villages occupied until

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about 4700 BP. The final occupation at Paloma wasone in which the population began to relocate to anearby river valley at the site of Chilca 1.Pa loma is the largest site excavat ed from this time

perio d; howev er, Engel has locat ed two other similar,but unex cavated villag es, clos er to the coast in thesame valley. The Pa loma site is compr ised of oval pithouses, three mortuary structure s, and shel l midd ens.

PerÚ

10�

12�

14�

Rio ChilcaPaloma

Lima

Figure 1 Location of Paloma in Peru; latitude is indicated.

San Bartolo

Pac

ific

Oce

an

Fog nourished vegetat

12� 24�

76�48�

200

200

Figure 2 Paloma location in a fog oasis. Map by Bernardino Ojeda


Many struc tures were in the low shel l moun ds. A fewof the earlie st domes tic structure s at Paloma are smal land perhaps do not indicate year-roun d villag e sedent-ism. Large, sturdy houses in cluster s were widespr eadby 6500 BP. Figure 4 shows what a domesti c structure(S. 103) looked lik e during excavation; in it someburial pits and stora ge pits have been ex cavated butone stora ge pit is awaitin g excavat ion. Excava tion inthis struc ture, but not in most , continu ed below thefloor to the cut original ly made by its buil ders tocreate an oval depres sion for the house.

Design of the Excavation

The design combi ned two maj or strategies , a smallproba bility sampl e of test pits strati fied by depth ofdeposi ts an d extens ive lateral excavations ( Figure 3).We were surprised to find that domestic structureswere buried throughout the alluvial fan, whetherthere were surface indications or not, and pleased tolearn that structures encountered in the probabilitysample were not distributed differently from thosefound in lateral excavations. The total excavationswere of approximately 2500m2, which is approxi-mately 10% of the alluvial fan on which the siteis situated.

Chilca I (Pantano)

N

B.O.E.

0ion

12b VII 613Paloma

Quebrada Chilca

200

400

1 2 3 km

Paloma

E.

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Subfloor fill

Storage pit with contents

Floor

S. 103

Figure 4 Photograph of S. 103 during excavation; ruler is 1m.

5025

meters

N

Block excavation

Probability square

0−0.25 m deposit depths0.25−0.5 m deposit depths0.5−1.0 m deposit depths

1

Figure 3 Map of Paloma showing 6 � 6 block excavation in black and smaller probability samples in gray with black subdivision. The

sample was stratified by depth of deposits determined by shovel test. Map by B. Ojeda E.



Stratigraphy

We were able to establish three well-defined stratalocated throughout the alluvial fan below the fogoasis. Two domestic structures from earlier stratahad to be grouped into a single level #400 for thepurpose of analysis since they were from strata thatwere not widely distributed across the site.

Dating

Of 26 radiocarbon determinations, only one did notcorrespond to the level assigned by our stratigraphy;


another sample from the same structure did. Thethree site-wide recognizable zones are dated asfollows:

. #100 Reoccupation, 4000 BP. It had rectangularsubterranean stone structures and open areas withscattered living areas indicated by midden to thenorth and east of the Paloma alluvial fan; thisoccupation is not discussed here.

. #200 4700–5100BP. A level whose presence wasannounced by a layer of rotted, often purple, shells,the decay of which suggests abandonment.

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. #300 5100– 5300 BP. A leve l topp ed by thic kcaliche (calci um carbonat e) in areas an d alwayscontai ning more grass than eit her level a bove orbelow; the soil was most often orange in color.

. #400 5300–7 800 BP. A level of darker soil contain-ing large hearths.

The earl iest date (780 0 BP) applies to only a fewsmall struc tures from nons ite wide stra ta. The laterstrata sugg est occupa tions of persi stent villag es.

Settlement Pattern

The settle ment pattern makes clear why goo d stratig-raphy was obtai ned in what is normall y a diffic ultcontext, that of a stratified series of villages. The reasonis that, once abandoned, structures were never dis-turbed. Burials within the structures were also neverdrastically disturbed; abandoned houses were aban-doned household cemeteries.Figure 5 shows the central core of the structures from

our virtual reality representation of Paloma, which canbe visited at a web site, ht tp :/ /c oa s. mis sour i. ed u, andhereafter, Paloma World. These more structures showa settlement pattern of agglutinated structures thatnever intrude upon earlier ones. Other structures,presumably a part of other complete clusters, werealso encountered.Vradenbu rg and his associ ates foun d an interes ting

shift in total house floor area ov er time. Using a figureof 9.4 m 2 of roofed area per person and a 50-yearmaximum life for a hous e sugges ted an averag epopulat ion of abou t 60 between 6500 and 5300 BP,

Figure 5 Paloma core excavations showing parts of three villages;

units are 6�6 meter squares. S. 101 in level 200 is discussed in the


the time of the site-wi de occupat ion of level #400.Using the same pro cedures, we calcu lated a popula-tion of about 450 in leve l #300, the leve l whoseabun dant grass sugg ests maxi mum moistur e. We esti-mate the lower bound for #200 as about 200 inhabi-tants who, ov er time, moved to the nearby rivervalley. Not su rprising ly, palaeod emograp hic study ofthe human rem ains sh owed a decrease in grow th ratein the final occupat ion at Paloma even though theactual local populat ion of fog oa sis and river valleywas expanding . Othe r evidence of sedentis m includesthe more than 400 stora ge pits, many con tainingplant or anim al food . For example, one grass -linedpit was full of anchovi es with heads remo ved; otherscontai ned ground a nchovies, and many contai nedstored plant materials , all sugges ting a sedentary lifedepend ent upon stored foo ds (see Figure 4).

Architecture at Paloma

We found three special mort uary struc tures, but livingstructure s were the most comm on struc tures atPalom a.

Domestic Architecture

All structures were semi-subterranean in profile. Theoriginal excavated area was flattened by filling it withsand and then laying down small, fine mats twinedfrom wild plant fibers. Most structures were round tooval, with some tending to rectangular. Roof supportswere occasionally of willow poles but more oftengroups of cane bound together and set into trenches.Roofs were covered with fine mats over which grass

plans superimposed over virtual reality reconstruction; excavation

text.

(2008), vol. 1, pp. 368-380




was interlaced. Although it virtually never rains at thiselevation, a fine mist from the winter fog, ‘garua’, canwet all exposed surfaces in the winter. The roofs ofstructures would have condensed water from the fogin this rainless land; excavated house poles were oftenencased in caliche at their base. Stone-lined wells ofunknown antiquity are found in the nearby fog oasis.Abandoned houses formed depressions, sometimesvisible on the surface; condensing water turned thecollapsed roofs to caliche. The depressions were usedlater for discard of garbage. Large basaltic passivegrinding stones, batanes, were sometimes cached onor under the roof of houses that had been abandoned.Human burials were found under the floors or some-times on the floors of dwellings.

Mortuary Structures

In add ition to the more common pract ice of burialwithin the hous ehold, sever al speci al mort uary struc-tures were found. One, S. 137, is associa ted with #200but lies south of the core #200 group and is notdepic ted in Figures 5 or 6 (see the virtual real ity‘inter active site dig’ for detai ls at Palom a World).S. 137 rese mbled a domes tic structure in constru ctiontechniq ue ex cept that it was only about 60 cm inheight . Inside were four burials, the only four notburie d in a fetal position. One ha d been disarti culatedbefore reburial , the only instance of this pract ice. Theother three ap pear to have been burie d in a stat e ofrigor mort is. One explana tion for all fou r indi vidualsdying togeth er could be poison from a red tide. An-other, structure , S. 28, contain ed seven infa nt burialsbut no adu lts, whi ch, if not due to very ba d luck inraising babies, suggest that it may ha ve ha d a specialmortu ary funct ion. An unusual burial, one extre melywell prese rved (Tomb 159), was that of a juveni lemale missi ng one leg and exhibi ting deep groov es in

Figure 6 Paloma virtual reality reconstruction of S. 101 and near-

by dwellings looking to the south.


the corre spond ing fore arm and hip. He had diedfrom woun ds probably inflicte d by a shark. He wasburie d in a miniatu re struc ture made in the samefashio n as a full-s ized dom estic structure .

A Paloma Household

S. 101 was fou nd just west of a low shell moun d( Figure 6). It and adjac ent S. 129 ( Figure 7a ) are thetwo best-pres erved structure s at the site. The y wereboth from leve l #200. Over 14 person -months weredevote d to the excavat ion of S. 101; extens ive fieldnotes are availabl e at Pa loma World (w here it is liste das H. 101). S. 101 and S. 129 togeth er compr ise adomes tic hous ehold. One is a larg er living unit(S. 101), and the other small er struc ture, whose pr es-ence marke d the edge of a shell mou nd, is the kitc hen(S. 129) . S. 101 is sho wn in plan a nd profi le view inFigure s 7b and 7c . A recons truction ( Figure 7d) byBernardi no Oj eda is in the Mu seo de la Nacio n, Lima,Peru . That recons truct ion lacks the covering grass , asdo our repre senta tions here and elsew here, in ord er toshow architec tural details . Fi gu re 7e shows a similarmodern living unit/kitchen pair from the Andes. S. 101was somewhat unusual in that it was the only structurethat we could be sure had a flat roof, which waspreserved by its charring in a fire. We were able totrace ash over a caliche lens from S. 101 to the nearbystructure, S. 129. The two structures returned the sameradiocarbon date, 5010� 60 and 5010� 80BP.

Most houses had a patio area delimited by posts, andS. 101 is no exception. It is possible that an outer ovalof posts might have functioned as the outer wall of thedwelling with the inner more circular row of postsbeing for support. However, study of partially burnedbut largely intact poles, mats, and grass from S. 101suggest that the areawas really a patio for the house. AtPaloma, therewere hearths bothwithin the central ovalof posts and outside them but within the outer ring.Larger communal health areas are sometimes foundamong clusters of houses. We encountered more than35 hearths. Storage pits averaged about eight perhousehold, and many had preserved grass linings andstorage contents, such as headless anchovies.

Some domestic structures showed re-occupation,with several living floors; S. 101 had three floors,each with indications of partial coverage by finemats. This pattern argues that the dwelling wasbeing used for multiple years, perhaps abandonedtemporarily in an ENSO year when much of themarine biomass shifted to the north. Our findingof five cached batanes in a domestic structure couldindicate an abandonment that was meant to betemporary but, in fact, became permanent for anextended family. There was an average of four buri-als interred in and around each of the 55 domesticstructures. Few completely excavated houses lacked

gy (2008), vol. 1, pp. 368-380

X 200group B

X 200group C

X 200group D

(a)

(b)

(c)

(d) (e)

ESE 12 b_VII_613H.C.I.

Paloma12 b_VII_613.HC, HCI

0

0 0.50 cm

Bojeda1975

50 cm

B.O.E.

H.CI

N

Figure 7 S.101/129 domestic cluster of living and cooking structures at Paloma and similar household above Huaraz, Peru (a) Map

of site area containing S.101 (domestic structure) and S.129 (kitchen), in black; (b) plan of S 101 omitting most interments and some

storage pits to show architectural details; (c) profile of S.101; (d) reconstruction of S.101 by Bernardino Ojeda, in the Museo de la Nacion,

Lima, Peru (grass covering omitted to show details); (e) Modern sleeping structure and kitchen, on road to Chavın de Huantar above

Huaraz, Peru.



burials. Palae odemogr aphic study showed that, dueto high infant mortality, approx imately one-hal f ofan ex tended family of eight migh t die in a generati on( see Pa leopatho logy).The kitchen struc ture S. 129 con tained a burial of

a woman more than 50 y ears old when she died.She was suff ering from a chroni c infe ction indicate dby perio steal les ions on her lower limb bone s. Therewere extensive foo d rem ains in S. 129, which is whywe identif ied it as a kitch en. S. 129 was archi tectural-ly interes ting in that posts were foun d only in thenorther n extens ion shown in Figure 7a . Between thatsmall cir cle an d the longer ope n ov al-shaped, mai ncooking area, we found a packed eart h step. Moreintensi ve proces sing of food ap pears to ha ve requ ireda separa te kitchen struc ture in the #200 villag e.


The treatment of the dead a lso chang ed in #200.There ap peared a new pa ttern, one that sugges ts thebeginni ng of what would be come a continent- wideemphas is on an cestor venera tion. At the same time,treatm ent of the deaths of children was elabor ated.

Ancestor Veneration

Tomb 100 (show n at the bottom of Figure 7b) hadsmall hearths just out side the limits of the burial pit.Remai ns of fire inside bur ial pits wer e more common .Fires had freque ntly been set before the body wasplaced in the grave, resul ting in the burn ing of mat s,skin, and even scorching of bone. Claude Cauchetreported a burial from the north coast dated to10 200BP that had been placed on a layer of embers

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Line separatingmales/females

N (declinationadjusted)

Males114� azimuth

Females

Children

MM

MM

MM

FFF

F

F

M

T104

N

T101

T114

T204T20

T17 T18

T118

T109

T100

T102T58T203

T22T

103I

I

I

I

III

I

Figure 8 Composite # 200 Paloma burials. Note males and

females are separable by an imaginary line through the infant

burials. The hypothetical house is approximately 3� 4 m in dimen-

sions. (The 114� azimuth marks the austral summer solstice.)

Drawing by Ekaterina Pechenkina.



with another laye r of charcoa l and ashes coverin g thebody. At Paloma, we found embers and bur ned areasunder side s of burials but not ashes covering the body.In Late Prece ramic La Galgada, Terrence Grieder andhis colleagu es also report ed burials interred ov er alayer of charcoa l.Anot her us e of fire, one that sugges ts ancest or ven-

eration, was the case in which a male was placed onthe floor mat or in a shallow depres sion, and thehouse was then burned down ov er him. In the caseof the best-pres erved exampl e, Tomb 109 in S. 101, acoiled bask et was placed on top of the body, anda larg e metate put on top of the burned ro of. TheShuar of Ecua dor buried an important male in ahouse in which he ha d lived and then burn ed it to thegroun d. At Palom a, bur ned hous es may have serve d tomark the claim s of lineages to the few highl y produc-tive beach sites. The se would be the ones with go odfishing and access to sweet water and carboh ydrate-produ cing lom as or river.Besi des venera ting ancesto rs with special trea tment

involv ing fire, rel atives attempt ed to prese rve thedead. We have foun d that salt compr ised more thanone-hal f of the volum e of some burial fills throughresearch at the Missou ri Res earch Reactor by JeremyEdwar d (MU diss ertatio n; MU theses are availabl eonlin e). These fish ermen liv ed only a few kilometersfrom coast al salt depo sits. At La Galgada, distantfrom salt mi nes, in the Late Preceram ic, large saltcrystal s covere d by a layer of charcoa l served as thebase for two burials.The se rituals for venera ting and preservi ng a nces-

tors are related to moder n tropical lowland beliefsystems and are thus suggested as ancient for the conti-nent. They prefigure the mummy cult of the Inca by4000 years. They can be compared with the Chin-chorro cult of far southern Peru and northern Chile.

Increasing Investment in Children

Jeffrey Qui lter, a crew ch ief in the 1976 excavat ion,publi shed a descr iption of Paloma burials. In a non-metri c mul tidimensi onal scal ing of interments codedfor mort uary content by Sharon S. Brock, the authorfound statistical ly signifi cant diff erences in the di-mens ion weight s by strata that quan tified an incr eas-ing emphas is on child ren that Qui lter had alsoindicate d. More elaborate burials for children mayhave reflec ted an incr easing investmen t in them .An unusual orientation of the young, and the pattern

of interment by gender in the last major occupation atPaloma, may be another reflection of cosmologicalbelief systems imported from the tropical lowlands.

Male/Female Dualism

In an an alysis by Kate Pechenki na an d RobertA. Benfer it was foun d that mal es in #200 were burie d


in the eastern pa rt of hous es, fem ales, in the wes t,with most infants along a nor theast/so uthwest linedividing the tw o (see Figure 8). The dimensi on ofgender is a powerful indicator of dualism at Paloma,but this pattern was restri cted to #200 burials. Theline along the orientat ion of most infan t burials couldbe viewed as trac ing the nightly extreme of the MilkyWay. We know that later Andea ns would see theMilky Way as represent ing fertili ty. Could these newmortu ary customs emphas izing dualism an d theMilky Way ha ve been brou ght by new peop les to thecoast at the beginnin g of the #200 occupat ion?

Coastal Relations with Other Peoples

Mari a Rostw orwor ski has sugges ted from ethnohis-toric and linguisti c studi es that there was compl etepopulat ion replacem ent of centr al Peruvi an coastalpeople s by highland peo ples at a n early time. High-land incursions of the coast al valleys are know n fromlater peri ods.

Studi es of the dental trai ts of the human remainsfrom Palom a by Christy Turn er III sugges ted that thelast Paloma occupation before abandonment was bypeople whose dental characteristics were very differ-ent from those of earlier inhabitants. It is possible thatthe new mortuary customs came from the lowlandsthrough highland intermediaries.

Other relations with distant peoples are shown bytrace element analysis of obsidian. Mike Glascockfound that all but one piece of obsidian from Palomacame from the Quispisisa source near the headwatersof the Pisco River. From that location, the highlandriver systems are directly accessible from the coast.

gy (2008), vol. 1, pp. 368-380



A bone implement from a monk ey sugges ts contactsto the far north or the lowlands over the Andes . Inpalae oethnobot anica l studi es, Glendo n Weir foun dno significan t plant rem ains at Paloma originat ingfrom more than 1000 m, so movem ent of obsidi anor monkey bone was most likely due to chanceencoun ters with highland ers as either group forage dthe lower wester n slope s of the Andes .

Other Biological Studies at Paloma

The primary rese arch for the excavations was tow ardstudy of the evide nce for earl y sedentis m in a systemof human/environment interactions in a fragile habi-tat. Fuelwood was one organic material that was criti-cal in the arid environment, and it serves as a usefulindicator of anthropogenic and natural changes.

Fuelwood and Construction Materials

The fog oasis, which provide d water an d plantresour ces to these early villag ers, becam e degrade dover time. We can demons trate this by ch anges infuelwood, charcoa lized tw igs, and building mat erial.Glendo n Weir and Phil ip Dering foun d a significantdecline in averag e diam eter and vari ance as well asin quality of the fuel wood . Figure 9 shows resul ts ofa midden excavat ion. Both fuel wood an d wood forconstr uction show the same pa ttern, increasi ng useuntil the last villag e in #200, when use of wood forconstr uction dr amatically decreased as its use in firesincrease d.The environ mental degrad ation sugges ted ov er-

exploi tation of fuelwood at Pa loma. A regi on-wide

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Figure 9 Fuelwood and construction wood frequency by test

pit into a midden at Paloma.


trend of decre asing moistur e at this time ha s beendocume nted by glacial cores from the Huasc ara nglacier. Thus , inhabi tants were forced to rem ovemore of the shrubs from the fog oasis rathe r thancontin uing a sustainabl e harves t of de ad twigs andbranches . However, no wood from tree trunks wasever used as fuel wood at Palom a. Had the trees them-selves been used for wood, the fog oasis vegetati onwould hav e quickly collapse d. This is because thetrees condense the moistur e from the fog that perm itsthe lomas to bloom. In respons e to a dryer and morevariab le clima te, both mariti me an d terrestri al re-source s became more inte nsively exploite d. Change sin the lomas were con sequent ial for water produc-tion, perhap s the major reason for ab andonment . Thebeginning of more frequent ENSO events after5000BP is known from, among other evidence,changes in mollusks reported by Daniel Sandweiss,and changes in the frequency of different species offish reported by Elizabeth Reitz.

By 4700BP, the last Paloma families had movedto the nearby river valley site of Chilca 1 whereyear-round water was available. The sister sites wereoccupied simultaneously for centuries, prefiguringsome later Andean village settlement patterns.

Health, Diet, and Activities fromthe Skeleton and Teeeth

Health

Surprisingly, despite the hygienic challenges of livingin a permanent settlement, health improved over timeat Paloma. Stature, one of the best indicators of child-hood health, increased significantly over time atPaloma. Kate Pechenkina and her associates foundthrough study of limb bone lengths that Paloma fish-ermen were taller as adults than any later peopleswere. Cross-sectional growth of limb bones duringchildhood was always faster at Paloma than at threecomparative sites, suggesting that the stature increasein adults was due to improving childhood health anddiet at Paloma. Stature was significantly greater atPaloma (males 165 cm, females 155 cm) than at RealAlto (males 162 cm, females 151 cm). The inhabitantsof the larger Valdivian villages probably suffered frommore hygienic problems of sedentism than did Paloma.

Another useful indicator of adult health is anemia,which registers first in the bones of children. Anaemiadeclined over time at Paloma only to become moreprevalent in subsequent time periods. Periosteal lesionson bones, caused by either a treponemal agent orinfection following wounds, decreased between levels#300 and #200 but increased in sites from followingtime periods.

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Diet

Dan Edwar ds and the author of this article found thatdental wear decre ased significant ly ov er time atPalom a, probab ly as more proces sed smal l fish wereeaten . The dental wea r pattern of Pa loma fisherm enwas easily distingui shed from the cusp-li ke wea r offarmers by Peer Moore- Jansen. Carious lesions, ‘cav-ities’, wer e nearl y absent in the teeth of these fis her-men. Lesion s were more frequen t at Real Alto wherealmost 9% of individual s had at least one, a valuetypical of a high carbohydr ate diet. Bone chem istryconfirms the dental patterns at Paloma. Stable iso-topes furnished byMichael J. DeNiro are presented inFigure 10 . The average suggests a diet almost exclu-sively from the sea. Ba/Sr elemental concentrationsin bone (analysis by J. H. Burton) provide identicalfindings based on a different set of factors. Levelsof fluoride measured by Jeremy Edward at MURRwere high at Paloma, as was expected. He also showedan intriguing change in fluoride levels, with sexualdimorphism in earlier levels, to about equivalent con-sumption of the two genders in level 200. Genderdifferences in diet appear to have disappeared. In anMU thesis, Eric White found that more than 70% ofthe batanes were recovered in #200 despite the numberof structures being approximately equal among thestrata. Glendon Weir’s study of the contents of thesurfaces of the batanes showed their use for both grind-ing plants but also small fish. Ground fish, with themeal stored in grass-lined pits, would have providedfood for both men and women, especially in ENSOyears when marine yields would have been lower.Apparently, the adjustment was successful. The #200peoples show improved health. Such improved healthcould be translated into higher fertility and longer lives.

+25.0

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eaters

d15N and d13C in bone collagend15N (per mil)

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eaters

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Paloma

Figure 10 Human bone carbon and nitrogen isotope levels

for Paloma. Data from analysis by Michael J. DeNiro; figure by

Ekaterina Pechenkina.


Palaeodemography

We estimated life expectancy from the distributionof the dead by age groups, using plausible levels ofpopulation growth rates. Fewer infant burials in #200argue for greater investment in children, who, as dis-cussed above, showed less stunting of growth. Thelack of scars of pregnancy in the public and iliumbones of women younger than 24 years suggests thatmarriage was delayed, reducing fertility. High levelsof cadmium in human bone samples likely reducedmale fertility, perhaps most strongly in #200. Adultlife expectancy increased over time at Paloma only todecrease in subsequent time periods at other sites. InEcuador, Ubelaker also found a decline following thePreceramic period. A recent compilation of studiesby Mark Cohen shows a similar decline in healthand life expectancy of adults is associated with initialexperiments with intensive agriculture in prehistoricpeoples widely scattered around the earth.

Zooarchaeology

Elizabeth Reitz found that the diet was one typical offishermen, an interpretation that accords with thatfrom the bone chemistry and dental patterns. Fishand sea lions were important components of thediet, augmented by shellfish.

Remains from juvenile sea lions are found. Theseanimals are resident in summer, whereas guanaco(ancestral to llamas), deer, and fulmar (a gull-likebird), also present, would have been attracted to thefog oasis in the winter when it blooms. The singlebone from a monkey was from Atelles spp. Reitzconcluded that overall, most calories were obtainedfrom the sea. She noted a shift over time towardsmaller animal species. Nevertheless, plants consti-tuted a minor but important component of the diet.

Palaeoethnobotany

The identification of the plant macrofossils has beencompleted by Deborah Pearsall following the earlierwork of Glendon Weir and Philip Dering. Pearsallstudied plants from over 100 storage pits and othercontexts from levels #200 and #300. She found plantremains more ubiquitous in #200 than #300. Charredbegonia plants were the most common edible plant in#300.GlendonWeir had found evidence that the tuber-ous begonia was cultivated; its masticated roots werecommon. Amancay (Hymenocallis amancaes), a lily,was also important. Uncharred begonia and charredbottle gourdwere equally common,with rare examplesof charred cotyledon pieces. There is also an unknowncharred tuber/root. Gourds became less common overtime. Maize was found in two areas: one was an intru-sive offering (dated to more recent times), the other, a

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s ing le c upu le . O ne i mpo rt an t n ew f ood pl an t a pp ea rsin #200, Phaseolus, the common bean. Much smallerseeds appeared to be secondary to root and tuber foodsin the samples collected from 1 and 0.5 mm screens,possibly because they passed through them.

Human Coprolites

Study of plant and animal rem ains from sever al hun-dred desiccat ed human fecal remains was made byGlendo n H. Weir and Phil lip Der ing. The se demon-strated that grass caryops es (gras s ‘fruit s’ of ‘seed s’) infact were one of the maj or plant foods consum ed. Thesmall er seeds apparent ly passed through our finescreen s. Seeds of plants other than grass es in thecoprol ites included cheno pods ( Chenopodi acaea ),solana ceous ( Solanacae ), a nd compos ites ( Compos-itae ). Evidence of the prepara tion of these food s isobserve d in finding charcoa l and fragment s of stonein coprol ites, pe rhaps from grinding.Pa rasitolo gical studies of large sampl es of copro-

lites by two sp ecialists (Karl Rein hard and Mich aelKliiks) pro duced no ova or other indi cations of intes-tinal pa rasites. Fishe rmen may ha ve unus ually go odsanitary ha bits. Frequ ent im mersion in the sea woul dhave reduce d fecal transmi ssion from person to per-son. At the site, we foun d a lat rine area compos ed ofcoprol ites. Some cop rolites were ad hering to a shellthat exp eriments showe d made an adequ ate substi-tute for toilet pa per.Taken together, the copro lites, macrofoss ils of

plant s, faunal remains , and bone chemistry ident ifythe diet as one of fish ermen who were extractin g asmuch from the fragil e terrest rial envir onment as pos-sible. Indic ators of diet predi ct habit ual subsi stenceactivi ties necessary to produce and proces s food.

Habitual Activities

Anna McNair studi ed humeral and femoral sha pe atPalom a (MU Hono r’s Thesis ). She foun d significantshifts over time in humeral shape. Humera were widerat the elbow in the early levels and associated withmore robust muscular development. This robustnessdecreased over time at Paloma, a trend stronger inmales than in females. This decrease is associated,surprisingly, with an increase in large grinding stones.More recently, Alexander Robling in an MU disser-tation confirmed that there was a decrease in theamount of physical work at Paloma over time fromstudies of bone turnover rates and geometric pro-perties of the femur. Sexual dimorphism was alsoseen to diminish so that in #200 women show almostas heavy development of musculature as men. Anotherrecent MU dissertation by Mathew Rhode showedthat entheses, muscle markings on bones, at Paloma


produced a pattern similar to preceramic Chilean fish-er populations.

Women could ha ve been hauling nets, carry ingbabies , carry ing shellf ish the 3.5 km uphill to thevillag e, swim ming while pushing nets, or managi ngplant s and collect ing. Men would have fished, huntedlarger marine prey, and dived for shel lfish. Auditoryosteom as, bony grow ths produ ced by exp osure tocold water (‘surfer’s ear’), wer e rest ricted to mal es,which correspo nd to the pattern observe d on the westcoast of South America, where men an d not wom endived for mollusks .

Danc ing is imp lied by the widespr ead presen ce ofrattle s. The custom becam e more evide nt in laterInitia l Peri od with the constructi on of numer oussunken circula r plat forms. Habi tual activiti es couldbe reflected in aspects of technolo gy; howev er, thematerial technology at Paloma was a simple one.

Technology

Artifacts were scarce, with nonfiber objects averagingonly a few per cubic meter of excavation.

Lithics

Eric J. White found no difference in the frequencies oftypes of laurel leaf-shaped stone points over time.However, higher-quality lithic stone points becameless common. Stone points were not frequent at thePaloma villages, and, indeed, they are infrequent infishing sites from middle and late coastal preceramicperiods from Ecuador to southern Peru. White alsonoticed a dramatic decline in wood polish in scrapersfrom #200. This finding is congruent with decrease inwood use for constr uction sho wn in Figure 9. Manosand smaller grinding stones were common. Boilingstones for cooking in gourds were sometimes foundin hearths with their inferior surface caked with car-bon. There was usually one batan per household.

Obsidian flakes were encountered throughout thedeposits, and their source was in the highlands, asdiscussed above. In a single pit, rocks of all the typesobserved at Paloma were cached together, in thehouse of the presumed village knapper. A few stonebeads were found in other contexts.

Fiber Objects

Two reports on fiber objects are available in English atthe Paloma World web site. Twined mats and nettedapparel were found around the head and waist ofburied individuals. Apart from string and rope, thesewere the most common fiber objects. All of the fiberwas from wild plants, except for the intrusive cottonoffering dated much later.

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Of special inte rest is the charre d simple basket inthe shape of flat cir cular tray disc ussed ab ove withS. 101 (upper right corner of Figure 7b ). Its date of5010BP suggests that it may be one of the oldest exam-ples of a true coiled basket known for the WesternHemisphere, which can be distinguished from earliersimple twined objects often reported as ‘basketry’ inNorth America.

Bone Implements

Paloma bone artifacts include points, needles, bull-roarers, and fishhooks. Thirty-three bodkins, flatspatula-shaped bone objects with a perforation atthe proximal end, varied in size and amount of polish.Most were found with burials. Bone spatulas, flat,polished bones lacking a perforation, were sometimesmade from sea mammal bone, perhaps reflectingthe scarcity of land mammal bone, which has morecompact bone. We recovered pendants, punches,and fragments of barbs, as well as ‘atlatls’ or spearthrowers. Awls were present. Individual tubularbone beads were flat with a wide range in size. Twen-ty-four beads were found as a necklace in an inter-ment, all of which are tubular avian bones. Twobone objects were recovered that may have func-tioned as knives.

Gourds

Bottle gourds (Lagenaria siceraria) were found prin-cipally in burials. Most were undecorated. One frag-ment, from S. 36 is over 6500 years old, which is olderthan other reported decorated gourds. The fragmenthas a painted design of brown over an orange back-ground. Gourds were fashioned into rattles, some-times with a stick handle, worn shell fragments andpebbles from the beach, and seeds. Rattles are foundin about 20 of the 201 burials and the frequent pres-ence of gourd fragments in other burials suggests thatthe practice of interring rattles was actually morecommon. One infant burial had a complete rattle;other fragments were found in burials of childrenand adults of both genders. Some gourds had beenbroken and repaired by sewing segments back to-gether, suggesting the maintenance of an importantheritage treasure.

Shell, Wood, and Feathers

Large shell implements showed abrasion from use.Shell beads, pendants, and necklaceswere found. Com-plete and fragmentary fishhooks were recovered.Wooden stoppers or floats and a handle that mayhave given purchase to a fishing net were excavated.One piece of woodwas used as a fire drill. Fuelwood as


a consumable artifact has been discussed above. Splitcanewas also used for fire starters and to constructwallcoverings and sleeping/mortuary mats. Penguin feath-ers were relatively common in burials, presumably asadornments; other feathers were probably from birdsthat were eaten.

Summary

Villages do not require pottery or intensive plant pro-duction to grow and prosper. Paloma fishermencultivated some plants. Villages more focused on farm-ing came later, as represented by Valdivian sites such asReal Alto in Ecuador. Valdivia culture persisted over along time, whereas in central Peru dramatic changes insettlement pattern and monumentality of structuresfollowed abandonment of the earliest fishing villages.

Early Ecuadorian villages were larger than earlyPeruvian ones. The Valdivian sites are associatedwith larger numbers of species of domesticated plantsand represent more densely settled populations,and people were less healthy as adults than were thePaloman fishermen.

Findings from the Paloma Project support the cel-ebrated hypothesis byMichaelMoseley that maritimeresources were the critical ones in the developmentof Andean civilization, at least at the level of thefirst permanent villages. The larger Valdivia sites sup-port Moseley’s more recent reformulation of thehypothesis, that fishing and farming resources formednecessary parts of a dual economy. In Peru, the large,complex monumental sites that followed Paloma dateto earlier times than equivalent ones in Ecuador.Thus, early villages in Ecuador and Peru suggest twopaths that permitted populations to grow from vil-lages to towns. Present evidence favors the hypothesisthat resources from the sea and the land were neces-sary for the precocious construction, between 5000and 4000BP, of large, monumental Peruvian sitessuch as Chupacigarro/Caral, Aspero, and El Paraıso.Adjustment to the dryer and more variable climateencountered at the ending of the GCO may have beenthe stimulus for important changes in subsistence prac-tices. Cotton, essential for construction of large nets,was domesticated after the abandonment of fog oasissites and resettlement in river valleys. Increased farm-ing of agricultural food products may also have beensimultaneously pursued. With large cotton nets, yieldsof fish could have been dramatically increased overa wider variety of beach habitats. Subsistence levelfishing at Paloma was replaced by fishing that pro-duced the large surpluses necessary to tide agricultur-alists and fishermen over during ENSO years when alltheir food crops could be lost to flood or drought andmarine foods would also be scarce.

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380 ASIA, EAST/Historical Archaeology


Acknowledgments

The field and laboratory work was made possibleby four awards from the NSF and additional awardsfrom the University of Missouri-Columbia that pro-vided vital bridging support. The author especiallythanks the laboratories that conducted analysis ofPaloma materials through their own resources.

See also: Americas, South: Early Cultures of the Central

Andes; Northern South America; New World, Peoplingof; Osteological Methods; Paleodemography; Paleo-pathology; Stable Isotope Analysis; Trace ElementAnalysis.

Historical ArchaeologyAndres Zarankin, UFMG, Belo Horizonte, BrazilMelisa A Salerno, DIPA-IMHICIHU-CONICET,Buenos Aires, Argentina

ã 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Glossary

historical archaeology The archaeological study ofhistorically documented cultures.

diffusionism An anthropological theory of spread of culture

stating that similarities in tools, practices, or other features

between cultures result from their being spread from one cultureto another rather than being arrived at independently.

post-processualism A form of archaeological theory which is

related to the broader development of postmodernism.

urban archaeology The milieu of old and new artifactspopulating the urban landscape.

ethnicity A sense of being different from other groups

because of cultural tradition, ancestry, national origin, history,or religion.

Introduction

Historical archaeology in South America has experi-enced an accelerated growth since the mid-1980s, aprocess which was particularly intensified during the1990s. This growth has been reflected in the creationof several projects of investigation, the appearance ofspecific courses in college curricula, the spread ofnational and international meetings, and the increas-ing number of papers published by different SouthAmerican archaeologists in the first years of thethird millennium.

This article intends to offer an overview of thehistory and development of historical archaeology inSouth America. In order to accomplish this objective,we discuss – among other topics – the relationshipbetween historical archaeology in South America and

Further Reading

Benfer RA (1990) The Preceramic period site of Paloma, Peru:

Bioindications of improving adaptation to sedentism. LatinAmerican Antiquity 1: 284–318.

Benfer RA (1999) Proyecto de excavaciones en Paloma: El

Valle de Chilca, Peru, El Periodo Arcaico en el Peru. Hacia

una definicion de los orıgenes. Boletin de Arqueologia PUCP3: 213–237.

Cauchet C (1988) Early hunter-gatherers on the Peruvian coast. In:

Keatinge RW (ed.) Peruvian Prehistory, pp. 41–66. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.

Damp J (1984) Architecture of an Early Valdivia village. AmericanAntiquity 49: 573–585.

DeMonocal PB (1991) Cultural responses to climate change during

the Late Holocene. Science 292: 667–673.Engel F-A (1987) De las begonias al Maiz. Lima: Centro de Inves-

tigaciones de Zonas Aridas, Universidad Nacional Agraria, La

Molina.

Grieder T, Mendoza AB, Smith CE, Jr, and Malina RM (1988) LaGalgada, Peru: APreceramic Culture in Transition. Austin:

University of Texas Press.

Moseley MM (2003) The Incas and Their Ancestors. London:

Thames and Hudson.Pechenkina EA, Vradenburg JA, and Benfer RA (n.d.) Disease

and the effects of intensive agriculture on the central coast

of Peru. In: Cohen, M (ed.) Recent Investigations into Paleopa-thology and the Origins of Agriculture. Gainesville: University of

Florida Press.

Piperno DR and Pearsall DM (1998) The Origins of Agriculturein the Lowland Neotropics. London: Academic Press.

Quilter J (1989) Life and Death at Paloma: Society and MortuaryPractices in a Preceramic Peruvian Village. Iowa City: University

of Iowa Press.

Reitz EJ (1988) Faunal remains from Paloma, an Archaic site inPeru. American Anthropologist 90: 310–322.

Rostworowski de Diez Canseco M (1998) Ensayos de HistoriaAndina II. Lima: Institute de Estudios Peruanos.

Sandweiss DH, Richardson JB, Reitz EJ, Rollins HB, and MaashKA (1996) Geoarchaeological data from Peru for a 5000 year BP

onset of El Nino. Science 273: 1530–1533.Shady R, Hass J, and Creamer W (2000) Dating Caral, a precera-

mic site in the Supe Valley of the central coast of Peru. Science292: 723–726.

Vradenburg JA, Benfer RA, and Sattenspiel L (1997) Evaluating

archaeological hypotheses of population growth and declineon the central coast of Peru. In: Paine RR (ed.) IntegratingArchaeological Demography: Multidisciplinary Approaches to


Prehistoric Population, pp. 150–151. Occasional Paper No. 24,

Carbondale, IL: Center for Archaeological Investigations, South-

ern Illinois University at Carbondale.

Weir G and Dering P (1986) The lomas of Paloma, human–environment relations in a central Peruvian fog oasis: Archaeobo-

tany and palynology. In: Matos MR (ed.) Andean Archaeology,pp. 18–44. Los Angeles: UCLA.

Zeidler JA and Pearsall DM (eds.) (1994) Regional Archaeology inNorthern Manabı, Ecuador. Pittsburgh: University of PittsburghMemoirs in Latin American Archaeology, No. 8.

Relevent Website

http://coas.missouri.edu – University of Missouri-Columbia, The

College of Arts and Science.

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