Opportunity in Scarcity: Environment and Economy on Aegina

MULTIPLE MEDITERRANEAN REALITIES

Urheberrechtlich geschütztes Material. © 2015 Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn

MITTELMEERSTUDIEN

Herausgegeben von

Mihran Dabag, Dieter Haller, Nikolas Jaspert und Achim Lichtenberger

BAND 6 Urheberrechtlich geschütztes Material.

© 2015 Ferdinand Schöningh, Paderborn

Achim Lichtenberger, Constance von Rüden (Eds.)

MULTIPLE MEDITERRANEAN

REALITIES

Current Approaches to Spaces, Resources, and Connectivities

Wilhelm Fink | Ferdinand Schöningh


Titelfoto: Constance von Rüden

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CONTENTS

Preface ............................................................................................................. 7 Introduction: Multiple Mediterranean Realities. Spaces, Resources and Connectivities ........................................................................................... 9 CONSTANCE VON RÜDEN and ACHIM LICHTENBERGER

Spaces

Prehistoric Cyprus: A ‘Crossroads’ of Interaction? .......................................... 17 A. BERNARD KNAPP

Making the Way through the Sea. Experiencing Mediterranean Seascapes in the Second Millennium B.C.E. ................................................... 31 CONSTANCE VON RÜDEN

Opportunity in Scarcity: Environment and Economy on Aegina .................... 67 GUDRUN KLEBINDER-GAUß and WALTER GAUß

Multiple Mediterranean Forces: Guido von Kaschnitz Weinberg’s Mediterranean Art.......................................................................................... 93 ACHIM LICHTENBERGER

Schizophrenic Urban Reality. The Changing Urban Landscapes of the Mediterranean Region and Developmental Influences ............................ 105 LORRAINE FARRELLY and ANDREA VERNINI


Resources

Mineral Resources and Connectivity in the Mediterranean and its Hinterland ...............................................................................................121 THOMAS STÖLLNER

The Trojan Palladion – Visual Expression of a pan-Mediterranean Identity in Antiquity? ....................................................................................149 STEFAN RIEDEL

Perpetration and Perpetuation: The Persistence of Reciprocal Stereotypes in the Geo-Politics of Mediterranean Cuture ..............................169 MICHAEL HERZFELD

Mittelmeer-Blues. Musik und postkoloniale Melancholie ..............................185 IAIN CHAMBERS

Connectivities

Crossing the Sea – The Translation of Relics to and from North Africa .................................................................................................207 STEFAN ALTEKAMP

Some Thoughts on the Carolingians and the Mediterranean – Theories, Terminology and Realities .............................................................223 SEBASTIAN KOLDITZ

The Return of Ulysses. Varieties of the ‘New Mediterranean’ between Mediterraneanism and Southern Thought .......................................259 MARTIN BAUMEISTER

Transnational Mobilities, Digital Media and Cultural Resources...................273 HEIDRUN FRIESE


PREFACE

This collection of essays is the result of an international conference which took place at Ruhr University Bochum from April 26th–28th 2012. It was hosted by the Zentrum für Mittelmeerstudien (Centre for Mediterranean Studies) which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research. We would very much like to express our gratitude to the Ministry for its financial support. One of the aims of the conference was to foster critical approaches to Mediterranean Studies and thus we invited several scholars of Mediterranean Studies with different dis-ciplinary backgrounds to discuss current problems relating to spaces, resources and connectivities in the Mediterranean.

During the conference we received much logistical support from the members of the Centre for Mediterranean Studies and we would particularly like to single out Eleni Markakidou, Christoph Kremer, Anne Riedel and Stefan Riedel. Editori-al work of this volume was considerably supported by Anne Riedel to whom we are very grateful. Further, Matthias Bley, Andreas Eckl and Stefan Riedel contributed to the editing of this volume. We would also like to thank all contributors to the conference and all panel chairs and discussants, of whom we would especially like to mention Johannes Fabian who chaired the final discussion and gave stimulat-ing input to the conference.

Achim Lichtenberger and Constance von Rüden

Bochum, October 2014


GUDRUN KLEBINDER-GAUß AND WALTER GAUß

Opportunity in Scarcity: Environment and Economy on Aegina

“Those who live with the seas may be regarded as having a keen perception of the elements, a willingness, at some level, to participate in the community organisation of labour and, most importantly, an expectation of continual encounter with other-ness, at home or elsewhere. These histories of the sea are embodied in the individual and the community, and this embodiment is related to both perception and experi-ence of the environment and the specifics of material culture linked to the sea.” (Rainbird, 2007, p.64)

The role of landscape (and also seascape) and environment respectively in shaping human experience has gained increased interest in archaeological research (e.g. Tilley, 1994; for seascapes, see, e.g., Broodbank, 2000; Berg, 2007; for ‘landscape’ and ‘environment’ as complementary terms, see Ingold, 1993, p.156; see also Jones, 1998, p.11). The interaction between the individual and his or her envi-ronment – in Jones’ (1998, p.11) words the “totality of the natural, cultural, his-toric, and economic contexts within which an individual lives” – is seen as a criti-cal factor in influencing people’s actions. In this contribution we want to intro-duce the case of the Greek island of Aegina and analyse some aspects of its culture within the context of the given environmental conditions.

Aegina Today: Tourism, Pistachios and Archaeology

Aegina is a small island, approximately only eleven kilometres from north to south and twelve kilometres from west to east. It is situated in the centre of the Saronic Gulf, in close proximity to the neighbouring Peloponnese, the Megaris and Attica with Athens in the west and north, while the eastern side of the island faces towards the Aegean Sea, with the islands of Kea, Kithnos and Serifos as nearest neighbours (fig.1). The island’s geographic position allows easy and direct access to neighbouring coastal areas of the Greek mainland and easy access to routes in the central Aegean and beyond.


Gudrun Klebinder-Gauß and Walter Gauß 68

In geological terms Aegina is part of the so-called Aegean Volcanic Arc, and most of its landscape is dominated by volcanic rocks which cover the entire southern and north eastern part of the island (fig.2). Only the north western part is geolog-ically different, with a less rugged landscape and richer vegetation (Livaditis, 1974; Dietrich, Gaitanakis, Mercolli and Oberhaensli, 1991; Kiriatzi, Georgakopoulou and Pentedeka, 2011, pp.72-74) (fig.3). It is also on the northwest coast that the modern capital of the island, Aegina town, is situated. On the edge of the town, a short distance from the harbour, the prehistoric settlement and the acropolis of the ancient city state are located on the Kolonna hill peninsula.

Fig.1: Geographical position of Aegina in the Saronic Gulf; © Anavasis with additions by the authors.


Opportunity in Scarcity 69

Fig.3: The fertile northern part of the island; photo by L. Berger.

Fig.2: The volcanic southern part of the island; photo by the authors.



The island is rather poor in natural resources, and apart from clay deposits and andesite, exploitable natural resources such as metals or minerals are completely lacking. Aegina also has limited agricultural potential: larger and easily accessible areas for agricultural use exist only in the northwest, whereas in the volcanic southern and north eastern part, terracing was the only way to make the land ara-ble. Thus, Aegina is largely dependent on imports, even fresh water is delivered by tanker from Piraeus. Nevertheless, the island is densely populated (ca. 13,000 inhabitants at the 2011 census).

Today’s economy is based on tourism: because of its closeness to Athens Aegi-na is a popular destination not only for visitors from all over the world interested in Classical culture – one of the island’s highlights is without doubt the partly re-erected temple of Aphaia (fig.4) – and for pilgrims visiting the monastery of Aghios Nektarios, but also for numerous weekenders escaping the mega city of Athens. The only important agricultural export product today is the pistachio nut, as the hot dry climate and soil conditions are almost ideal for growing this crop (fig.5). The pistachio industry, which accounts for a good deal of Greek’s to-tal production, is a relatively new phenomenon on Aegina. Until some fifty years ago, another product of the island was well known and widely distributed throughout Greece: Aeginetan clay water jars, known as κανάτια, were much

Fig.4: The late Archaic temple of Aphaia; photo by the authors.



used for storing water in the days before the refrigerator was a common house-hold appliance, as the highly porous fabric kept the water fresh and cool (Kiriatzi, Georgakopoulou and Pentedeka, 2011, p.74).

But how did the ancient and prehistoric Aeginetans deal with the environmen-tal conditions? A comprehensive reconstruction of the past environment is not yet possible. However, various philological, archaeological, and scientific analyses provide sufficient evidence, we believe, to make some observations on life on the island in the past. We will focus specifically on two periods that are of special im-portance in Aeginetan history: the rich ancient testimonia together with the ar-chaeological evidence make it logical to first deal with the late Archaic and early Classical periods, when Aegina was for more than two centuries one of the major hubs in the central Aegean area. Afterwards, we will concentrate on the period from the end of the Early Bronze Age to the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, during which time Aegina developed into a site “without peer” in the prehistoric central Aegean area (Rutter, 1993, p.780).

Late Archaic and Early Classical Aegina: a Major Centre of Trade

The two above-mentioned, most striking characteristics of the island – namely its prominent geographical position and the poverty and barrenness of the soil – are frequently stressed in the ancient testimonia. Strabon (8, 6, 16) in his detailed depiction of Aegina describes its location as surrounded by Attica, the Megaris and the area of the Peloponnese as far as Epidauros. The Aeginetan landscape is

Fig.5: Pistachios, the most im-portant agricultural product of the island; photo by the authors.



usually characterized as ‘rocky’ and ‘barren’ (Weilhartner, 2010, p.383, s.v. Bo-denbeschaffenheit). Local agricultural produce of considerable importance is not referred to in the ancient sources, and the only goods mentioned are either very special or of excellent quality, like saffron for the production of anointing oil (Theophrast, De odoribus 27), or mullet (Archestratos, ‘Ηδυπάθεια / Life of Luxu-ry, fr. 43). Other well-known commodities from Aeginetan workshops in antiqui-ty are a special bronze alloy and bronze candelabra (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historiae, 34, 11), the raw materials for which had of course to be imported. Most important in our context is the reference to unspecified clay vessels (Herodo-tus, 5, 88, 2; Weilhartner 2012, pp.207-211). However, pottery is thus far the on-ly product that can today be attributed with certainty to Aegina: our stylistic and scientific analysis proves that there was large-scale, highly specialized local pro-duction of pottery, covering both local demand and the export market in the Ar-chaic and Classical periods as well as in the Bronze Age (fig.6) (Gauß and Kir-iatzi, 2011; Klebinder-Gauß, 2012, pp.197-198; Pentedeka, Georgakopoulou and Kiriatzi, 2012, pp.104-124).

Strabo continues his description of Aegina as follows: “for the island [...] be-came a merchant centre, since, on account of the poverty of the soil, the people employed themselves at sea as merchants” (8, 6, 16; translation H.L. Jones; see al-so Reed 2003, p.32). This latter statement turns our focus to what characterized Archaic and Classical Aegina in particular, namely its prominent position as a na-val and trading power and its resulting wealth – characteristics that are also fre-quently mentioned in other ancient testimonia. Already by the early seventh cen-tury Aegina’s reputation as a seafaring power that contributed considerably to the development of shipbuilding is stressed (Hesiod, Ehoien, fr. 6-7; Jennings, 1988, pp.23-25; Morris, 1984, p.93). Aegina is also mentioned as one of the few places to have thalassocracy over the Aegean at a certain period, which meant hegemony in the field of naval matters, including military dominance (Herodotus, 5, 83, 2; see Weilhartner, 2008, p.344; Weilhartner, 2010, p.371, s.v. Thalassokratie).

Fig.6: Prehistoric (left) and Classical (right) Aeginetan cooking pottery; photo by the authors.



Even if Aegina’s labelling as a thalassocracy is controversial (Jennings, 1988, pp.25-32), it at least reflects a certain reputation as a prominent seafaring power. Aegina’s military strength is also reflected by the fact that it received the highest honors of all Greeks in the battle of Salamis 479 BC (Hdt. 8, 93, 1; Weilhartner 2008, p.343). According to the ancient sources, Aegina was the only non-east Greek polis to be party to the trading post at Naukratis in the Nile delta (Herod-otus, 2, 178). Furthermore, another Aeginetan trading post is mentioned in Kydo-nia in western Crete (Strabon, 8, 6, 16), as also are trips to the Pontos region (He-rodotus, 7, 147, 2-3) as well as contact with Umbria (Strabon, 8, 6, 16), Sicily (Olympiodoros, Commentary on the First Alcibiades of Plato, intro-duction) and Illyria (Strabon, 8, 6, 16; see comment Weilhartner, 2010, pp.199-200 no. 885). Aegina’s enormous wealth in this period is proverbial and commonly associated with the successful trading activities of its inhabitants (see Weilhartner, 2010, p.384 s.v. Reichtum; Figueira, 1981, pp.166-170; Jennings, 1988, pp.5-8). Aristo-teles (Politeia, 1291b), for example, mentions in his listing of various classes of people associated with the sea that on Aegina (and Chios) the merchant class is extremely numerous.

Aegina’s prosperity is not only well documented in the ancient testimonia, but also displayed in its archaeology. The intense building activities, especially in the late Archaic and early Classical periods, when the sanctuaries in Kolonna (fig.7) and Aphaia (fig.4) and the city’s commercial harbour were embellished on a grand scale, are evidence of the immense monetary resources available for public projects (Felten, 2005, pp.182-187; Figueira, 1981, pp.280-281). The arts were al-so thriving on Aegina at this time, as is indicated by numerous references in an-cient literature to Aeginetan sculptors and their works (Walter-Karydi, 1987, who also discusses works of art that may be connected with the Aeginetan school). The assumed high population in around 500 BC may be seen as another indica-tor of the island’s prosperity (for calculations of the population, see Figueira, 1981, pp.22-64; Horden and Purcell, 2000, p.119, p.381; see also Weilhartner, 2010, p.370 s.v. ancient remarks on the ‘Bevölkerungsreichtum’ of Aegina). Even the minimal calculations estimate a population many times larger than could be provided for by the island’s own agricultural production. It was thus necessary to meet the demand by large-scale import of staples.

The perceived source of Aegina’s prosperity, namely its success in sea trade, is also apparent in the archaeological evidence. The wide distribution of Aeginetan coins in the Mediterranean and the rapid adoption of its standard by a number of other Greek poleis particularly indicate the island’s enormous economic im-portance in this period (Figueira, 1981, pp.125-144; Carradice and Price, 1988, pp.35-36, p.50, p.76; Jennings, 1988, pp.101-103; Osborne, 1996a, p.257; Hop-per, 1982, p.86). The introduction of coinage was of huge importance because it meant that the value of goods could be assessed by a fixed standard, thus facilitat-ing exchange at a distance and between strangers (Morley, 2007, pp.61-64; see al-so recently Papadopoulos, 2012, p.286). It is certainly not by chance that the trading power Aegina was one of the first Greek poleis to mint its own coins. The



raw materials needed had to be acquired abroad, as the island had no mines of its own.

Apart from coins, another Aeginetan product could be found in the 6th and 5th century at various sites in the eastern and central Mediterranean as far as the Pon-tos region, namely cooking pots. At this time Aegina had evolved into a major centre of cooking ware production that supplied not only the local market, but also places far beyond with various items of high-quality cooking pottery (Klebinder-Gauß, 2012, pp.173-193, pp.198-199). Even though pottery was cer-tainly not a vital trade commodity but rather was carried alongside other, quantita-tively and qualitatively more important perishable goods, its usually good state of preservation omnipresent at all findspots makes it one of the most important in-dicators of contact (Gill, 1994, p.99, p.105, p.107; Erickson, 2005, p.644; Os-borne, 1996b, p.39). The presence of Aeginetan cooking pottery is obviously closely linked to the routes of the Aeginetan fleet, as for most of the findspots also other evidence like literary sources indicate the existence of connections to that particular region or place (fig.8) (Klebinder-Gauß, 2012, pp.198-199). It is therefore safe to assume that Aeginetan cooking pottery was transported and sold by the Aeginetan traders themselves – an assumption that is also supported by the

Fig.7: The prehistoric settlement of Kolonna and the remains of the late Archaic temple of Apollo; photo by M. Del-Negro.



denotation of Aegina as ‘χυτρóπωλις’, ‘potseller’ (for the reading of this citation, see Weilhartner, 2012, pp.209-210).

The diversity of the numerous and often exotic imports found in the city sanc-tuary at Kolonna and in the Aphaia sanctuary provides further evidence of Aegi-na’s wide-ranging contacts in this period: pottery, figurines, engraved tridacna shells, bronze vessels and jewellery as well as faience objects reached Aegina from various regions in the Aegean and from places as far away as Egypt, Cyprus and the Levant. In some cases Aegina is the only place in central Greece where these objects have been found at all or in considerable numbers (Margreiter, 1988, pp.19-20; Morris, 1984, pp.96-100). It is virtually impossible to surmise if these goods were acquired by Aeginetan merchants directly at their place of origin, if they reached Aegina via an intermediate port or if they were brought to the island by foreign traders; furthermore, it is not clear whether locals or foreigners dedicated these objects to the sanctuaries. In any case, the frequency and spectrum of these ob-jects stress Aegina’s role as a main trading hub.

Fig.8: Distribution of Archaic and Classical Aeginetan cooking pottery (black) and ancient sources mentioning Aeginetans abroad (dark gray); © Anavasis with additions by the authors.



Hence, written sources and the archaeological evidence present the picture of a small, rather barren island that flourished in economic, cultural and military terms in the late Archaic and early Classical period, and that accumulated ex-traordinary wealth through maritime trade. Naval capabilities were already highly developed at this time, and even long distances were not an insurmountable obsta-cle (Höckmann, 1985). However, little is thus far known about the structure of Aeginetan sea trade and the nature of the traded goods. Ancient testimonia and the almost total absence of natural resources indicate that the Aeginetans acted primarily as middlemen and carriers of goods acquired abroad by Aeginetans or shipped to Aegina by other tradesmen (see, e.g., Figueira, 1981, pp.231-236; Mor-ris, 1984, p.98. p.100). The commodities in which the Aeginetans traded were probably mainly perishable or convertible goods, such as cereals and metals, but also slaves, and furthermore sundry items of all kinds, as the expression “Αιγιναία εμπολή” – translated as Aeginetan commodity – was metaphorically used in an-tiquity for junk (Jennings, 1988, pp.149-150; Morris, 1984, p.95; Weilhartner, 2012, p.207).

The Aeginetans obviously utilized the favourable geographic position of their island in the centre of the Saronic Gulf close to the mainland coast and with easy access to important traffic routes: they successfully established themselves as trading middlemen between the neighbouring harbours in Attica, the Megaris and the north-eastern Peloponnese in regional terms, and in terms of long-distance trade between the Aegean, the Black Sea region, northern Africa, Italy and the western Mediterranean (Figueira, 1981, p.276; Jennings, 1988, pp.140-145, pp.151-155). Aegina’s economy in Archaic and Classical times is thus characterized by its func-tion as “central clearing point” (Jennings, 1988, p.154, p.221), on the one hand, and by its widespread, regional and long-distance maritime exchange of commod-ities, on the other hand (cf. Osborne, 1996b, esp. p.31, pp.39-40, pp.43-44; Jen-nings, 1988, pp.139-140). Present evidence, as provided by the written sources and the distribution of local pottery, indicates that Aeginetan activities were concen-trated on coastal regions easily accessible by ship. This fits well with the picture of a trading power carrying goods between different ports, thus linking existing cy-cles of exchange in a single interacting system (cf. Sherratt and Sherratt, 1993, p.363, p.374; Morley, 2007, p.10). The installation of trade posts and the con-stant occurrence of Aeginetan pottery at certain places suggest moreover that these connections were not short-term, but consistent and directed.

Aegina’s rise to major trading and naval power since the early Archaic period coincided with its independence from Argos and Epidauros respectively in the course of the second half of the seventh century (for this, see, e.g., Figueira, 1983, p.9, p.28; Morris, 1984, p.94, p.98; Jennings, 1988, p.221; Weilhartner, 2008, p.343) and with the decline of Athenian and Euboean activity abroad (Morris, 1984, p.94, p.104, p.119). Moreover, Aegina obviously benefited from a general increase in the prosperity of the Saronic Gulf states during the late Archaic and early Classical periods (Jennings, 1988, p.142 note 121. pp.207-208) and from the decline of important trading states in the eastern Aegean at the end of the



sixth century (Gehrke, 1986, p.173). Aeginetan supremacy in sea trade in the central Aegean was unchallenged until the third quarter of the fifth century BC. The subsequent decline goes hand in hand with changed political and economic circumstances in the Saronic Golf, especially the rise of Athens to a supra-regional dominating power. It culminates in the loss of Aegina’s maritime, economic and military power and in the expulsion of the local population in 431 BC (Weilhartner, 2008, pp.344-346; Klebinder-Gauß, 2012, p.197 with further ref-erences; Jennings, 1988, p.140. pp.211-212).

Bronze Age Aegina: a Hub of the Central Aegean

Let us now turn to prehistoric Aegina (for references, see Rutter, 1993, pp.775-780; Maran, 1998, pp.31-37; Gauß, 2010), in particular the time between ca. 2200 BC, the late Early Bronze Age, to ca. 1500 BC, the first part of the Late Bronze Age (for absolute dates at Kolonna, see Wild et al., 2010; on absolute and relative chronology in general, see Manning, 2010). Because of the lack of literary sources for this period the analysis of the island’s development has to be based ex-clusively on the archaeological evidence. Thus, only fragmentary information on the environmental conditions of Aegina at that time is available. It concerns mainly the material culture, such as pottery production, imported and exported non-perishable goods, building activity, etc. Moreover, the holistic approach of the 2002 to 2010 excavations at prehistoric Kolonna (annual reports in Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 2003–2011) also provides rich archaeozoological and archaeobotanical data that contribute immensely to our understanding of the population’s subsistence and the envi-ronmental conditions on the island (Forstenpointner et al., 2010; Galik et al., 2010; Galik et al., 2013). The constraints imposed by the mainly rough land-scape and the limited arable land must have been decisive then, too.

The settlement of Kolonna was the most significant site of the island throughout prehistory. Its importance already in the Early Bronze Age II period, around 2500 to 2200 BC, is attested by two succeeding large-scale buildings (‘corridor hous-es’), and by imports from various regions (for general information, see Rutter, 1993, pp.761-763; Maran, 1998, pp.31-35; for corridor houses, see Walter and Felten, 1981, pp.12-22; Shaw, 1987; for finds, see Walter and Felten, 1981; Ber-ger, 2004; Berger, n.d.). However, the establishment of Aegina within an exchange and trade network is presumably much older and may go back at least to Neolith-ic times, when Aeginetan andesite millstones reached the Argolid and Attica (Runnels, 1985, p.36; van Andel and Runnels, 1988, p.236).

Especially since the Early Bronze III period (ca. 2200 to 2050 BC), Kolonna underwent an unparalleled development: a regular planned and strongly fortified settlement arose on top of the ruins of the preceding Early Bronze II settlement (Walter and Felten, 1981; Felten and Hiller, 2004; Gauß and Smetana, n.d.). Particularly the newly built fortifications made the site a unique settlement in the



central Aegean area (Rutter, 1993, p.776, p.780). Both the planned layout of the settlement and the fortifications indicate a well organized and perhaps even ranked society. Apart from being a prestigious building project, the fortifications point towards a constant need for security, presumably to protect the wealth and interests of the Kolonna people.

In the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2050 to 1650 BC) the fortifications were con-tinuously strengthened and remodelled five times, and the settlement was extend-ed twice, each extension again strongly fortified (Walter and Felten, 1981). The extraordinary wealth of the site is mirrored in two precious metal hoards (Hig-gins, 1979; Reinholdt, 2008), in the earliest known shaft grave for an elite burial in the central Aegean (Kilian-Dirlmeier, 1997), and in the construction of an ex-ceptionally large building, which is most likely the mansion of the settlement (Gauß, Lindblom and Smetana, 2011). Based on the above evidence, Middle Bronze Age Kolonna is thought to be one of the earliest first-generation states outside Minoan Crete (Rutter, 1993, p.795 and note 210; Niemeier, 1995; Pul-len and Tartaron, 2007, p.155).

Throughout the Middle Bronze Age, a constant Minoan influence is traceable at Kolonna: it includes Minoan religious and prestige items found at the site that may even indicate the presence of Cretans living at Aegina (Reinholdt, 1992; Hiller, 1993; Gauß, 2006). The local production of Minoan-type pottery (Hiller, 1993; Gauß and Kiriatzi, 2011, pp.176-177), and of Minoan-style food prepara-tion and consumption (Forstenpointner et al., 2010; Galik et al., 2013) is anoth-er important aspect of the strong Minoan influence on the local elite at Kolonna. It seems to be strongest in the life-time of the mansion and the approximately contemporary elite burial.

Fig.9: Mediterranean-type stone anchors from Kolonna; photo by the authors.



In the periods under discussion Kolonna had wide-flung connections that are mirrored in the numerous imports from various regions, and by Aeginetan pot-tery found outside the island. The imports reflect contact in particular to the Greek mainland and the island of Kea, and to a lesser extent to other Cycladic is-lands like Melos and Thera. Sporadic finds of Late Bronze Age south-east Aegean and Cypriote pottery found at Kolonna (Felten et al., 2008, p.72 fig.33,13-14, p.74 and note 78) even indicate hitherto unspecified ‘connections’ to more dis-tant regions, as do a few east Mediterranean-type stone anchors, though the latter are without stratigraphic contexts (fig.9). Likewise, the distribution radius of Middle and Late Bronze Age Aeginetan pottery is remarkable. It reached, though in small quantities, Sicily and southern Italy in the West and Troy, Liman-Tepe

Fig.10: Distribution of Middle Bronze Age (dark gray) and Late Bronze Age Aeginetan cooking pottery (black); © Anavasis with additions by the authors.



and other sites on the Anatolian coast in the East. Aeginetan pottery from the Middle and Late Bronze Age is now known from more than ninety sites, with the main distribution area in the north-eastern part of the Peloponnese, Megaris, At-tica and Boeotia (fig.10). Interestingly, comparatively little Aeginetan pottery has been thus far identified in the Cyclades, and on Crete it is almost absent (Rutter, 1993, p.776, p.777, fig.12; Graziadio, 1998, pp.45-47; Lindblom, 2001, pp.43-44; Voutsaki, 2010, pp.105-106; Gauß and Kiriatzi, 2011, pp.241-247). Alt-hough we do not yet have any firm evidence, the distribution pattern of imported and exported pottery could indicate that Aeginetan ships undertook the long-distance trips to southern Italy or the Anatolian coast, the most distant regions in which Aeginetan pottery was thus far recognized, or even to Cyprus.

The wealth and importance of the Kolonna settlement continued until the Late Bronze Age. The development towards the Mycenaean palace states in the 15th century BC (Rutter, 1993, p.706; Wright, 2008; Ruppenstein, 2012) seems to go hand in hand with a gradual decline of importance at Kolonna (Gauß, 2007; Ruppenstein, 2012, p.57; regarding the development in the Argo-Saronic Gulf see in particular Siennicka, 2002; Pullen and Tartaron, 2007, pp.155-157). However, Aeginetan cooking pottery continued to be produced and exported even beyond the end of the Mycenaean palatial system (Gauß and Kiriatzi, 2011, pp.243-247).

How can the extraordinary development and prosperity of Kolonna in prehis-toric times be explained? As already stated for the Archaic and Classical period, the limited size of the island and the almost total lack of raw materials suggest (al-so for the period under discussion) that its wealth was most certainly not based on its natural resources, but was acquired by other means. Recently ‘trade’ (for the use of the term see Rutter, 1993, p.769 note 100; for general remarks on trade, see Steuer, 1999) in Aeginetan pottery and andesite millstones and mortars has been thought to be at least partly responsible for the prosperity of the island (Runnels, 1981; Rutter, 1993, p.795 and note 209). Indeed Aeginetan andesite stones (raw material and finished products) have been found outside the island since Neolithic times (Runnels, 1985, p.34, p.36; van Andel and Runnels, 1988, p.236; Rutter, 1993, p.795 and note 209). Research on the rich pottery produc-tion of Aegina furthermore clearly shows that fine table-ware and cooking pottery were already produced for export on a larger scale in the Middle Bronze Age, and cooking pottery continued to be made and exported even until the end of the Late Bronze Age (Rutter, 1993, p.776, p.777, fig.12; Graziadio, 1998, pp.45-47; Lindblom, 2001, pp.43-44; Lindblom, 2007; Gauß and Kiriatzi, 2011). At a number of sites the amount of Aeginetan pottery exceeds all other pottery im-ports by far (e.g., Asine and Kiapha Thiti; for references, see Gauß and Kiriatzi, 2011, pp.243-244). Additional evidence on what may have been produced at Ae-gina derives from recent excavations: archaeozoological research provides suffi-cient evidence for the assumption of a local purple dye production since the late Middle or early Late Bronze Age (Galik et al., 2010; Galik et al., 2013).



However, even though the production and distribution of Aeginetan pottery and andesite stones is remarkable and in certain periods even exceptional, it seems hard to imagine that the flourishing development of the Kolonna site for more than five centuries is entirely based entirely on these products. Even a combined large-scale pottery and purple dye production and their exclusive distribution by Aeginetans could hardly explain the importance and prosperity of the Kolonna settlement for such a long period. Also, the assumption that piracy and raids are the main reasons for Aegina’s wealth is not satisfying (Basch, 1986).

To explain the Aeginetan phenomenon in a more satisfactory way, we would like to assume that Aegina and Kolonna played an important role as node, trans-fer site and carrier of goods within the major communication networks of the central Aegean world, and that Aegina itself maintained a network system since the Early Bronze Age at the latest. To better understand the amazing develop-ment at Aegina and Kolonna, it has to be put into a wider context. As mentioned above, Kolonna was already an important centre in around 2500 BC. We believe, however, that the time after 2200 BC, the so-called “Wendezeit” / period of tran-sition (Maran, 1998), when major cultural changes were taking place throughout the central Aegean area, is most important for the unparalleled development of Aegina. In contrast to the decline and abandonment of sites on the Peloponnese (Wright, 2008, p.234 fig.10.2) and also on the Cyclades (e.g. Aghia Irini on Kea), the Kolonna settlement flourished. Thus it seems to have benefited im-mensely from the period of transition by evolving into a major trading and distri-bution centre and a nodal point connecting mainland Greece with the islands of the Cyclades and Crete. One may suppose that Kolonna not only maintained its already existing relations, but that it also filled the gap by taking over the rela-tions of declining or abandoned sites. It is thus plausible to assume that Kolonna not only ‘controlled’ the Saronic Gulf since the end of the Early Bronze Age, but that it was also in an active way responsible for the distribution and redistribution of goods arriving at Kolonna to the neighbouring areas in the Saronic Gulf and beyond, and vice versa. However, the development and extent of the ‘Kolonna network’ in prehistoric times is difficult to explain, as it relies heavily on recog-nized and published Aeginetan finds outside the island and imports to the site, and the body of material is constantly growing (Fimmen, 1924, p.77; Rutter, 1993, p.776. p.777 fig.12; Lindblom, 2001, pp.43-44). The evaluation of distribu-tion patterns is a critical issue (for references, see Steuer, 1999, esp. pp.503-515). This is exemplified for the Aegean area, respectively Aegina by I. Berg (1999, pp.476-478 maps 2a-2c) and M.E. Alberti (2013, p.31, fig.3.4) and by C. Knap-pett, T. Evans, R. Rivers (Knappett, Evans and Rivers, 2008; Aegina is illustrated as no. 26 in figs. 4 and 5).

In the Archaic and early Classical period alike, the significance of Kolonna in the area of the Saronic Gulf in the late Early to early Late Bronze Age is beyond doubt. Perhaps on a less grand scale than in the Archaic and Classical period Ae-gina gained its wealth and importance through maritime trade. The Aeginetan self-image of dominating the surrounding sea may also be recognized from the



exceptionally rare figurative depictions of ships on Aeginetan pottery of the Mid-dle Bronze Age. They show longboats with their crew, in one case even armed with spears (Basch, 1986; Siedentopf, 1991, pls.35-37, no.158. pl. 38, no.162; Rutter, 1993, pp.778-780; Wedde, 1999, p.49; Wedde, 2000, pp.41-45, p.316, cat-nos. 510-520, figs. 510-520).

Nevertheless, some issues regarding the role of Kolonna still remain fuzzy; for example: How did the Aeginetan network interact with contemporary Cretan, Cycladic and mainland ones? Is it plausible to assume that the Cretan network did not penetrate into the Saronic Gulf, but used Kolonna as a nodal point to of-fload and upload cargo? Does Kolonna also control a hinterland, particularly in eastern Corinthia as suggested by Pullen and Tartaron (2007, pp.153-157, p.154, fig.14.3. p.156, fig.14.5)? Is the assumption of a controlled hinterland on the mainland – “Terraferma”, to use a term borrowed from medieval Venetian history – a necessary requirement to explain the development at Kolonna? Or again, could the lack of a (permanently) controlled hinterland on the mainland be seen as one of the reasons for Kolonna not developing into a palatial centre (like Mycenae), and furthermore for its subsequent decline in the Mycenaean palatial period? Was the Aegina network incorporated into the Mycenaean palatial network, and what happened after the collapse of the palace system? Some of the issues raised may not be clearly solvable, but we hope that continuous research and the application of theoretical approaches and models will contribute to the understanding of the significant role of Aegina and its network in the Bronze Age.

Opportunity in Scarcity: Conclusion

Aegina evolved twice in its history to an exceptionally important hub within the Mediterranean, namely in the late Early to early Late Bronze Age and again in the Archaic-Classical period. In both periods Aegina appears as a thriving community which successfully established a sufficiently powerful position to protect its inter-ests for a considerable length of time. In both periods the supposed source of its wealth and influence is its intensive engagement in large-scale sea trade. And in both periods this phase of prosperity was followed by a phase of decline, when changed political and economic circumstances drastically constrained Aegina’s opportunities to engage in trade and to maintain its salient position. Thus, a similar scenario arises for both of the periods discussed above.

Both in the Middle Helladic and in the Late Archaic-Early Classical period Aegina’s wealth, the wide range of imports found on the island, the range of its contacts and the constant occurrence of its products at certain places beyond the is-land, all speak for regular, well organised trade connections. The Aeginetans of these periods apparently dealt mainly in foreign goods, but they also exported the few products provided by the island’s resources, namely table-ware, storage and cooking vessels as well as andesite millstones in the prehistoric period, saffron in the



historic period, and, as most characteristic local product, cooking pottery which was exported also in this period throughout the Mediterranean.

Thus, the Aeginetans developed in both periods under discussion a far-reaching and well organised network of small-scale local and trans-regional ex-change, using the sea as a means of communication. From the available evidence – especially in the Bronze Age, when written evidence is lacking – we can form only a rough idea of the quality of these Aeginetan networks, their duration, ac-tual scope and functioning, and we can only assume how commodities and in-formation were exchanged within them. However, for the establishment of a network the Aeginetans could in both cases certainly fall back on existing local maritime exchange cycles and routes of trade which had been in use since the Neolithic period, probably to meet the demand – or better: the desire – for goods that were not generally available within the Mediterranean world, such as specific stones (andesite, obsidian, etc.), metals, timber or grain (for this, see, e.g., Mat-thäus, 2005, pp.333-334; Morley, 2007, p.10; Sommer, 2009 for the important role the Phoenicians played in establishing a “full-fledged world system” in the course of the Iron Age; see also Morley, 2007, pp.37-43. p.90 and Foxhall, 1998, p.297 emphasizing the role of desire for the consumption and acquisition of commodities).

The body of water and especially the Aegean Sea provide favourable conditions for moving goods, as open sea travelling is hardly necessary and the relatively short distances could be crossed quickly in good weather conditions (Casson, 1994, p.512; Matthäus, 2005, p.357). The sea is, in Rainbird’s (2007, p.64) words, “a space for movement”. Moreover, a fundamental physical advantage of Aegina is the fact that it is an island. Islands are clearly confined, well arranged and often enough self-contained spaces having, as stressed by Horden and Purcell (2000, p.225, p.227), all-round connectivity and are “uniquely accessible to the prime medium of communication and redistribution”. This, together with its ge-ographic position in close proximity to the coasts of the eastern Peloponnese, the Megaris and Attica, as well as the existence of good harbours, gave Aegina a sali-ent advantage that was utilised by the islanders who established themselves as middlemen between different spheres of exchange, making the island a centre of redistribution that attracted and channelled the movement of goods. The virtual absence of natural resources on the island, apart from clays and andesite, was thereby not an impediment but possibly even a motor for engaging in trade (cf. Lätsch, 2005, p.103 with note 18, pp.107-109).

The Aeginetans recognized how to acquire the specific knowledge that was es-sential to manage the sea and to build up and maintain efficient and consistent patterns of exchange. Regarding this, not only an excellent knowledge of naviga-tional and nautical techniques was necessary, but also knowledge of places to pur-chase and sell commodities. Just as essential to the success of trade were commu-nication skills and the ability to establish and cultivate widespread relationships, which also presupposes some form of common language (cf. Morley, 2007, p.31, p.76). It was indispensable to keep in constant touch with trading partners, in



order to acquire information on the availability of and the demand for particular commodities at particular places. Such widespread connectivity was particularly endangered by the length of the sea routes, and its maintenance required a relia-ble communication system and high investment of resources in distribution.

In our paper we have tried to shed light on the emergence of comparable pat-terns on Aegina in two completely independent periods. Both in the late Early to early Late Bronze Age and in the Archaic-Classical periods the Aeginetans re-sponded in a similar way to specific environmental conditions and given possibili-ties: both times they understood how to make the most of the island’s location, its favourable geographic position, and power structures in the Saronic Gulf. By engaging in trade, they not only gained prosperity and influence, but simultane-ously compensated the almost total lack of natural resources on the island. How-ever, the appearance of similar patterns on Aegina in two different periods shall not be explained in the sense of an environmental deterministic system of causa-tion. The two major studies dealing with the island’s development in the Archaic-Classical period assess the emergence of Aegina’s prosperity and its historical role differently: Jennings (1988, pp.4-5, pp.119-120, p.142, p.209) stresses above all a causal connection between Aegina’s geographic position and its prominence in economic matters, whereas Figueira (1981, p.17. p.284) attributes the commer-cial success of Aegina in this period to the interaction of “environmental, politi-cal, military, and economic factors” and proposes primarily “the action of human volition” and “the activity of its inhabitants” as the driving force. In our opinion Aegina’s development in the two discussed periods, as described above, should be seen as the result of a mutual interaction between people and their environment. In both periods the Aeginetans obviously experienced their environment in a sim-ilar way: they realized its enormous potential but also the constraints imposed by it, and consequently acquired the specific knowledge to compensate or benefit from them (see Jones, 1998 for the concept of a ‘perceptual framework’ mediat-ing between the environment and the individual). The prominent and very spe-cific geographic factors were thereby a constant which the Aeginetans learned to take advantage of under the circumstances prevailing at the time (on the role of geographic factors, see Ballinger, 2011). Thus, the environment and the people both contributed to the development of Aegina in the Middle Bronze Age and in the Archaic-Classical periods. The involvement with the sea, the long-distance travelling and contacts with various people abroad probably also had an effect on the mentality of the Aeginetans: we would like to envisage a cosmopolitan socie-ty, willing to encounter other cultures, and perhaps quite open to innovations. P. Rainbird’s characterisation of people living with the sea quoted at the beginning might thus apply very well to the Aeginetans of the Middle Bronze Age and of the Late Archaic to Early Classical period.



Acknowledgments

For comments on an earlier draft of the manuscript, we would like to thank G. Forstenpointner, A. Galik, E. Kiriatzi, J. Palinkas, J.B. Rutter, D. Scahill and C. von Rüden. Errors or omissions are the authors’ sole responsibility.



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Opportunity in Scarcity: Environment and Economy on Aegina

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