Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca: Artemidorus of Daldis, Egypt, and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature...
Transcript of Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca: Artemidorus of Daldis, Egypt, and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature...
Artemidor von Daldis und die antike Traumdeutung
Colloquia Augustana
Herausgegeben von Bernd Oberdorfer Gregor Weber und Wolfgang E J Weber
Redaktion Elisabeth Boumlswald-Rid und Tobias Ranker
Institut fuumlr Europaumlische Kulturgeschichte der Universitaumlt Augsburg
Band 33
Artemidor von Daldis und die antike Traumdeutung
Texte ndash Kontexte ndash Lektuumlren
Herausgegeben vonGregor Weber
DE GRUYTER
Gefoumlrdert von der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung
ISBN 978-3-11-040725-9e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-040740-2e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-040746-4ISSN 0946-9044
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataA CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen NationalbibliothekDie Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der DeutschenNationalbibliografie detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internetuumlber httpdnbdnbde abrufbar
copy 2015 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonAbbildung auf dem Einband Der traumlumende Alexander der Groszlige unter einer Platane (Smyrna ca 147 n Chr) Staatliche Muumlnzsammlung Muumlnchen Foto Nicolai KaumlstnerDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem PapierPrinted in Germany
wwwdegruytercom
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zur Einfuumlhrung 7
Gregor Weber
Writing and Reading Books IV and V of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica 17
Daniel Harris-McCoy
Emotionen in Artemidors Oneirokritika 39
Gregor Weber
La terre et les campagnes chez Arteacutemidore Mots ideacutees reacutealiteacutes 67
Christophe Chandezon
Pratiques et repreacutesentations de la justice dans lrsquoœuvre
drsquoArteacutemidore de Daldis 101
Heacutelegravene Meacutenard
Quand on recircve drsquoanimaux Place de lrsquoanimal et bestiaire du recircve dans
les Oneirokritika drsquoArteacutemidore 127
Philippe Monbrun
Dreaming of Deities Athena and Dionysus in the Oneirocritica 161
Jovan Bilbija and Jaap-Jan Flinterman
La place des mythes dans lrsquointerpreacutetation des songes drsquoArteacutemidore 189
Daniegravele Auger
6 Inhaltsverzeichnis
On Dreaming of Onersquos Mother Oedipal Dreams between Sophocles and
Artemidorus 219
Giulio Guidorizzi
The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion 233
Gil H Renberg
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the
Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian 263
Luigi Prada
La reacuteception drsquoArteacutemidore dans lrsquoonirocritique byzantine 311
Andrei Timotin
Artemidor ndash antike Formen der Traumdeutung und ihre Rezeption
Joseph Ennemoser (1844) und Sigmund Freud (1900) 327
Beat Naumlf
Postface 349
Julien du Bouchet
Register 357
Personenregister 357
Ortsregister 359
Sachregister 360
Stellenregister 367
Die Autoren 391
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
Colloquia Augustana
Herausgegeben von Bernd Oberdorfer Gregor Weber und Wolfgang E J Weber
Redaktion Elisabeth Boumlswald-Rid und Tobias Ranker
Institut fuumlr Europaumlische Kulturgeschichte der Universitaumlt Augsburg
Band 33
Artemidor von Daldis und die antike Traumdeutung
Texte ndash Kontexte ndash Lektuumlren
Herausgegeben vonGregor Weber
DE GRUYTER
Gefoumlrdert von der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung
ISBN 978-3-11-040725-9e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-040740-2e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-040746-4ISSN 0946-9044
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataA CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen NationalbibliothekDie Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der DeutschenNationalbibliografie detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internetuumlber httpdnbdnbde abrufbar
copy 2015 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonAbbildung auf dem Einband Der traumlumende Alexander der Groszlige unter einer Platane (Smyrna ca 147 n Chr) Staatliche Muumlnzsammlung Muumlnchen Foto Nicolai KaumlstnerDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem PapierPrinted in Germany
wwwdegruytercom
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zur Einfuumlhrung 7
Gregor Weber
Writing and Reading Books IV and V of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica 17
Daniel Harris-McCoy
Emotionen in Artemidors Oneirokritika 39
Gregor Weber
La terre et les campagnes chez Arteacutemidore Mots ideacutees reacutealiteacutes 67
Christophe Chandezon
Pratiques et repreacutesentations de la justice dans lrsquoœuvre
drsquoArteacutemidore de Daldis 101
Heacutelegravene Meacutenard
Quand on recircve drsquoanimaux Place de lrsquoanimal et bestiaire du recircve dans
les Oneirokritika drsquoArteacutemidore 127
Philippe Monbrun
Dreaming of Deities Athena and Dionysus in the Oneirocritica 161
Jovan Bilbija and Jaap-Jan Flinterman
La place des mythes dans lrsquointerpreacutetation des songes drsquoArteacutemidore 189
Daniegravele Auger
6 Inhaltsverzeichnis
On Dreaming of Onersquos Mother Oedipal Dreams between Sophocles and
Artemidorus 219
Giulio Guidorizzi
The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion 233
Gil H Renberg
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the
Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian 263
Luigi Prada
La reacuteception drsquoArteacutemidore dans lrsquoonirocritique byzantine 311
Andrei Timotin
Artemidor ndash antike Formen der Traumdeutung und ihre Rezeption
Joseph Ennemoser (1844) und Sigmund Freud (1900) 327
Beat Naumlf
Postface 349
Julien du Bouchet
Register 357
Personenregister 357
Ortsregister 359
Sachregister 360
Stellenregister 367
Die Autoren 391
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
Artemidor von Daldis und die antike Traumdeutung
Texte ndash Kontexte ndash Lektuumlren
Herausgegeben vonGregor Weber
DE GRUYTER
Gefoumlrdert von der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung
ISBN 978-3-11-040725-9e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-040740-2e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-040746-4ISSN 0946-9044
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataA CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen NationalbibliothekDie Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der DeutschenNationalbibliografie detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internetuumlber httpdnbdnbde abrufbar
copy 2015 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonAbbildung auf dem Einband Der traumlumende Alexander der Groszlige unter einer Platane (Smyrna ca 147 n Chr) Staatliche Muumlnzsammlung Muumlnchen Foto Nicolai KaumlstnerDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem PapierPrinted in Germany
wwwdegruytercom
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zur Einfuumlhrung 7
Gregor Weber
Writing and Reading Books IV and V of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica 17
Daniel Harris-McCoy
Emotionen in Artemidors Oneirokritika 39
Gregor Weber
La terre et les campagnes chez Arteacutemidore Mots ideacutees reacutealiteacutes 67
Christophe Chandezon
Pratiques et repreacutesentations de la justice dans lrsquoœuvre
drsquoArteacutemidore de Daldis 101
Heacutelegravene Meacutenard
Quand on recircve drsquoanimaux Place de lrsquoanimal et bestiaire du recircve dans
les Oneirokritika drsquoArteacutemidore 127
Philippe Monbrun
Dreaming of Deities Athena and Dionysus in the Oneirocritica 161
Jovan Bilbija and Jaap-Jan Flinterman
La place des mythes dans lrsquointerpreacutetation des songes drsquoArteacutemidore 189
Daniegravele Auger
6 Inhaltsverzeichnis
On Dreaming of Onersquos Mother Oedipal Dreams between Sophocles and
Artemidorus 219
Giulio Guidorizzi
The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion 233
Gil H Renberg
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the
Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian 263
Luigi Prada
La reacuteception drsquoArteacutemidore dans lrsquoonirocritique byzantine 311
Andrei Timotin
Artemidor ndash antike Formen der Traumdeutung und ihre Rezeption
Joseph Ennemoser (1844) und Sigmund Freud (1900) 327
Beat Naumlf
Postface 349
Julien du Bouchet
Register 357
Personenregister 357
Ortsregister 359
Sachregister 360
Stellenregister 367
Die Autoren 391
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
Gefoumlrdert von der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung
ISBN 978-3-11-040725-9e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-040740-2e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-040746-4ISSN 0946-9044
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataA CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen NationalbibliothekDie Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der DeutschenNationalbibliografie detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internetuumlber httpdnbdnbde abrufbar
copy 2015 Walter de Gruyter GmbH BerlinBostonAbbildung auf dem Einband Der traumlumende Alexander der Groszlige unter einer Platane (Smyrna ca 147 n Chr) Staatliche Muumlnzsammlung Muumlnchen Foto Nicolai KaumlstnerDruck und Bindung Hubert amp Co GmbH amp Co KG Goumlttingen Gedruckt auf saumlurefreiem PapierPrinted in Germany
wwwdegruytercom
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zur Einfuumlhrung 7
Gregor Weber
Writing and Reading Books IV and V of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica 17
Daniel Harris-McCoy
Emotionen in Artemidors Oneirokritika 39
Gregor Weber
La terre et les campagnes chez Arteacutemidore Mots ideacutees reacutealiteacutes 67
Christophe Chandezon
Pratiques et repreacutesentations de la justice dans lrsquoœuvre
drsquoArteacutemidore de Daldis 101
Heacutelegravene Meacutenard
Quand on recircve drsquoanimaux Place de lrsquoanimal et bestiaire du recircve dans
les Oneirokritika drsquoArteacutemidore 127
Philippe Monbrun
Dreaming of Deities Athena and Dionysus in the Oneirocritica 161
Jovan Bilbija and Jaap-Jan Flinterman
La place des mythes dans lrsquointerpreacutetation des songes drsquoArteacutemidore 189
Daniegravele Auger
6 Inhaltsverzeichnis
On Dreaming of Onersquos Mother Oedipal Dreams between Sophocles and
Artemidorus 219
Giulio Guidorizzi
The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion 233
Gil H Renberg
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the
Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian 263
Luigi Prada
La reacuteception drsquoArteacutemidore dans lrsquoonirocritique byzantine 311
Andrei Timotin
Artemidor ndash antike Formen der Traumdeutung und ihre Rezeption
Joseph Ennemoser (1844) und Sigmund Freud (1900) 327
Beat Naumlf
Postface 349
Julien du Bouchet
Register 357
Personenregister 357
Ortsregister 359
Sachregister 360
Stellenregister 367
Die Autoren 391
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zur Einfuumlhrung 7
Gregor Weber
Writing and Reading Books IV and V of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica 17
Daniel Harris-McCoy
Emotionen in Artemidors Oneirokritika 39
Gregor Weber
La terre et les campagnes chez Arteacutemidore Mots ideacutees reacutealiteacutes 67
Christophe Chandezon
Pratiques et repreacutesentations de la justice dans lrsquoœuvre
drsquoArteacutemidore de Daldis 101
Heacutelegravene Meacutenard
Quand on recircve drsquoanimaux Place de lrsquoanimal et bestiaire du recircve dans
les Oneirokritika drsquoArteacutemidore 127
Philippe Monbrun
Dreaming of Deities Athena and Dionysus in the Oneirocritica 161
Jovan Bilbija and Jaap-Jan Flinterman
La place des mythes dans lrsquointerpreacutetation des songes drsquoArteacutemidore 189
Daniegravele Auger
6 Inhaltsverzeichnis
On Dreaming of Onersquos Mother Oedipal Dreams between Sophocles and
Artemidorus 219
Giulio Guidorizzi
The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion 233
Gil H Renberg
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the
Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian 263
Luigi Prada
La reacuteception drsquoArteacutemidore dans lrsquoonirocritique byzantine 311
Andrei Timotin
Artemidor ndash antike Formen der Traumdeutung und ihre Rezeption
Joseph Ennemoser (1844) und Sigmund Freud (1900) 327
Beat Naumlf
Postface 349
Julien du Bouchet
Register 357
Personenregister 357
Ortsregister 359
Sachregister 360
Stellenregister 367
Die Autoren 391
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
6 Inhaltsverzeichnis
On Dreaming of Onersquos Mother Oedipal Dreams between Sophocles and
Artemidorus 219
Giulio Guidorizzi
The Role of Dream-Interpreters in Greek and Roman Religion 233
Gil H Renberg
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the
Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian 263
Luigi Prada
La reacuteception drsquoArteacutemidore dans lrsquoonirocritique byzantine 311
Andrei Timotin
Artemidor ndash antike Formen der Traumdeutung und ihre Rezeption
Joseph Ennemoser (1844) und Sigmund Freud (1900) 327
Beat Naumlf
Postface 349
Julien du Bouchet
Register 357
Personenregister 357
Ortsregister 359
Sachregister 360
Stellenregister 367
Die Autoren 391
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
Oneirocritica Aegyptiaca Artemidorus
of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary
Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Luigi Prada
At the opening of his dream book Artemidorus explains to his readers how in order
to gather as much information as possible on oneiromancy not only did he read all
books available on the topic but he also spent years consorting with dream inter-
preters around the Mediterranean In his own words
ldquoI have consorted (sc with diviners) for many years And in Greece in its cities and festi-vals and in Asia and in Italy and in the largest and most populous of the islands I have listened patiently to dreams of old and their outcomesrdquo1
Amongst the places that he mentions Egypt does not figure Yet at the time when
Artemidorus was writing these words probably in the II century AD2 an indigenous
1 Artem I prooem 2 17ndash20 ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ὡμίλησα καὶ ἐν Ἑλλάδι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τῶν νήσων ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις καὶ πολυανθρωποτάταις ὑπομένων ἀκούειν παλαιοὺς ὀνείρους καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποβάσεις All translations of passages from Arte-midorusrsquo Oneirocritica in this article are based on those of Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemi-dorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Commentary Oxford 2012 with occasional mod-ifications the Greek text is reproduced from Packrsquos Teubner edition All other translations of ancient texts (and transliterations of the Egyptian texts) are my own The same list of places here given (with the exception of the islands) is found again in the proem to Book V (301 10ndash12) Concerning Artemidorusrsquo travels see Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290 here p 284ndash285 most recently see also Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChristophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nanterre 2012 P 11ndash26 here p 25ndash26
2 Most recently on Artemidorusrsquo uncertain chronology and the possibility that his Oneirocritica may date to as late as the early III century AD see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 2 To this add also the detailed discussion with dating of Artemidorusrsquo floruit to some time between 140ndash200 AD in Chandezon Arteacutemidore (n 1) P 12ndash17
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
264 Luigi Prada
and ancient tradition of oneirocritic manuals was still very much alive if not even
thriving in Egypt Papyri were still being copied which contained lengthy dream
books all of them written in demotic a late stage in the evolution of the ancient
Egyptian language and script
If this large production of Egyptian oneirocritic literature did not cross the bor-
ders of Egypt and come to Artemidorusrsquo attention in antiquity its fate seems to be
a similar one even today for study and knowledge of these demotic dream books
have generally been limited to the area of demotic and Egyptological studies and
these texts have seldom come to the attention of scholars of the classical world3
This is also to be blamed on the current state of the research Many demotic dream
books remain unpublished in papyrus collections worldwide and knowledge of
them is therefore still partial and in development even in the specialised Egypto-
logical scholarship
In this paper I will give a presentation of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy in Grae-
co-Roman times focusing on the demotic dream books from the time of Artemi-
dorus In this overview I will discuss the specific features of these manuals includ-
ing the types of dreams that one finds discussed therein by comparing them with
those specific to Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica I will then investigate the presence (or
absence) of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo own work and his relationship with the Egyp-
tian oneirocritic tradition by analysing a number of excerpts from his Oneirocriti-
ca This will permit an assessment of what influence ancient Egyptian oneiromancy
had if any on the shaping of the oneirocritic literature in Greek as exemplified in
Artemidorusrsquo own work
Ancient Egyptian oneiromancy at the time of Artemidorus the demotic dream books
The evolution of a genre and its general features
By the II century AD the oneirocritic genre had already had an over a millennium
long history in Egypt The manuscript preserving the earliest known ancient Egyp-
tian dream book pChester Beatty 3 dates to the XIII century BC and bears twelve
columns (some more some less fragmentary) of text written in hieratic a cursive
3 See for instance the overview by Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768 No mention of the demotic oneirocritic textual production is found in it
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
265Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
form of the Egyptian script4 With the exception of two sections where a magical
spell for the protection of the dreamer from ominous dreams and the characterisa-
tion of a specific type of dreamer are included most of the manuscript consists of
the short descriptions of hundreds of dreams one per line following the pattern
ldquoWhen a man sees himself in a dream doing X ndash goodbad it signifies that Y will befall
himrdquo Papyrus fragments of two further dream books in hieratic have recently been
published approximately dating to respectively the VIIVI and the IV century BC5
As one may expect these two later dream books show some differences in style from
pChester Beatty 3 but overall the nature of the oneirocritic exposition is the same A
short description of the dream is directly followed by its equally short mantic inter-
pretation with a general ratio of one dream being described and explained per line
It is however with the beginning of the Ptolemaic period that the number of
dream books at least of those that have survived in the papyrological record starts
increasing dramatically By this time more and more Egyptian literary manuscripts
are written in demotic and in this script are written all Egyptian dream books ex-
tant from Graeco-Roman times The first such manuscript dates to the IVIII century
BC6 whilst parts of two further demotic dream books survive in late Ptolemaic to
early Roman papyri (ca late I century BC or thereabouts)7 But it is from later in the
Roman period the I and especially the II century AD that the number of extant
manuscripts reaches its acme Counting both the published and the unpublished
material up to about ten papyrus manuscripts containing dream books are known
4 Originally published in Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Pa-pyri in the British Museum Vol 3) P 7ndash23 pl 5ndash8a 12ndash12a A recent translation and commen-tary is in Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2003 P 76ndash114
5 Both texts pBerlin P 29009 and pBerlin P 23058 are published in Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und 23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
6 This is pJena 1209 published in Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traum-buumlchern In APF 27 (1980) P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8 here p 96ndash98 pl 8 Here dated to the I century BC it has been correctly re-dated by Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (n 5) P 103 n 13 Additional fragments of this manuscript (pJena 1210+1403) are being prepared for publication
7 These two manuscripts (pBerlin P 13589+13591+23756andashc and pBerlin P 15507) are unpublished A section from one of them is shortly discussed in Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse (ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of WJ Tait London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270 here p 261
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
266 Luigi Prada
from this period For some of them only small fragments survive preserving very
little text However others are more substantial and bear entire columns of writing8
A distinctive feature of these demotic books is their structuring all of them are
divided into thematic chapters each with its own heading ordering the dreams into
groups based on the general topic with which they deal Such a thematic structure
which made demotic dream books much more user-friendly and practical to con-
sult was not always found in the previous hieratic dream manuals and it was cer-
tainly absent from the earliest Egyptian dream book pChester Beatty 3
With regard to their style virtually each line contains a dreamrsquos short description
followed by its interpretation as is observed in the earlier hieratic compositions How-
ever two ways of outlining the dreams can now be found One is the traditional way
where the dream is described by means of a short clause ldquoWhen heshe does Xrdquo or
ldquoWhen Y happens to himherrdquo The other way is even more frugal in style as the dream
is described simply by mentioning the thing or being that is at its thematic core so
if a man dreams eg of eating some salted fish the relevant entry in the dream book
will not read ldquoWhen he eats salted fishrdquo but simply ldquoSalted fishrdquo While the first style is
found in demotic dream books throughout the Graeco-Roman period the latter con-
densed form is known only from a limited number of manuscripts of Roman date
To give a real taste of these demotic dream books I offer here below excerpts from
four different manuscripts all dated to approximately the II century AD The first
two show the traditional style in the dream description with a short clause pictur-
ing it and stem respectively from a section concerning types of sexual intercourse
dreamt of by a female dreamer (many but not all relating to bestiality) and from a
section dealing with types of booze that a man may dream of drinking9 As regards
8 A complete list of all these papyrus fragments and manuscripts is beyond the scope of this paper but the following discussion will hopefully give a sense of the amount of evidence that is currently at the disposal of scholars and which is now largely more abundant than what was lamented some fifty years ago (with regard to Egyptian dream books in both hieratic and demotic) by Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964 (Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte Vol 47) P 137 ldquoLeider besitzen wir nur zwei sehr fragmentarische Sammlungen aumlgyptischer Traumomina [hellip]rdquo For a papyrological overview of this material see Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papyrussammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1 here p 321ndash323
9 These passages are preserved respectively in pCarlsberg 13 and 14 verso which are published in Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Kopenhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3) My reading of the demotic text sometimes departs from that of Volten In preparing my transcription of the text based on the published images of the papyri I have also consulted that of Guumlnter Vittmann in the Demotische Textdatenbank
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
267Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the third and fourth excerpts they show the other elliptic style and come from
a chapter dealing with dreams about trees and other botanic items and from one
about dreams featuring metal implements mostly used in temple cults10 From all
these excerpts it will appear clear how our knowledge of Egyptian dream books is
further complicated by the poor preservation state in which most of these papyri
are as they present plenty of damaged spots and lacunae
Excerpt 1 ldquo(17) When a mouse has sex with her ndash her husband will give her [hellip] (18) When a horse has sex with her ndash she will be stronger than her husband (21) When a billy goat has sex with her ndash she will die swiftly (22) When a ram has sex with her ndash Pharaoh will do good to her (23) When a cat has sex with her ndash misfortune will find [her]rdquo11
Excerpt 2 ldquo(2) [When] he [drinks] sweet beer ndash he will rejoi[ce] (3) [When he drinks] brewery [b]eer ndash [he] will li[ve hellip] (5) [When he drinks] beer and wine ndash [hellip] will [hellip] (8) When he [drin]ks boiled wine ndash they() will [hellip] (9) [When he drinks] must [wi]ne ndash [hellip]rdquo12
Excerpt 3ldquo(1) Persea tree ndash he will live with a man great of [good()]ness (2) Almond() tree ndash he will live anew he will be ha[ppy] (3) Sweet wood ndash good reputation will come to him (4) Sweet reed ndash ut supra (5) Ebony ndash he will be given property he will be ha[pp]yrdquo13
Excerpt 4ldquo(7) Incense burner ndash he will know (sc have sex with) a woman w[hom] he desires (8) Nmsy-jar ndash he will prosper the god will be gracio[us to him] (9) w-bowl ndash he will be joyful his [hellip] will [hellip] (10) Naos-sistrum (or) loop-sistrum ndash he will do [hellip] (11) Sceptre ndash he will be forceful in hi[s hellip]rdquo14
accessible via the Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae online (httpaaewbbawdetlaindexhtml) and the new translation in Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen Guumlters-loh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385 here p 359ndash362
10 These sections are respectively preserved in pBerlin P 8769 and pBerlin P 15683 For the for-mer which has yet to receive a complete edition see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) The latter is published in Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern (n 6) P 92ndash96 pl 7
11 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+217ndash18 21ndash23 (17) r pyn nk n-im=s r pAy=s hy r ti n=s [hellip] (18) r HtA nk n-im=s i(w)=s r naS r pAy=s hy (21) r b(y)-aA-m-pt nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mwt n tkn (22) r isw nk n-im=s r Pr-aA r ir n=s mt(t) nfrt (23) r in-my nk n-im=s r sSny n wly r gmv[=s]
12 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a ll 2ndash3 5 8ndash9 (2) [iw]=f [swr] Hnoy nDm iw=f r rS[y] (3) [iw=f swr H]noy n hyA(t) [iw=f] r an[x hellip] (5) [iw=f swr] Hnoy Hr irp iw=[] (8) iw=f [sw]r irp n psy iw=w() [] (9) [iw=f swr ir]p n mysl []
13 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+41ndash5 (1) SwAb iw=f anx irm rmT aA mt(t) [nfrt()] (2) awny iw=f wHm anx iw=f n[fr] (3) xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f (4) sby[t] nDm(t) r-X(t) nn (5) hbyn iw=w ti n=f nke iw=f n[f]r
14 From pBerlin P 15683 col x+27ndash11 (7) sHtp iw=f r rx s-Hmt r mrA=f [s] (8) nmsy iw=f r wDA r pA nTr r Ht[p n=f] (9) xw iw=f r nDm n HAt r pAy=f [] (10) sSSy sSm iw=f r ir w[] (11) Hywa iw=f r Dre n nAy[=f ]
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
268 Luigi Prada
The topics of demotic dream books how specifically Egyptian are they
The topics treated in the demotic dream books are very disparate in nature Taking into
account all manuscripts and not only those dating to Roman times they include15
bull dreams in which the dreamer is suckled by a variety of creatures both human
and animal (pJena 1209)
bull dreams in which the dreamer finds himself in different cities (pJena 1403)
bull dreams in which the dreamer greets and is greeted by various people (pBerlin
P 13589)
bull dreams in which the dreamer adores a divine being such as a god or a divine
animal (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is given something (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer reads a variety of texts (pBerlin P 13591 and 23756a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer writes something (pBerlin P 13591)
bull dreams in which the dreamer kills someone or something (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries various items (pBerlin P 15507)
bull dreams about numbers (pCarlsberg 13 frag a)
bull dreams about sexual intercourse with both humans and animals (pCarlsberg 13
frag b)
bull dreams about social activities such as conversing and playing (pCarlsberg 13
frag c)
bull dreams about drinking alcoholic beverages (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a)
bull dreams about snakes (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags bndashc)
bull dreams in which various utterances are addressed to the dreamer (pCarlsberg 14
verso frag c)
bull dreams about eating whose object appears to be in most cases a divine animal
hypostasis (pCarlsberg 14 verso frags cndashd)16
15 The topics are listed based on a rough chronological ordering of the papyri bearing the texts from the IVIII century BC pJena 1209 and 1403 to the Roman manuscripts The list is not meant to be exhaustive and manuscripts whose nature has yet to be precisely gauged such as the most recently identified pBUG 102 which is very likely an oneirocritic manual of Ptolemaic date (information courtesy of Joachim F Quack) or a few long-forgotten and still unpublished fragments from Saqqara (briefly mentioned in various contributions including John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158 here p 157) are left aside Further only chapters whose content can be assessed with relative certainty are included whilst those that for whatever reason (generally owing to damage to the manuscripts) are dis-puted or highly uncertain are excluded Similar or identical topics occurring in two or more manuscripts are listed separately
16 Concerning the correct identification of these and the following dreamsrsquo topic which were mis-understood by the original editor see Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 319 n 46 323 n 68
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
269Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
bull dreams concerning a vulva (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag e)
bull dreams in which the dreamer gives birth in most cases to animals and breast-
feeds them (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer swims in the company of different people (pCarls-
berg 14 verso frag f)
bull dreams in which the dreamer is presented with wreaths of different kinds
(pCarlsberg 14 verso frag g)
bull dreams about crocodiles (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag i)
bull dreams about Pharaoh (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)17
bull dreams about writing (pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56)18
bull dreams about foodstuffs mostly types of fish (pCarlsberg 649 verso)19
bull dreams about eggs (pCarlsberg 649 verso)
bull dreams about minerals stones and precious metals (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about trees other botanical species and fruits (pBerlin P 8769)
bull dreams about plants (pBerlin P 15683)
bull dreams about metal implements mostly of a ritual nature (pBerlin P 15683 with
an exact textual parallel in pCtYBR 1154 verso)20
bull dreams about birds (pVienna D 6104)
bull dreams about gods (pVienna D 6633ndash6636)
bull dreams about foodstuffs and beverages (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams in which the dreamer carries animals of all types including mammals
reptiles and insects (pVienna D 6644 frag a)
bull dreams about trees and plants (pVienna D 6668)
17 This manuscript has yet to receive a complete edition (in preparation by Joachim F Quack and Kim Ryholt) but an image of pCarlsberg 490 is published in Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift 182 (1998) P 41ndash43 here p 42
18 This thematic section is mentioned in Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101 here p 94 n 37
19 This papyrus currently being prepared for publication by Quack and Ryholt is mentioned as in the case of the following chapter on egg-related dreams in Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sources for Ancient Egyptian Divi-nation In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187 here p 182 Further information about it includ-ing its inventory number is available in Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Sci-entific Texts BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here p 79ndash80
20 For pCtYBR 1154 verso and the Vienna papyri listed in the following entries all of which still await publication see the references given in Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 (n 8) P 325ndash327
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
270 Luigi Prada
As the list shows and as one might expect to be the case most chaptersrsquo topics
are rather universal in nature discussing subjects such as gods animals food or
sex and are well attested in Artemidorus too For instance one finds discussion of
breastfeeding in I 1621 cities in IV 60 greetings in I 82 and II 2 deities in II 34ndash39
(with II 33 focusing on sacrificing to the gods thus being comparable to the section
about adoring them in one of the demotic texts) and IV 72ndash77 utterances in IV 33
reading andor writing in I 53 II 45 (on writing implements and books) and III 25
numbers in II 70 sexual intercourse in I 78ndash8022 playing dice and other games in
III 1 drinking in I 66 (with focus on all beverages not only booze) snakes (and other
reptiles) in II 13 giving birth in I 14 wreaths in I 77 and IV 52 kings in IV 3123 food-
stuffs in I 67ndash73 eggs in II 43 trees and plants in II 25 III 50 and IV 11 57 various
implements (and vessels) in IV 28 58 birds in II 20ndash21 66 and III 5 65 animals
(and hunting) in II 11ndash22 III 11ndash12 28 49 and IV 56
If the identity between many of the topics in demotic dream books and in Arte-
midorus is self-evident from a general point of view looking at them in more detail
allows the specific cultural and even environmental differences to emerge Thus
to mention but a few cases the section concerning the consumption of alcoholic
drinks in pCarlsberg 14 verso focuses prominently on beer (though it also lists sev-
eral types of wine) as beer was traditionally the most popular alcoholic beverage
in Egypt24 On the other hand beer was rather unpopular in Greece and Rome and
thus is not even featured in Artemidorusrsquo dreams on drinking whose preference
naturally goes to wine25 Similarly in a section of a demotic dream book discuss-
ing trees in pBerlin P 8769 the botanical species listed (such as the persea tree the
21 No animal breastfeeding which figures so prominently in the Egyptian dream books appears in this section of Artemidorus One example however is found in the dream related in IV 22 257 6ndash8 featuring a woman and a sheep
22 Bestiality which stars in the section on sexual intercourse from pCarlsberg 13 listed above is rather marginal in Artemidorus being shortly discussed in I 80
23 Artemidorus uses the word βασιλεύς ldquokingrdquo in IV 31 265 11 whilst the demotic dream book of pCarlsberg 490+PSI D 56 speaks of Pr-aA ldquoPharaohrdquo Given the political context in the II centu-ry AD with both Greece and Egypt belonging to the Roman empire both words can also refer to (and be translated as) the emperor On the sometimes problematic translation of the term βασιλεύς in Artemidorus see Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 547ndash548
24 To the point that the heading of this chapter dream bookrsquos makes mention of beer only despite later listing dreams about wine too nA X(wt) [Hno]y mtw rmT nw r-r=w ldquoThe kinds of [bee]r of which a man dreamsrdquo (pCarlsberg 14 verso frag a l 1) The Egyptian specificity of some of the themes treated in the demotic dream books as with the case of beer here was already pointed out by Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39 here p 33
25 On the reputation of beer amongst Greeks and Romans see for instance Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWeimar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
271Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
sycamore tree or the date palm) are specific to Egypt being either indigenous or
long since imported Even the exotic species there mentioned had been part of the
Egyptian cultural (if not natural) horizon for centuries such as ebony whose timber
was imported from further south in Africa26 The same situation is witnessed in the
demotic textsrsquo sections dealing with animals where the featured species belong to
either the local fauna (eg gazelles ibises crocodiles scarab beetles) or to that of
neighbouring lands being all part of the traditional Egyptian imagery of the an-
imal world (eg lions which originally indigenous to Egypt too were commonly
imported from the south already in Pharaonic times)27 Likewise in the discussion
of dreams dealing with deities the demotic dream books always list members of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon Thus even if many matches are naturally bound to
be present between Artemidorus and the demotic dream books as far as their gen-
eral topics are concerned (drinks trees animals deities etc) the actual subjects of
the individual dreams may be rather different being specific to respectively one or
the other cultural and natural milieu
There are also some general topics in the dreams treated by the demotic compo-
sitions which can be defined as completely Egyptian-specific from a cultural point
of view and which do not find a specific parallel in Artemidorus This is the case for
instance with the dreams in which a man adores divine animals within the chapter
of pBerlin P 13591 concerning divine worship or with the section in which dreams
about the (seemingly taboo) eating of divine animal hypostases is described in
pCarlsberg 14 verso And this is in a way also true for the elaborate chapter again
in pCarlsberg 14 verso collecting dreams about crocodiles a reptile that enjoyed a
prominent role in Egyptian life as well as religion and imagination In Artemidorus
far from having an elaborate section of its own the crocodile appears almost en
passant in III 11
Furthermore there are a few topics in the demotic dream books that do not ap-
pear to be specifically Egyptian in nature and yet are absent from Artemidorusrsquo
discussion One text from pBerlin P 15507 contains a chapter detailing dreams in
which the dreamer kills various victims both human and animal In Artemidorus
dreams about violent deaths are listed in II 49ndash53 however these are experienced
and not inflicted by the dreamer As for the demotic dream bookrsquos chapter inter-
preting dreams about a vulva in pCarlsberg 14 verso no such topic features in Ar-
temidorus in his treatment of dreams about anatomic parts in I 45 he discusses
26 On these species in the context of the Egyptian flora see the relative entries in Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008 (Philippika Vol 21)
27 On these animals see for example Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
272 Luigi Prada
explicitly only male genitalia Similarly no specific section about swimming ap-
pears in Artemidorus (unlike the case of pCarlsberg 14 verso) nor is there one about
stones to which on the contrary a long chapter is devoted in one of the demotic
manuals in pBerlin P 8769
On the other hand it is natural that in Artemidorus too one finds plenty of cul-
turally specific dreams which pertain quintessentially to classical civilisation and
which one would not expect to find in an Egyptian dream book Such are for in-
stance the dreams about theatre or those about athletics and other traditionally
Greek sports (including pentathlon and wrestling) in I 56ndash63
Conversely however Artemidorus is also a learned and well-travelled intellectual
with a cosmopolitan background as typical of the Second Sophistic intelligentsia to
which he belongs Thus he is conscious and sometimes even surprisingly respect-
ful of local cultural diversities28 and his Oneirocritica incorporate plenty of varia-
tions on dreams dealing with foreign or exotic subjects An example of this is the
already mentioned presence of the crocodile in III 11 in the context of a passage that
might perhaps be regarded as dealing more generally with Egyptian fauna29 the
treatment of crocodile-themed dreams is here followed by that of dreams about cats
(a less than exotic animal yet one with significant Egyptian associations) and in
III 12 about ichneumons (ie Egyptian mongooses) An even more interesting case
is in I 53 where Artemidorus discusses dreams about writing here not only does he
mention dreams in which a Roman learns the Greek alphabet and vice versa but he
also describes dreams where one reads a foreign ie non-classical script (βαρβαρικὰ δὲ γράμματα I 53 60 20)
Already in his discussion about the methods of oneiromancy at the opening of
his first book Artemidorus takes the time to highlight the important issue of differ-
entiating between common (ie universal) and particular or ethnic customs when
dealing with human behaviour and therefore also when interpreting dreams (I 8)30
As part of his exemplification aimed at showing how varied the world and hence
the world of dreams too can be he singles out a well-known aspect of Egyptian cul-
ture and belief theriomorphism Far from ridiculing it as customary to many other
classical authors31 he describes it objectively and stresses that even amongst the
Egyptians themselves there are local differences in the cult
28 See Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 25ndash3029 This is also the impression of Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 510 30 To this excursus compare also Artemidorusrsquo observations in IV 4 about the importance of know-
ing local customs and what is characteristic of a place (ἔθη δὲ τὰ τοπικὰ καὶ τῶν τόπων τὸ ἴδιον IV 4 247 17) See also the remarks in Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 17ndash18
31 On this see Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
273Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ldquoAnd the sons of the Egyptians alone honour and revere wild animals and all kinds of so-called venomous creatures as icons of the gods yet not all of them even worship the samerdquo32
Given these premises one can surely assume that Artemidorus would not have
marveled in the least at hearing of chapters specifically discussing dreams about
divine animal hypostases had he only come across a demotic dream book
This cosmopolitan horizon that appears so clear in Artemidorus is certainly lack-
ing in the Egyptian oneirocritic production which is in this respect completely pro-
vincial in nature (that is in the sense of local rather than parochial) The tradition
to which the demotic dream books belong appears to be wholly indigenous and the
natural outcome of the development of earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested
in dream books the earliest of which as mentioned before dates to the XIII century
BC It should also be noted that whilst Artemidorus wrote his Oneirocritica in the
II century AD or thereabouts and therefore his work reflects the intellectual envi-
ronment of the time the demotic dream books survive for the most part on papy-
ri which were copied approximately around the III century AD but this does not
imply that they were also composed at that time The opposite is probably likelier
that is that the original production of demotic dream books predates Roman times
and should be assigned to Ptolemaic times (end of IVndashend of I century BC) or even
earlier to Late Pharaonic Egypt This dating problem is a particularly complex one
and probably one destined to remain partly unsolved unless more demotic papyri
are discovered which stem from earlier periods and preserve textual parallels to
Roman manuscripts Yet even within the limits of the currently available evidence
it is certain that if we compare one of the later demotic dream books preserved in a
Roman papyrus such as pCarlsberg 14 verso (ca II century AD) to one preserved in a
manuscript which may predate it by approximately half a millennium pJena 1209
(IVIII century BC) we find no significant differences from the point of view of either
their content or style The strong continuity in the long tradition of demotic dream
books cannot be questioned
Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion (Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt [Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
32 Artem I 8 18 1ndash3 θηρία δὲ καὶ πάντα τὰ κινώπετα λεγόμενα ὡς εἴδωλα θεῶν Αἰγυπτίων παῖδες μόνοι τιμῶσί τε καὶ σέβονται οὐ πάντες μέντοι τὰ αὐτά
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
274 Luigi Prada
Theoretical frameworks and classifications of dreamers in the demotic dream books
In further drawing a general comparison between Artemidorus and the demot-
ic oneirocritic literature another limit to our understanding of the latter is the
complete lack of theoretical discussion about dreams and their interpretation in
the Egyptian handbooks Artemidorusrsquo pages are teeming with discussions about
his (and other interpretersrsquo) mantic methods about the correct and wrong ways of
proceeding in the interpretation of dreams about the nature of dreams themselves
from the point of view of their mantic meaningfulness or lack thereof about the
importance of the interpreterrsquos own skillfulness and natural talent over the pure
bookish knowledge of oneirocritic manuals and much more (see eg I 1ndash12) On
the other hand none of this contextual information is found in what remains of
the demotic dream books33 Their treatment of dreams is very brief and to the point
almost mechanical with chapters containing hundreds of lines each consisting typ-
ically of a dreamrsquos description and a dreamrsquos interpretation No space is granted to
any theoretical discussion in the body of these texts and from this perspective
these manuals in their wholly catalogue-like appearance and preeminently ency-
clopaedic vocation are much more similar to the popular Byzantine clefs des songes
than to Artemidorusrsquo treatise34 It is possible that at least a minimum of theoret-
ical reflection perhaps including instructions on how to use these dream books
was found in the introductions at the opening of the demotic dream manuals but
since none of these survive in the available papyrological evidence this cannot be
proven35
Another remarkable feature in the style of the demotic dream books in compar-
ison to Artemidorusrsquo is the treatment of the dreamer In the demotic oneirocritic
literature all the attention is on the dream whilst virtually nothing is said about
the dreamer who experiences and is affected by these nocturnal visions Everything
which one is told about the dreamer is his or her gender in most cases it is a man
(see eg excerpts 2ndash4 above) but there are also sections of at least two dream books
namely those preserved in pCarlsberg 13 and pCarlsberg 14 verso which discuss
33 See also the remarks in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 65ndash6634 Compare several such Byzantine dream books collected in Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks
in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008 See also the contribution of Andrei Timotin in the present volume
35 The possible existence of similar introductions at the opening of dream books is suggested by their well-attested presence in another divinatory genre that of demotic astrological handbooks concerning which see Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375 here p 373
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
275Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
dreams affecting and seemingly dreamt by a woman (see excerpt 1 above) Apart
from this sexual segregation no more information is given about the dreamer in
connection with the interpretation of his or her dreams36 There is only a handful of
exceptions one of which is in pCarlsberg 13 where a dream concerning intercourse
with a snake is said to have two very different outcomes depending on whether the
woman experiencing it is married or not
ldquoWhen a snake has sex with her ndash she will get herself a husband If [it] so happens that [she] is [married] | she will get illrdquo37
One is left wondering once again whether more information on the dreamerrsquos char-
acteristics was perhaps given in now lost introductory sections of these manuals
In this respect Artemidorusrsquo attitude is quite the opposite He pays (and urges his
reader to pay) the utmost attention to the dreamer including his or her age profes-
sion health and financial status for the interpretation of one and the same dream
can be radically different depending on the specifics of the dreamer He discusses
the importance of this principle in the theoretical excursus within his Oneirocritica
such as those in I 9 or IV 21 and this precept can also be seen at work in many an
interpretation of specific dreams such as eg in III 17 where the same dream about
moulding human figures is differently explained depending on the nature of the
dreamer who can be a gymnastic trainer or a teacher someone without offspring
a slave-dealer or a poor man a criminal a wealthy or a powerful man Nor does Ar-
temidorusrsquo elaborate exegetic technique stop here To give one further example of
how complex his interpretative strategies can be one can look at the remarks that he
makes in IV 35 where he talks of compound dreams (συνθέτων ὀνείρων IV 35 268 1)
ie dreams featuring more than one mantically significant theme In the case of such
dreams where more than one element susceptible to interpretation occurs one
should deconstruct the dream to its single components interpret each of these sepa-
rately and only then from these individual elements move back to an overall com-
bined exegesis of the whole dream Artemidorusrsquo analytical approach breaks down
36 Incidentally it appears that in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy dream books differentiated between distinct types of dreamers based on their personal characteristics This seems at least to be the case in pChester Beatty 3 which describes different groups of men listing and interpreting separately their dreams See Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes (n 4) P 73ndash74
37 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+227ndash28 r Hf nk n-im=s i(w)=s r ir n=s hy iw[=f] xpr r wn mtw[=s hy] | i(w)=s r Sny The correct reading of these lines was first established by Quack Texte (n 9) P 360 Another complex dream interpretation taking into account the dreamerrsquos life circumstances is found in the section about murderous dreams of pBerlin P 15507 where one reads iw=f xpr r tAy=f mwt anx i(w)=s mwt (n) tkr ldquoIf it so happens that his (sc the dream-errsquos) mother is alive she will die shortlyrdquo (col x+29)
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
276 Luigi Prada
both the dreamerrsquos identity and the dreamrsquos system to their single components in
order to understand them and it is this complexity of thought that even caught the
eye of and was commented upon by Sigmund Freud38 All of this is very far from any-
thing seen in the more mechanical methods of the demotic dream books where in
virtually all cases to one dream corresponds one and one only interpretation
The exegetic techniques of the demotic dream books
To conclude this overview of the demotic dream books and their standing with re-
spect to Artemidorusrsquo oneiromancy the techniques used in the interpretations of
the dreams remain to be discussed39
Whenever a clear connection can be seen between a dream and its exegesis this
tends to be based on analogy For instance in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f dreams
about delivery are discussed and the matching interpretations generally explain
them as omens of events concerning the dreamerrsquos actual offspring Thus one may
read the line
ldquoWhen she gives birth to an ass ndash she will give birth to a foolish sonrdquo40
Further to this the negative character of this specific dreamrsquos interpretation pro-
phetising the birth of a foolish child may also be explained as based on analogy
with the animal of whose delivery the woman dreams this is an ass an animal that
very much like in modern Western cultures was considered by the Egyptians as
quintessentially dumb41
Analogy and the consequent mental associations appear to be the dominant
hermeneutic technique but other interpretations are based on wordplay42 For in-
38 It is worth reproducing here the relevant passage from Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900 P 67ndash68 ldquoHier [sc in Artemidorus] wird nicht nur auf den Trauminhalt sondern auch auf die Person und die Lebensumstaumlnde des Traumlumers Ruumlcksicht genommen so dass das naumlmliche Traumelement fuumlr den Reichen den Verheirateten den Redner andere Bedeutung hat als fuumlr den Armen den Ledigen und etwa den Kaufmann Das Wesentliche an diesem Verfahren ist nun dass die Deutungsarbeit nicht auf das Ganze des Traumes gerichtet wird sondern auf jedes Stuumlck des Trauminhaltes fuumlr sich als ob der Traum ein Conglomerat waumlre in dem jeder Brocken Gestein eine besondere Bestimmung verlangtrdquo
39 An extensive treatment of these is in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 56ndash65 However most of the evidence of which he makes use is in fact from the hieratic pChester Beatty 3 rather than from later demotic dream books
40 From pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 3 i(w)=s ms aA i(w)=s r ms Sr n lx41 See Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie Vol 2)
P 59ndash62 42 Wordplay is however not as common an interpretative device in demotic dream books as it
used to be in earlier Egyptian oneiromancy as attested in pChester Beatty 3 See Prada Dreams
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
277Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
stance alliteration between the subject of a dream a lion (mAey) and its exegesis
centred on the verb ldquoto seerdquo (mAA) is at the core of the following interpretation
ldquoWhen a lion has sex with her ndash she will see goodrdquo43
Especially in this case the wordplay is particularly explicit (one may even say forced
or affected) since the standard verb for ldquoto seerdquo in demotic was a different one (nw)
by Roman times mAA was instead an archaic and seldom used word
Somewhat connected to wordplay are also certain plays on the etymology (real or
supposed) and polysemy of words similarly to the proceedings discussed by Arte-
midorus too in IV 80 An example is in pBerlin P 8769 in a line already cited above
in excerpt 3
ldquoSweet wood ndash good reputation will come to himrdquo44
The object sighted by the dreamer is a ldquosweet woodrdquo xt nDm an expression indi-
cating an aromatic or balsamic wood The associated interpretation predicts that
the dreamer will enjoy a good ldquoreputationrdquo syt in demotic This substantive is
close in writing and sound to another demotic word sty which means ldquoodour
scentrdquo a word perfectly fitting to the image on which this whole dream is played
that of smell namely a pleasant smell prophetising the attainment of a good rep-
utation It is possible that what we have here may not be just a complex word-
play but a skilful play with etymologies if as one might wonder the words syt and sty are etymologically related or at least if the ancient Egyptians perceived
them to be so45
Other more complex language-based hermeneutic techniques that are found in
Artemidorus such as anagrammatical transposition or isopsephy (see eg his dis-
cussion in IV 23ndash24) are absent from demotic dream books This is due to the very
nature of the demotic script which unlike Greek is not an alphabetic writing sys-
tem and thus has a much more limited potential for such uses
(n 18) P 90ndash9343 From pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+225 r mAey nk n-im=s i(w)=s r mAA m-nfrw44 From pBerlin P 8769 col x+43 xt nDm r syt nfr r xpr n=f 45 This may be also suggested by a similar situation witnessed in the case of the demotic word
xnSvt which from an original meaning ldquostenchrdquo ended up also assuming onto itself the figurative meaning ldquoshame disreputerdquo On the words here discussed see the relative entries in Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954 and the brief remark (which however too freely treats the two words syt and sty as if they were one and the same) in Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1) P 16 (commentaire) n 258
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
278 Luigi Prada
Mentions and dreams of Egypt in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica
On some Egyptian customs in Artemidorus
Artemidorus did not visit Egypt nor does he ever show in his writings to have any
direct knowledge of the tradition of demotic dream books Nevertheless the land of
Egypt and its inhabitants enjoy a few cameos in his Oneirocritica which I will survey
and discuss here mostly following the order in which they appear in Artemidorusrsquo
work
The first appearance of Egypt in the Oneirocritica has already been quoted and
examined above It occurs in the methodological discussion of chapter I 8 18 1ndash3
where Artemidorus stresses the importance of considering what are common and
what are particular or ethnic customs around the world and cites Egyptian the-
riomorphism as a typical example of an ethnic custom as opposed to the corre-
sponding universal custom ie that all peoples venerate the gods whichever their
hypostases may be Rather than properly dealing with oneiromancy this passage is
ethnographic in nature and belongs to the long-standing tradition of amazement at
Egyptrsquos cultural peculiarities in classical authors an amazement to which Artemi-
dorus seems however immune (as pointed out before) thanks to the philosophical
and scientific approach that he takes to the topic
The next mention of Egypt appears in the discussion of dreams about the human
body more specifically in the chapter concerning dreams about being shaven As
one reads in I 22
ldquoTo dream that onersquos head is completely shaven is good for priests of the Egyptian gods and jesters and those who have the custom of being shaven But for all others it is greviousrdquo46
Artemidorus points out how this dream is auspicious for priests of the Egyptian
gods ie as one understands it not only Egyptian priests but all officiants of the
cult of Egyptian deities anywhere in the empire The reason for the positive mantic
value of this dream which is otherwise to be considered ominous is in the fact that
priests of Egyptian cults along with a few other types of professionals shave their
hair in real life too and therefore the dream is in agreement with their normal way
of life The mention of priests of the Egyptian gods here need not be seen in connec-
tion with any Egyptian oneirocritic tradition but is once again part of the standard
46 Artem I 22 29 1ndash3 ξυρᾶσθαι δὲ δοκεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν ὅλην [πλὴν] Αἰγυπτίων θεῶν ἱερεῦσι καὶ γελωτοποιοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθος ἔχουσι ξυρᾶσθαι ἀγαθόν πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πονηρόν
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
279Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
classical imagery repertoire on Egypt and its traditions The custom of shaving char-
acterising Egyptian priests in complete contrast to the practice of Greek priests was
already presented as noteworthy by one of the first writers of all things Egyptian
Herodotus who remarked on this fact just after stating in a famous passage how
Egypt is a wondrous land where everything seems to be and to work the opposite to
the rest of the world47
Egyptian gods in Artemidorus Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
In Artemidorusrsquo second book one finds no explicit mention of Egypt However as
part of the long section treating dreams about the gods one passage discusses four
deities that pertain to the Egyptian pantheon Serapis Isis Anubis and Harpocrates
This divine quartet is first enumerated in II 34 158 5ndash6 as part of a list of chthonic
gods and is then treated in detail in II 39 where one reads
ldquoSerapis and Isis and Anubis and Harpocrates both the gods themselves and their stat-ues and their mysteries and every legend about them and the gods that occupy the same temples as them and are worshipped on the same altars signify disturbances and dangers and threats and crises from which they contrary to expectation and hope res-cue the observer For these gods have always been considered ltto begt saviours of those who have tried everything and who have come ltuntogt the utmost danger and they immediately rescue those who are already in straits of this sort But their mysteries especially are significant of grief For ltevengt if their innate logic indicates something different this is what their myths and legends indicaterdquo48
That these Egyptian gods are treated in a section concerning gods of the underworld
is no surprise49 The first amongst them Serapis is a syncretistic version of Osiris
47 ldquoThe priests of the gods elsewhere let their hair grow long but in Egypt they shave themselvesrdquo (Hdt II 36 οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ κομέουσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται) On this passage see Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43) P 152
48 Artem II 39 175 8ndash18 Σάραπις καὶ Ἶσις καὶ Ἄνουβις καὶ Ἁρποκράτης αὐτοί τε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ μυστήρια καὶ πᾶς ὁ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος καὶ τῶν τούτοις συννάων τε καὶ συμβώμων θεῶν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἀπειλὰς καὶ περιστάσεις σημαίνουσιν ἐξ ὧν καὶ παρὰ προσδοκίαν καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἐλπίδας σώζουσιν ἀεὶ γὰρ σωτῆρες ltεἶναιgt νενομισμένοι εἰσὶν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν εἰς πάντα ἀφιγμένων καὶ ltεἰςgt ἔσχατον ἐλθόντων κίνδυνον τοὺς δὲ ἤδε ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὄντας αὐτίκα μάλα σώζουσιν ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὰ μυστήρια αὐτῶν πένθους ἐστὶ σημαντικά καὶ γὰρ εἰ ltκαὶgt ὁ φυσικὸς αὐτῶν λόγος ἄλλο τι περιέχει ὅ γε μυθικὸς καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τοῦτο δείκνυσιν
49 For an extensive discussion including bibliographical references concerning these Egyptian deities and their fortune in the Hellenistic and Roman world see M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuent-es Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45 Specif-ically on this passage of Artemidorus and the funerary aspects of these deities see also Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57) P 57ndash59 For more recent bibliography on these divinities and their cults see Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Bruxelles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
280 Luigi Prada
the preeminent funerary god in the Egyptian pantheon He is followed by Osirisrsquo
sister and spouse Isis The third figure is Anubis a psychopompous god who in a
number of Egyptian traditions that trickled down to classical authors contributing
to shape his reception in Graeco-Roman culture and religion was also considered
Osirisrsquo son Finally Harpocrates is a version of the god Horus (his Egyptian name
r pA poundrd meaning ldquoHorus the Childrdquo) ie Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo son and heir The four
together thus form a coherent group attested elsewhere in classical sources char-
acterised by a strong connection with the underworld It is not unexpected that in
other classical mentions of them SerapisOsiris and Isis are equated with Pluto and
Persephone the divine royal couple ruling over Hades and this Greek divine couple
is not coincidentally also mentioned at the beginning of this very chapter II 39
of Artemidorus opening the overview of chthonic gods50 Elsewhere in the Oneir-
ocritica Artemidorus too compares Serapis to Pluto in V 26 307 14 and later on
explicitly says that Serapis is considered to be one and the same with Pluto in V 93
324 9 Further in a passage in II 12 123 12ndash14 which deals with dreams about an ele-
phant he states how this animal is associated with Pluto and how as a consequence
of this certain dreams featuring it can mean that the dreamer ldquohaving come upon
utmost danger will be savedrdquo (εἰς ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐλάσαντα σωθήσεσθαι) Though
no mention of Serapis is made here it is remarkable that the nature of this predic-
tion and its wording too is almost identical to the one given in the chapter about
chthonic gods not with regard to Pluto but about Serapis and his divine associates
(II 39 175 14ndash15)
The mention of the four Egyptian gods in Artemidorus has its roots in the fame
that these had enjoyed in the Greek-speaking world since Hellenistic times and is
thus mediated rather than directly depending on an original Egyptian source this
is in a way confirmed also by Artemidorusrsquo silence on their Egyptian identity as he
explicitly labels them only as chthonic and not as Egyptian gods The same holds
true with regard to the interpretation that Artemidorus gives to the dreams featur-
Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079) and the anthology of commented original sources in Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66) The latter includes in his collection both this passage of Artemidorus (as his text 166b) and the others mentioning or relating to Serapis (texts 83i 135b 139cndashd 165c) to be discussed later in the present paper
50 Concerning the filiation of Anubis and Harpocrates in classical writers see for example their presentation by an author almost contemporary to Artemidorus Plutarch He pictures Anubis as Osirisrsquo illegitimate son from his other sister Nephthys whom Isis yet raised as her own child (Plut Is XIV 356 f) and Harpocrates as Osirisrsquo and Isisrsquo child whom he distinguishes as sepa-rate from their other child Horus (ibid XIXndashXX 358 e) Further Plutarch also identifies Serapis with Osiris (ibid XXVIIIndashXXIX 362 b) and speaks of the equivalence of respectively Serapis with Pluto and Isis with Persephone (ibid XXVII 361 e)
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
281Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ing them when he explains that seeing these divinities (or anything connected with
them)51 means that the dreamer will go through (or already is suffering) serious af-
flictions from which he will be saved virtually in extremis once all hopes have been
given up Hence these deities are both a source of grief and of ultimate salvation
This exegesis is evidently dependent on the classical reception of the myth of Osiris
a thorough exposition of which is given by Plutarch in his De Iside et Osiride and
establishes an implicit analogy between the fate of the dreamer and that of these
deities For as the dreamer has to suffer sharp vicissitudes of fortune but will even-
tually be safe similarly Osiris (ie Artemidorusrsquo Serapis) Isis and their offspring too
had to suffer injustice and persecution (or in the case of Osiris even murder) at the
hand of the wicked god Seth the Greek Typhon but eventually triumphed over him
when Seth was defeated by Horus who thus avenged his father Osiris This popular
myth is therefore at the origin of this dream intepretationrsquos aetiology establishing
an analogy between these gods their myth and the dreamer In this respect the
prediction itself is derived from speculation based on the reception of these deitiesrsquo
myths in classical culture and the connection with Egypt is stricto sensu only sec-
ondary and mediated
Before concluding the analysis of this chapter II 39 it is worth remarking that a
dream concerning one of these Egyptian gods mentioned by Artemidorus is pre-
served in a fragment of a demotic dream book dating to approximately the II cen-
tury AD pVienna D 6633 Here within a chapter devoted to dreams about gods one
reads
ldquoAnubis son of Osiris ndash he will be protected in a troublesome situationrdquo52
Despite the customary brevity of the demotic text the similarity between this pre-
diction and the interpretation in Artemidorus can certainly appear striking at first
sight in both cases there is mention of a situation of danger for the dreamer from
which he will eventually be safe However this match cannot be considered spe-
cific enough to suggest the presence of a direct link between Artemidorus and this
Egyptian oneirocritic manual In demotic dream books the prediction ldquohe will be
protected in a troublesome situationrdquo is found with relative frequency as thanks to
its general tone (which can be easily and suitably applied to many events in the av-
erage dreamerrsquos life) it is fit to be coupled with multiple dreams Certainly it is not
specific to this dream about Anubis nor to dreams about gods only As for Artemi-
51 This includes their mysteries on which Artemidorus lays particular stress in the final part of this section from chapter II 39 Divine mysteries are discussed again by him in IV 39
52 From pVienna D 6633 col x+2x+9 Inpw sA Wsir iw=w r nxtv=f n mt(t) aAt This dream has already been presented in Prada Visions (n 7) P 266 n 57
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
282 Luigi Prada
dorus as already discussed his exegesis is explained as inspired by analogy with the
myth of Osiris and therefore need not have been sourced from anywhere else but
from Artemidorusrsquo own interpretative techniques Further Artemidorusrsquo exegesis
applies to Anubis as well as the other deities associated with him being referred en
masse to this chthonic group of four whilst it applies only to Anubis in the demotic
text No mention of the other gods cited by Artemidorus is found in the surviving
fragments of this manuscript but even if these were originally present (as is possi-
ble and indeed virtually certain in the case of a prominent goddess such as Isis) dif-
ferent predictions might well have been found in combination with them I there-
fore believe that this match in the interpretation of a dream about Anubis between
Artemidorus and a demotic dream book is a case of independent convergence if not
just a sheer coincidence to which no special significance can be attached
More dreams of Serapis in Artemidorus
Of the four Egyptian gods discussed in II 39 Serapis appears again elsewhere in the
Oneirocritica In the present section I will briefly discuss these additional passages
about him but I will only summarise rather than quote them in full since their rel-
evance to the current discussion is in fact rather limited
In II 44 Serapis is mentioned in the context of a polemic passage where Artemi-
dorus criticises other authors of dream books for collecting dreams that can barely
be deemed credible especially ldquomedical prescriptions and treatments furnished by
Serapisrdquo53 This polemic recurs elsewhere in the Oneirocritica as in IV 22 Here no
mention of Serapis is made but a quick allusion to Egypt is still present for Artemi-
dorus remarks how it would be pointless to research the medical prescriptions that
gods have given in dreams to a large number of people in several different localities
including Alexandria (IV 22 255 11) It is fair to understand that at least in the case
of the mention of Alexandria the allusion is again to Serapis and to the common
53 Artem II 44 179 17ndash18 συνταγὰς καὶ θεραπείας τὰς ὑπὸ Σαράπιδος δοθείσας (this occurrence of Serapisrsquo name is omitted in Packrsquos index nominum sv Σάραπις) The authors that Artemidorus mentions are Geminus of Tyre Demetrius of Phalerum and Artemon of Miletus on whom see respectively Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae Mila-noVarese 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26) P 119 138ndash139 (where he raises doubts about the identification of the Demetrius mentioned by Artemidorus with Demetrius of Phalerum) and 110ndash114 See also p 126 for an anonymous writer against whom Artemidorus polemicises in IV 22 still in connection with medical prescriptions in dreams and p 125 for a certain Serapion of Ascalon (not mentioned in Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica) of whom we know nothing besides the name but whose lost writings perhaps might have treat-ed similar medical cures prescribed by Serapis On Artemidorusrsquo polemic concerning medical dreams see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 492
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
283Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
use of practicing incubation in his sanctuaries The fame of Serapis as a healing god
manifesting himself in dreams was well-established in the Hellenistic and Roman
world54 making him a figure in many regards similar to that of another healing god
whose help was sought by means of incubation in his temples Asclepius (equivalent
to the Egyptian ImhotepImouthes in terms of interpretatio Graeca) A famous tes-
timony to Asclepiusrsquo celebrity in this role is in the Hieroi Logoi by Aelius Aristides
the story of his long stay in the sanctuary of Asclepius in Pergamum another city
which together with Alexandria is mentioned by Artemidorus as a centre famous
for incubation practices in IV 2255
The problem of Artemidorusrsquo views on incubation practices has already been
discussed extensively by his scholars nor is it particularly relevant to the current
study for incubation in the classical world was not exclusively connected with
Egypt and its sanctuaries only but was a much wider phenomenon with centres
throughout the Mediterranean world What however I should like to remark here
is that Artemidorusrsquo polemic is specifically addressed against the authors of that
literature on dream prescriptions that flourished in association with these incuba-
tion practices and is not an open attack on incubation per se let alone on the gods
associated with it such as Serapis56 Thus I am also hesitant to embrace the sugges-
tion advanced by a number of scholars who regard Artemidorus as a supporter of
Greek traditions and of the traditional classical pantheon over the cults and gods
imported from the East such as the Egyptian deities treated in II 3957 The fact that
in all the actual dreams featuring Serapis that Artemidorus reports (which I will list
54 The very first manifestation of Serapis to the official establisher of his cult Ptolemy I Soter had taken place in a dream as narrated by Plutarch see Plut Is XXVIII 361 fndash362 a On in-cubation practices within sanctuaries of Serapis in Egypt see besides the relevant sections of the studies cited above in n 49 the brief overview based on original sources collected by Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris 1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61 here p 49ndash50 Sauneronrsquos study albeit in many respects outdated is still a most valuable in-troduction to the study of dreams and oneiromancy in Pharaonic and Graeco-Roman Egypt and one of the few making full use of the primary sources in both Egyptian and Greek
55 On healing dreams sanctuaries of Asclepius and Aelius Aristides see now several of the collected essays in Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiquity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
56 As already remarked by Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 3957 See Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI Con-
gresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117 here p 115ndash117 and Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens (n 49) P 44ndash45 According to the latter the difference in the treatment given by Artemidorus to dreams about two equally thaumaturgic gods Serapis and Asclepius (with the former featuring in accounts of ominous dreams only and the latter be-ing associated albeit not always with auspicious dreams) is due to Artemidorusrsquo supposed
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
284 Luigi Prada
shortly) the outcome of the dream is always negative (and in most cases lethal) for
the dreamer seems hardly due to an alleged personal dislike of Artemidorus against
Serapis Rather it appears dictated by the equivalence established between Serapis
and Pluto an equivalence which as already discussed above had not been impro-
vised by Artemidorus but was well established in the Greek reception of Serapis and
of the older myth of Osiris
This can be seen clearly when one looks at Artemidorusrsquo treatment of dreams
about Pluto himself which are generally associated with death and fatal dangers
Whilst the main theoretical treatment of Pluto in II 39 174 13ndash20 is mostly positive
elsewhere in the Oneirocritica dreams with a Plutonian connection or content are
dim in outcome see eg the elephant-themed dreams in II 12 123 10ndash14 though
here the dreamer may also attain salvation in extremis and the dream about car-
rying Pluto in II 56 185 3ndash10 with its generally lethal consequences Similarly in
the Serapis-themed dreams described in V 26 and 93 (for more about which see
here below) Pluto is named as the reason why the outcome of both is the dream-
errsquos death for Pluto lord of the underworld can be equated with Serapis as Arte-
midorus himself explains Therefore it seems fairer to conclude that the negative
outcome of dreams featuring Serapis in the Oneirocritica is due not to his being an
oriental god looked at with suspicion but to his being a chthonic god and the (orig-
inally Egyptian) counterpart of Pluto Ultimately this is confirmed by the fact that
Pluto himself receives virtually the same treatment as Serapis in the Oneirocritica
yet he is a perfectly traditional member of the Greek pantheon of old
Moving on in this overview of dreams about Serapis the god also appears in a
few other passages of Artemidorusrsquo Books IV and V some of which have already
been mentioned in the previous discussion In IV 80 295 25ndash296 10 it is reported
how a man desirous of having children was incapable of unraveling the meaning
of a dream in which he had seen himself collecting a debt and handing a receipt
to his debtor The location of the story as Artemidorus specifies is Egypt namely
Alexandria homeland of the cult of Serapis After being unable to find a dream in-
terpreter capable of explaining his dream this man is said to have prayed to Serapis
asking the god to disclose its meaning to him clearly by means of a revelation in a
dream possibly by incubation and Serapis did appear to him revealing that the
meaning of the dream (which Artemidorus explains through a play on etymology)
was that he would not have children58 Interestingly albeit somewhat unsurprising-
ldquodeacutefense du pantheacuteon grec face agrave lrsquoeacutetrangerrdquo (p 44) a view about which I feel however rather sceptical
58 For a discussion of the etymological interpretation of this dream and its possible Egyptian connection see the next main section of this article
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
285Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
ly the only two mentions of Alexandria in Artemidorus here (IV 80 296 5) and in
IV 22 255 11 (mentioned above) are both connected with revelatory (and probably
incubatory) dreams and Serapis (though the god is not openly mentioned in IV 22)
Four short dreams concerning Serapis all of which have a most ominous out-
come (ie the dreamerrsquos death) are described in the last book of the Oneirocritica In
V 26 307 11ndash17 Artemidorus tells how a man who had dreamt of wearing a bronze
plate tied around his neck with the name of Serapis written on it died from a quinsy
seven days later The nature of Serapis as a chthonic god equivalent to Pluto was
meant to warn the man of his impending death the fact that Serapisrsquo name consists
of seven letters was a sign that seven days would elapse between this dream and the
manrsquos death and the plate with the name of Serapis hanging around his neck was
a symbol of the quinsy which would take his life In V 92 324 1ndash7 it is related how
a sick man prayed to Serapis begging him to appear to him and give him a sign by
waving either his right or his left hand to let him know whether he would live or
die He then dreamt of entering the temple of Serapis (whether the famous one in
Alexandria or perhaps some other outside Egypt is not specified) and that Cerberus
was shaking his right paw at him As Artemidorus explains he died for Cerberus
symbolised death and by shaking his paw he was welcoming him In V 93 324 8ndash10
a man is said to have dreamt of being placed by Serapis into the godrsquos traditional
basket-like headgear the calathus and to have died as an outcome of this dream
To this Artemidorus gives again an explanation connected to the fact that Serapis
is Pluto by his act the god of the dead was seizing this man and his life Lastly in
V 94 324 11ndash16 another solicited dream is related A man who had prayed to Serapis
before undergoing surgery had been told by the god in a dream that he would regain
health by this operation he died and as Artemidorus explains this happened be-
cause Serapis is a chthonic god His promise to the man was respected for death did
give him his health back by putting a definitive end to his illness
As is clear from this overview none of these other dreams show any specific Egyp-
tian features in their content apart from the name of Serapis nor do their inter-
pretations These are either rather general based on the equation Serapis = Pluto =
death or in fact present Greek rather than Egyptian elements A clear example is
for instance in the exegesis of the dream in V 26 where the mention of the number
of letters in Serapisrsquo name seven (τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ γράμματα ἑπτὰ ἔχει V 26 307 15)
confirms that Artemidorus is explaining this dream in fully Greek cultural terms
for the indigenous Egyptian scripts including demotic are no alphabetic writing
systems
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
286 Luigi Prada
Dreaming of Egyptian fauna in Artemidorus
Moving on from Serapis to other Aegyptiaca appearing in the Oneirocritica in
chapters III 11ndash12 it is possible that the mention in a sequence of dreams about
a crocodile a cat and an ichneumon may represent a consistent group of dreams
about animals culturally andor naturally associated with Egypt as already men-
tioned previously in this article This however need not necessarily be the case and
these animals might be cited here without any specific Egyptian connection in Ar-
temidorusrsquo mind which of the two is the case it is probably impossible to tell with
certainty
Still with regard to animals in IV 56 279 9 a τυφλίνης is mentioned this word in-
dicates either a fish endemic to the Nile or a type of blind snake Considering that its
mention comes within a section about animals that look more dangerous than they
actually are and that it follows the name of a snake and of a puffing toad it seems
fair to suppose that this is another reptile and not the Nile fish59 Hence it also has
no relevance to Egypt and the current discussion
Artemidorus and the phoenix the dream of the Egyptian
The next (and for this analysis last) passage of the Oneirocritica to feature Egypt
is worthy of special attention inasmuch as scholars have surmised that it might
contain a direct reference the only in all of Artemidorusrsquo books to Egyptian oneiro-
mancy60 The relevant passage occurs within chapter IV 47 which discusses dreams
about mythological creatures and more specifically treats the problem of dreams
featuring mythological subjects about which there exist two potentially mutually
contradictory traditions The mythological figure at the centre of the dream here
recorded is the phoenix about which the following is said
ldquoFor example a certain man dreamt that he was painting ltthegt phoenix bird An Egyp-tian said that the observer of the dream had come into such a state of poverty that due to his extreme lack of money he set his dead father upon his back and carried him out to the grave For the phoenix also buries its own father And so I do not know whether the dream came to pass in this way but that man indeed related it thus and according to this version of the myth it was fitting that it would come truerdquo61
59 Of this opinion is also Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemi-dorus Torrance CA 1990 (2nd edition) P 302 n 35
60 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 and Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 11161 Artem IV 47 273 5ndash12 οἷον [ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου λεχθεὶς ὄνειρος] ἔδοξέ τις ltτὸνgt φοίνικα τὸ
ὄρνεον ζωγραφεῖν εἶπεν Αἰγύπτιος ὅτι ὁ ἰδὼν τὸν ὄνειρον εἰς τοσοῦτον ἧκε πενίας ὥστε τὸν πατέρα ἀποθανόντα δι᾽ ἀπορίαν πολλὴν αὐτὸς ὑποδὺς ἐβάστασε καὶ ἐξεκόμισε καὶ γὰρ ὁ φοίνιξ
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
287Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The passage goes on (IV 47 273 12ndash274 2) saying that according to a different tradi-
tion of the phoenixrsquos myth (one better known both in antiquity and nowadays) the
phoenix does not have a father when it feels that its time has come it flies to Egypt
assembles a pyre from aromatic plants and substances and throws itself on it After
this a worm is generated from its ashes which eventually becomes again a phoenix
and flies back to the place from which it had come Based on this other version of
the myth Artemidorus concludes another interpretation of the dream above could
also suggest that as the phoenix does not actually have a father (but is self-generat-
ed from its own ashes) the dreamer too is bound to be bereft of his parents62
The number of direct mentions of Egypt and all things Egyptian in this dream
is the highest in all of Artemidorusrsquo work Egypt is mentioned twice in the context
of the phoenixrsquos flying to and out of Egypt before and after its death and rebirth
according to the alternative version of the myth (IV 47 273 1520) and an Egyptian
man the one who is said to have related the dream is also mentioned twice (IV 47
273 57) though his first mention is universally considered to be an interpolation to
be expunged which was added at a later stage almost as a heading to this passage
The connection between the land of Egypt and the phoenix is standard and is
found in many authors most notably in Herodotus who transmits in his Egyptian
logos the first version of the myth given by Artemidorus the one concerned with
the phoenixrsquos fatherrsquos burial (Hdt II 73)63 Far from clear is instead the mention of
the Egyptian who is said to have recorded how the dreamer of this phoenix-themed
dream ended up carrying his deceased father to the burial on his own shoulders
due to his lack of financial means Neither here nor later in the same passage (where
the subject ἐκεῖνος ndash IV 47 273 11 ndash can only refer back to the Egyptian) is this man
[τὸ ὄρνεον] τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πατέρα καταθάπτει εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἀπέβη ὁ ὄνειρος οὐκ οἶδα ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἐκεῖνος οὕτω διηγεῖτο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἱστορίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀποβεβηκέναι
62 On the two versions of the myth of the phoenix see Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24) P 146ndash161 (with specific discussion of Artemidorusrsquo passage at p 151) Concerning this dream about the phoenix in Artemidorus see also Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82) P 160ndash162
63 Herodotus when relating the myth of the phoenix as he professes to have heard it in Egypt mentions that he did not see the bird in person (as it would visit Egypt very rarely once every five hundred years) but only its likeness in a picture (γραφή) It is perhaps an interesting coincidence that in the dream described by Artemidorus the actual phoenix is absent too and the dreamer sees himself in the action of painting (ζωγραφεῖν) the bird On Herodotus and the phoenix see Lloyd Herodotus (n 47) P 317ndash322 and most recently Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent CoulonPascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
288 Luigi Prada
said to have interpreted this dream Artemidorusrsquo words are in fact rather vague
and the verbs that he uses to describe the actions of this Egyptian are εἶπεν (ldquohe
saidrdquo IV 47 273 6) and διηγεῖτο (ldquohe relatedrdquo IV 47 273 11) It does not seem un-
wise to understand that this Egyptian who reported the dream was possibly also
its original interpreter as all scholars who have commented on this passage have
assumed but it should be borne in mind that Artemidorus does not state this un-
ambiguously The core problem remains the fact that the figure of this Egyptian is
introduced ex abrupto and nothing at all is said about him Who was he Was this
an Egyptian who authored a dream book known to Artemidorus Or was this some
Egyptian that Artemidorus had either met in his travels or of whom (and whose sto-
ry about the dream of the phoenix) he had heard either in person by a third party
or from his readings It is probably impossible to answer these questions Nor is this
the only passage where Artemidorus ascribes the description andor interpretation
of dreams to individuals whom he anonymously and cursorily indicates simply by
means of their geographical origin leaving his readers (certainly at least the mod-
ern ones) in the dark64
Whatever the identity of this Egyptian man may be it is nevertheless clear that
in Artemidorusrsquo discussion of this dream all references to Egypt are filtered through
the tradition (or rather traditions) of the myth of the phoenix as it had developed in
classical culture and that it is not directly dependent on ancient Egyptian traditions
or on the bnw-bird the Egyptian figure that is considered to be at the origin of the
classical phoenix65 Once again as seen in the case of Serapis in connection with the
Osirian myth there is a substantial degree of separation between Artemidorus and
ancient Egyptrsquos original sources and traditions even when he speaks of Egypt his
knowledge of and interest in this land and its culture seems to be minimal or even
inexistent
One may even wonder whether the mention of the Egyptian who related the
dream of the phoenix could just be a most vague and fictional attribution which
was established due to the traditional Egyptian setting of the myth of the phoe-
nix an ad hoc attribution for which Artemidorus himself would not need to be
64 See the (perhaps even more puzzling than our Egyptian) Cypriot youngster of IV 83 (ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος IV 83 298 21) and his multiple interpretations of a dream It is curious to notice that one manuscript out of the two representing Artemidorusrsquo Greek textual tradition (V in Packrsquos edition) presents instead of ὁ Κύπριος νεανίσκος the reading ὁ Σύρος ldquothe Syrianrdquo (I take it as an ethnonym rather than as the personal name ldquoSyrusrdquo which is found elsewhere but in different contexts and as a common slaversquos name in Book IV see IV 24 and 81) The same codex V also has a slightly different reading in the case of the Egyptian of IV 47 as it writes ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ldquothe Egyptianrdquo rather than simply Αἰγύπτιος ldquoan Egyptianrdquo (the latter is preferred by Pack for his edition)
65 See van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix (n 62) P 20ndash21
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
289Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
deemed responsible but which he may have found already in his sources and hence
reproduced
Pseudepigraphous attributions of oneirocritic and more generally divinatory
works to Egyptian authors are certainly known from classical (as well as Byzantine)
times The most relevant example is probably that of the dream book of Horus cited
by Dio Chrysostom in one of his speeches whether or not this book actually ever
existed its mention by Dio testifies to the popularity of real or supposed Egyptian
works with regard to oneiromancy66 Another instance is the case of Melampus a
mythical soothsayer whose figure had already been associated with Egypt and its
wisdom at the time of Herodotus (see Hdt II 49) and under whose name sever-
al books of divination circulated in antiquity67 To this group of Egyptian pseude-
pigrapha then the mention of the anonymous Αἰγύπτιος in Oneirocritica IV 47
could in theory be added if one chooses to think of him (with all the reservations
that have been made above) as the possible author of a dream book or a similar
composition
66 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 70 151 and Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome (Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264 Whether this Horus was meant to be the name of an individual perhaps a priest or of the god himself it is not possible to know Further in Diorsquos passage this text is said to contain the descriptions of dreams but nothing is stated about the presence of their interpretations It seems nevertheless reasonable to take this as implied and consider this book as a dream interpretation manual and not just a collection of dream accounts Both Del Corno and van de Walle consider the existence of this dream book in antiquity as certain In my opinion this is rather doubtful and this dream book of Horus may be Diorsquos plain invention Its only mention occurs in Diorsquos Trojan Discourse (XI 129) a piece of rhetoric virtuosity concerning the events of the war of Troy which claims to be the report of what had been revealed to Dio by a venerable old Egyptian priest (τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱερέων ἑνὸς εὖ μάλα γέροντος XI 37) ndash certainly himself a fictitious figure
67 See Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 71ndash72 152ndash153 and more recently Sal-vatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica Florentina Vol 39) P 20ndash22 Artemidorus mentions Melampus once in III 28 though he makes no ref-erence to his affiliations with Egypt Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) P 155 suggests that another pseudepigraphous dream book that of Phemonoe (mentioned by Arte-midorus too see II 9 and IV 2) might also have been influenced by an Egyptian oneirocritic manual such as pChester Beatty 3 (which one should be reminded dates to the XIII century BC) as both appear to share an elementary binary distinction of dreams into lsquogoodrsquo and lsquobadrsquo ones This suggestion of his is very weak if not plainly unfounded and cannot be accepted
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
290 Luigi Prada
Echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy in Artemidorus
Modern scholarship and the supposed connection between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The previous section of this article has discussed how none of the few mentions of
Egypt in the Oneirocritica appear to stem from a direct knowledge or interest of Ar-
temidorus in the Egyptian civilisation and its traditions let alone directly from the
ancient Egyptian oneirocritic literature Earlier scholarship (within the domain of
Egyptology rather than classics) however has often claimed that a strong connec-
tion between Egyptian oneiromancy and the Greek tradition of dream books as wit-
nessed in Artemidorus can be proven and this alleged connection has been pushed
as far as to suggest a partial filiation of Greek oneiromancy from its more ancient
Egyptian counterpart68 This was originally the view of Aksel Volten who aimed
to prove such a connection by comparing interpretations of dreams and exegetic
techniques in the Egyptian dream books and in Artemidorus (as well as later Byzan-
tine dream books)69 His treatment of the topic remains a most valuable one which
raises plenty of points for discussion that could be further developed in fact his
publication has perhaps suffered from being little known outside the boundaries of
Egyptology and it is to be hoped that more future studies on classical oneiromancy
will take it into due consideration Nevertheless as far as Voltenrsquos core idea goes ie
68 See eg Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 (ldquoDie allegorische Deutung die mit Ideacuteassociationen und Bildern arbeitet haben die Griechen [hellip] von den Aumlgyptern uumlbernommen [hellip]rdquo) p 69 (ldquo[hellip] duumlrfen wir hingegen mit Sicherheit behaupten dass aumlgyptische Traumdeu-tung mit der babylonischen zusammen in der spaumlteren griechischen mohammedanischen und europaumlischen weitergelebt hatrdquo) p 73 (ldquo[hellip] Beispiele die unzweifelhaften Zusammen-hang zwischen aumlgyptischer und spaumlterer Traumdeutung zeigen [hellip]rdquo) van de Walle Les songes (n 66) P 264 (ldquo[hellip] les principes et les meacutethodes onirocritiques des Eacutegyptiens srsquoeacutetaient trans-mises dans le monde heacutellenistique les nombreux rapprochements que le savant danois [sc Volten] a proposeacutes [hellip] le prouvent agrave lrsquoeacutevidencerdquo) Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 111 (ldquoUn buon numero di interpretazioni di Artemidoro presenta riscontri con le laquoChiaviraquo egizie ma lrsquoau-tore non appare consapevole [hellip] di questa lontana originerdquo) Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn) P 136 (ldquoFuumlr einen Einfluszlig der aumlgyptischen Traumdeutung auf die griechische sprechen aber nicht nur uumlbereinstimmende Deutungen sondern auch die gleichen inzwischen weiterentwickelt-en Deutungstechniken [hellip]rdquo) Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgit-to antico Torino 2005 (Saggi Vol 867) P 155 (ldquo[hellip] come Axel [sic] Volten ha mostrato [hellip] crsquoegrave unrsquoaffinitagrave sicura tra interpretazioni di sogni egiziani e greci soprattutto nella raccolta di Arte-midoro contemporaneo con questi testi demotici [hellip]rdquo)
69 In Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash78 In the following discussion I will focus on Artemidorus only and leave aside the later Byzantine oneirocritic authors
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
291Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
the influence of Egyptian oneiromancy on Artemidorus and its survival in his work
the problem is much more complex than Voltenrsquos assertive conclusions suggest
and in my view such influence is in fact unlikely and remains unproven
In the present section of this paper I will scrutinise some of the comparisons that
Volten establishes between Egyptian texts and Artemidorus and which he takes as
proofs of the close connection between the two oneirocritic and cultural traditions
that they represent70 As I will argue none of them holds as an unmistakable proof
Some are so general and vague that they do not even prove a relationship of any
sort with Egypt whilst others where an Egyptian cultural presence is unambiguous
can be argued to have derived from types of Egyptian sources and traditions other
than oneirocritic literature and always without direct exposure of Artemidorus to
Egyptian original sources but through the mediation of the commonplace imagery
and reception of Egypt in classical culture
A general issue with Voltenrsquos comparison between Egyptian and Artemidorian
passages needs to be highlighted before tackling his study Peculiarly most (virtual-
ly all) excerpts that he chooses to cite from Egyptian oneirocritic manuals and com-
pare with passages from Artemidorus do not come from the contemporary demotic
dream books the texts that were copied and read in Roman Egypt but from pChes-
ter Beatty 3 the hieratic dream book from the XIII century BC This is puzzling and
in my view further weakens his conclusions for if significant connections were to
actually exist between Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus one would expect
these to be found possibly in even larger number in documents that are contempo-
rary in date rather than separated by almost a millennium and a half
Some putative cases of ancient Egyptian dream interpretation surviving in Artemidorus
Let us start this review with the only three passages from demotic dream books that
Volten thinks are paralleled in Artemidorus all of which concern animals71 In II 12
119 13ndash19 Artemidorus discusses dreams featuring a ram a figure that he holds as a
symbol of a master a ruler or a king On the Egyptian side Volten refers to pCarls-
berg 13 frag b col x+222 (previously cited in this paper in excerpt 1) which de-
scribes a bestiality-themed dream about a ram (isw) whose matching interpretation
70 For space constraints I cannot analyse here all passages listed by Volten however the speci-mens that I have chosen will offer a sufficient idea of what I consider to be the main issues with his treatment of the evidence and with his conclusions
71 All listed in Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 78
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
292 Luigi Prada
predicts that Pharaoh will in some way benefit the dreamer72 On the basis of this
he assumes that the connection between a ram (dream) and the king (interpreta-
tion) found in both the Egyptian dream book and in Artemidorus is a meaningful
similarity The match between a ram and a leading figure however seems a rather
natural one to be established by analogy one that can develop independently in
multiple cultures based on the observation of the behaviour of a ram as head of its
herd and the ramrsquos dominating character is explicitly given as part of the reasons
for his interpretation by Artemidorus himself Further Artemidorus points out how
his analysis is also based on a wordplay that is fully Greek in nature for the ramrsquos
name he explains is κριός and ldquothe ancients used to say kreiein to mean lsquoto rulersquordquo
(κρείειν γὰρ τὸ ἄρχειν ἔλεγον οἱ παλαιοί II 12 119 14ndash15) The Egyptian connection of
this interpretation seems therefore inexistent
Just after this in II 12 119 20ndash120 10 Artemidorus discusses dreams about goats
(αἶγες) For him all dreams featuring these animals are inauspicious something that
he explains once again on the basis of both linguistic means (wordplay) and gener-
al analogy (based on this animalrsquos typical behaviour) Volten compares this section
of the Oneirocritica with pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+221 where a dream featuring a
billy goat (b(y)-aA-m-pt) copulating with the dreamer predicts the latterrsquos death and
he highlights the equivalence of a goat with bad luck as a shared pattern between
the Greek and Egyptian traditions This is however not generally the case when one
looks elsewhere in demotic dream books for a billy goat occurs as the subject of
dreams in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 8 and pJena 1209 ll 9ndash10 but in neither
case here is the prediction inauspicious Further in pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 6
a dream about a she-goat (anxt) is presented and in this case too the matching pre-
diction is not one of bad luck Again the grounds upon which Volten identifies an
allegedly shared Graeco-Egyptian pattern in the motif goats = bad luck are far from
firm Firstly Artemidorus himself accounts for his interpretation with reasons that
need not have been derived from an external culture (Greek wordplay and analogy
with the goatrsquos natural character) Secondly whilst in Artemidorus a dream about a
goat is always unlucky this is the case only in one out of multiple instances in the
demotic dream books73
72 To this dream one could also add pCarlsberg 14 verso frag d l 1 where another dream featuring a ram announces that the dreamer will become owner (nb) of some property (namely a field) and pJena 1209 l 11 (published after Voltenrsquos study) where another dream about a ram is discussed and its interpretation states that the dreamer will live with his superior (Hry) For a discussion of the association between ram and power in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 414ndash416
73 On the ambivalent characterisation of goats in Egyptian texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 433ndash435
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
293Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
The third and last association with a demotic dream book highlighted by Volten
concerns dreams about ravens which Artemidorus lists in II 20 137 4ndash5 for him
a raven (κόραξ) symbolises an adulterer and a thief owing to the analogy between
those human types and the birdrsquos colour and changing voice To Volten this sug-
gests a correlation with pCarlsberg 14 verso frag f l 6 where dreaming of giving
birth to a raven (Abo) is said to announce the birth of a foolish son74 hence for him
the equivalence of a raven with an unworthy person is a shared feature of the Arte-
midorian and the demotic traditions The connection appears however to be very
tenuous if not plainly absent not only for the rather vague match between the two
predictions (adulterer and thief versus stupid child) but once again because Arte-
midorus sufficiently justifies his own based on analogy with the natural behaviour
of ravens
I will now briefly survey a couple of the many parallels that Volten draws between
pChester Beatty 3 the earliest known ancient Egyptian (and lsquopre-demoticrsquo) dream
book and Artemidorus though I have already expressed my reservations about his
heavy use of this much earlier Egyptian text With regard to Artemidorusrsquo treatment
of teeth in dreams as representing the members of onersquos household and of their
falling as representing these relationsrsquo deaths in I 31 37 14ndash38 6 Volten establishes
a connection with a dream recorded in pChester Beatty 3 col x+812 where the fall
of the dreamerrsquos teeth is explained through a wordplay as a bad omen announcing
the death of one of the members of his household75 The match of images is undeni-
able However one wonders whether it can really be used to prove a derivation of Ar-
temidorusrsquo interpretation from an Egyptian oneirocritic source as Volten does Not
only is Artemidorusrsquo treatment much more elaborate than that in pChester Beatty 3
(with the fall of onersquos teeth being also explained later in the chapter as possibly
symbolising other events including the loss of onersquos belongings) but dreams about
loosing onersquos teeth are considered to announce a relativersquos death in many societies
and popular cultures not only in ancient Egypt and the classical world but even in
modern times76 On this basis to suggest an actual derivation of Artemidorusrsquo in-
terpretation from its Egyptian counterpart seems to be rather forcing the evidence
74 This prediction in the papyrus is largely in lacuna but the restoration is almost certainly cor-rect See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 98 On this dream and generally about the raven in ancient Egypt see VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 365ndash366
75 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 75ndash7676 See Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 76 and the reference to such beliefs in Den-
mark and Germany To this add for example the Italian popular saying ldquocaduta di denti morte di parentirdquo See also the comparative analysis of classical sources and modern folklore in Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238 In Voltenrsquos perspective the existence of the same concept in modern Western societies may be an addi-tional confirmation of his view that the original interpretation of tooth fall-related dreams
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
294 Luigi Prada
Another example concerns the treatment of dreams about beds and mattresses
that Artemidorus presents in I 74 80 25ndash27 stating that they symbolise the dream-
errsquos wife This is associated by Volten with pChester Beatty 3 col x+725 where a
dream in which one sees his bed going up in flames is said to announce that his
wife will be driven away77 Pace Volten and his views the logical association between
the bed and onersquos wife is a rather natural and universal one as both are liable to
be assigned a sexual connotation No cultural borrowing can be suggested based
on this scant and generic evidence Similarly the parallel that Volten establishes
between dreams about mirrors in Artemidorusrsquo chapter II 7 107 26ndash108 3 (to be
further compared with the dream in V 67) and in pChester Beatty 3 col x+71178 is
also highly unconvincing He highlights the fact that in both texts the interpreta-
tion of dreams about mirrors is explained in connection with events having to do
with the dreamerrsquos wife However the analogy between onersquos reflected image in a
mirror ie onersquos double and his partner appears based on too general an analogy to
be necessarily due to cultural contacts between Egypt and Artemidorus not to men-
tion also the frequent association with muliebrity that an item like a mirror with its
cosmetic implications had in ancient societies Further one should also point out
that the dream is interpreted ominously in pChester Beatty 3 whilst it is said to be
a lucky dream in Artemidorus And while the exegesis of the Egyptian dream book
explains the dream from a male dreamerrsquos perspective only announcing a change
of wife for him Artemidorusrsquo text is also more elaborate arguing that when dreamt
by a woman this dream can signify good luck with regard to her finding a husband
(the implicit connection still being in the theme of the double here announcing for
her a bridegroom)
stemming from Egypt entered Greek culture and hence modern European folklore However the idea of such a multisecular continuity appears rather unconvincing in the absence of fur-ther documentation to support it Also the mental association between teeth and people close to the dreamer and that between the actions of falling and dying appear too common to be necessarily ascribed to cultural borrowings and to exclude the possibility of an independent convergence Finally it can also be noted that in the relevant line of pChester Beatty 3 the wordplay does not even establish a connection between the words for ldquoteethrdquo and ldquorelativesrdquo (or those for ldquofallingrdquo and ldquodyingrdquo) but is more prosaically based on a figura etymologica be-tween the preposition Xr meaning ldquounderrdquo (as the text translates literally ldquohis teeth falling under himrdquo ibHw=f xr Xr=f) and the derived substantive Xry meaning ldquosubordinaterela-tiverdquo (ldquobad it means the death of a man belonging to his subordinatesrelativesrdquo Dw mwt s pw n Xryw=f)
77 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 74ndash7578 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 73ndash74
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
295Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Egyptian cultural elements as the interpretative key to some of Artemidorusrsquo dreams
In a few other cases Volten discusses passages of Artemidorus in which he recognis-
es elements proper to Egyptian culture though he is unable to point out any paral-
lels specifically in oneirocritic manuals from Egypt It will be interesting to survey
some of these passages too to see whether these elements actually have an Egyp-
tian connection and if so whether they can be proven to have entered Artemidorusrsquo
Oneirocritica directly from Egyptian sources or as seems to be the case with the
passages analysed earlier in this article their knowledge had come to Artemidorus
in an indirect and mediated fashion without any proper contact with Egypt
The first passage is in chapter II 12 124 15ndash125 3 of the Oneirocritica Here in dis-
cussing dreams featuring a dog-faced baboon (κυνοκέφαλος) Artemidorus says that
a specific prophetic meaning of this animal is the announcement of sickness es-
pecially the sacred sickness (epilepsy) for as he goes on to explain this sickness
is sacred to Selene the moon and so is the dog-faced baboon As highlighted by
Volten the connection between the baboon and the moon is certainly Egyptian for
the baboon was an animal hypostasis of the god Thoth who was typically connected
with the moon79 This Egyptian connection in the Oneirocritica is however far from
direct and Artemidorus himself might have been even unaware of the Egyptian ori-
gin of this association between baboons and the moon which probably came to him
already filtered by the classical reception of Egyptian cults80 Certainly no connec-
tion with Egyptian oneiromancy can be suspected This appears to be supported by
the fact that dreams involving baboons (aan) are found in demotic oneirocritic liter-
ature81 yet their preserved matching predictions typically do not contain mentions
or allusions to the moon the god Thoth or sickness
79 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 See also White The Interpretation (n 59) P 276 n 34 who cites a passage in Horapollo also identifying the baboon with the moon (in this and other instances White expands on references and points that were originally identi-fied and highlighted by Pack in his editionrsquos commentary) On this animalrsquos association with Thoth in Egyptian literary texts see Bohms Saumlugetiere (n 41) P 30ndash32
80 Unlike Artemidorus his contemporary Aelian explicitly refers to Egyptian beliefs while dis-cussing the ibis (which with the baboon was the other principal animal hypostasis of Thoth) in his tract on natural history and states that this bird had a sacred connection with the moon (Ail nat II 35 38) In II 38 Aelian also relates the ibisrsquo sacred connection with the moon to its habit of never leaving Egypt for he says as the moon is considered the moistest of all celestial bod-ies thus Egypt is considered the moistest of countries The concept of the moonrsquos moistness is found throughout classical culture and also in Artemidorus (I 80 97 25ndash98 3 where dreaming of having intercourse with Selenethe moon is said to be a potential sign of dropsy due to the moonrsquos dampness) for references see White The Interpretation (n 59) P 270ndash271 n 100
81 Eg in pJena 1209 l 12 pCarlsberg 13 frag b col x+229 and pVienna D 6644 frag a col x+215
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
296 Luigi Prada
Another excerpt selected by Volten is from chapter IV 80 296 8ndash1082 a dream
discussed earlier in this paper with regard to the figure of Serapis Here a man who
wished to have children is said to have dreamt of collecting a debt and giving his
debtor a receipt The meaning of the vision explains Artemidorus was that he was
bound not to have children since the one who gives a receipt for the repayment of a
debt no longer receives its interest and the word for ldquointerestrdquo τόκος can also mean
ldquooffspringrdquo Volten surmises that the origin of this wordplay in Artemidorus may
possibly be Egyptian for in demotic too the word ms(t) can mean both ldquooffspringrdquo
and ldquointerestrdquo This suggestion seems slightly forced as there is no reason to estab-
lish a connection between the matching polysemy of the Egyptian and the Greek
word The mental association between biological and financial generation (ie in-
terest as lsquo[money] generating [other money]rsquo) seems rather straightforward and no
derivation of the polysemy of the Greek word from its Egyptian counterpart need be
postulated Further the use of the word τόκος in Greek in the meaning of ldquointerestrdquo
is far from rare and is attested already in authors much earlier than Artemidorus
A more interesting parallel suggested by Volten between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian traditions concerns I 51 58 10ndash14 where Artemidorus argues that dreaming
of performing agricultural activities is auspicious for people who wish to marry or
are still childless for a field symbolises a wife and seeds the children83 The image
of ploughing a field as a sexual metaphor is rather obvious and universal and re-
ally need not be ascribed to Egyptian parallels But Volten also points out a more
specific and remarkable parallelism which concerns Artemidorusrsquo specification on
how seeds and plants represent offspring and more specifically how wheat (πυρός)
announces the birth of a son and barley (κριθή) that of a daughter84 Now Volten
points out that the equivalences wheat = son and barley = daughter are Egyptian
being found in earlier Egyptian literature not in a dream book but in birth prog-
nosis texts in hieratic from Pharaonic times In these Egyptian texts in order to
discover whether a woman is pregnant and if so what the sex of the child is it is
recommended to have her urinate daily on wheat and barley grains Depending on
which of the two will sprout the baby will be a son or a daughter Volten claims that
in the Egyptian birth prognosis texts if the wheat sprouts it will be a baby boy but
if the barley germinates then it will be a baby girl in this the match with Artemi-
dorusrsquo image would be a perfect one However Volten is mistaken in his reading of
the Egyptian texts for in them it is the barley (it) that announces the birth of a son
82 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 71ndash72 n 383 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 69ndash7084 Artemidorus also adds that pulses (ὄσπρια) represent miscarriages about which point see
Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 448
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
297Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
and the wheat (more specifically emmer bdt) that of a daughter thus being actual-
ly the other way round than in Artemidorus85 In this new light the contact between
the Egyptian birth prognosis and the passage of Artemidorus is limited to the more
general comparison between sprouting seeds and the arrival of offspring It is none-
theless true that a birth prognosis similar to the Egyptian one (ie to have a woman
urinate on barley and wheat and see which one is to sprout ndash though again with a
reverse matching between seed type and child sex) is found also in Greek medical
writers as well as in later modern European traditions86 This may or may not have
originally stemmed from earlier Egyptian medical sources Even if it did however
and even if Artemidorusrsquo interpretation originated from such medical prescriptions
with Egyptian roots this would still be a case of mediated cultural contact as this
seed-related birth prognosis was already common knowledge in Greek medical lit-
erature at the time of Artemidorus
To conclude this survey it is worthwhile to have a look at two more passages
from Artemidorus for which an Egyptian connection has been suggested though
this time not by Volten The first is in Oneirocritica II 13 126 20ndash23 where Arte-
midorus discusses dreams about a serpent (δράκων) and states that this reptile can
symbolise time both because of its length and because of its becoming young again
after sloughing off its old skin This last association is based not only on the analogy
between the cyclical growth and sloughing off of the serpentrsquos skin and the seasonsrsquo
cycle but also on a pun on the word for ldquoold skinrdquo γῆρας whose primary meaning
is simply ldquoold agerdquo Artemidorusrsquo explanation is self-sufficient and his wordplay is
clearly based on the polysemy of the Greek word Yet an Egyptian parallel to this
passage has been advocated This suggested parallel is in Horapollo I 287 where the
author claims that in the hieroglyphic script a serpent (ὄφις) that bites its own tail
ie an ouroboros can be used to indicate the universe (κόσμος) One of the explana-
85 The translation mistake is already found in the reference that Volten gives for these Egyptian medical texts in the edition of pCarlsberg 8 ie Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5) P 14 It is clear that the key to the prognosis (and the reason for the inversion between its Egyptian and Greek versions) does not lie in the specific type of cereal used but in the grammatical gender of the word indicating it Thus a baby boy is announced by the sprouting of wheat (πυρός masculine) in Greek and barley (it also masculine) in Egyptian The same gender analogy holds true for a baby girl whose birth is announced by cereals indicated by feminine words (κριθή and bdt)
86 See Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII (n 85) P 13ndash2087 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 277 n 40 To be exact White simply reproduces the
passage from Horapollo without explicitly stating whether he suspects a close connection between it and Artemidorusrsquo interpretation
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
298 Luigi Prada
tions which Horapollo gives for this is that like the serpent sloughs off its own skin
the universe gets cyclically renewed in the continous succession of the years88 De-
spite the similarity in the general comparison between a serpent and the flowing of
time in both Artemidorus and Horapollo the image used by Artemidorus appears
to be established on a rather obvious analogy (sloughing off of skin = cyclical renew-
al of the year gt serpent = time) and endorsed by a specifically Greek wordplay on
γῆρας so that it seems hard to suggest with any degree of probability a connection
between this passage of his and Egyptian beliefs (or rather later classical percep-
tions and re-elaborations of Egyptian images) Further the association of a serpent
with the flowing of time in a writer of Aegyptiaca such as Horapollo is specific to
the ouroboros the serpent biting its own tail whilst in Artemidorus the subject is
a plain serpent
The other passage that I wish to highlight is in chapter II 20 138 15ndash17 where Ar-
temidorus briefly mentions dreams featuring a pelican (πελεκάν) stating that this
bird can represent senseless men He does not give any explanation as to why this
is the case this leaves the modern reader (and perhaps the ancient too) in the dark
as the connection between pelicans and foolishness is not an obvious one nor is
foolishness a distinctive attribute of pelicans in classical tradition89 However there
is another author who connects pelicans to foolishness and who also explains the
reason for this associaton This is Horapollo (I 54) who tells how it is in the pelicanrsquos
nature to expose itself and its chicks to danger by laying its eggs on the ground and
how this is the reason why the hieroglyphic sign depicting this bird should indi-
cate foolishness90 In this case it is interesting to notice how a connection between
Artemidorus and Horapollo an author intimately associated with Egypt can be es-
tablished Yet even if the connection between the pelican and foolishness was orig-
inally an authentic Egyptian motif and not one later developed in classical milieus
(which remains doubtful)91 Artemidorus appears unaware of this possible Egyptian
88 On this passage of Horapollo see the commentary in Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hi-eroglyphica Napoli 1940 P 4ndash6
89 On pelicans in classical culture see DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition) P 231ndash233 or W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007 (The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn) P 172ndash173
90 See White The Interpretation (n 59) P 282ndash283 n 86 On this section of Horapollo and earlier scholarsrsquo attempts to connect this tradition with a possible Egyptian wordplay see Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica (n 88) P 112ndash113
91 See Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Suppleacute-ment aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5) P 54 who suggests that this whole passage of Horapollo may have a Greek and not Egyptian origin for the pelican at least nowadays does not breed in Egypt On the other hand see now VernusYoyotte Bestiaire (n 27) P 403ndash405 who discuss evidence about pelicans nesting (and possibly also being bred) in Pharaonic Egypt
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
299Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
association so that even this theme of the pelican does not seem to offer a direct
albeit only hypothetical bridging between him and ancient Egypt
Shifting conclusions the mutual extraneousness of Egyptian oneiromancy and Artemidorus
The result emerging from the analysis of these selected dreams is that no connec-
tions or even echoes of Egyptian oneirocritic literature even of the contemporary
corpus of dream books in demotic are present in Artemidorus Of the dreams sur-
veyed above which had been said to prove an affiliation between Artemidorus and
Egyptian dream books several in fact turn out not to even present elements that can
be deemed with certainty to be Egyptian (eg those about rams) Others in which
reflections of Egyptian traditions may be identified (eg those about dog-faced ba-
boons) do not necessarily prove a direct contact between Artemidorus and Egyp-
tian sources for the Egyptian elements in them belong to the standard repertoire
of Egyptrsquos reception in classical culture from which Artemidorus appears to have
derived them sometimes being possibly even unaware of and certainly uninterest-
ed in their original Egyptian connections Further in no case are these Egypt-related
elements specifically connected with or ultimately derived from Egyptian dream
books and oneirocritic wisdom but they find their origin in other areas of Egyptrsquos
culture such as religious traditions
These observations are not meant to deny either the great value or the interest of
Voltenrsquos comparative analysis of the Egyptian and the Greek oneirocritic traditions
with regard to both their subject matters and their hermeneutic techniques Like
that of many other intellectuals of his time Artemidorusrsquo culture and formation is
rather eclectic and a work like his Oneirocritica is bound to be miscellaneous in the
selection and use of its materials thus comparing it with both Greek and non-Greek
sources can only further our understanding of it The case of Artemidorusrsquo interpre-
tation of dreams about pelicans and the parallel found in Horapollo is emblematic
regardless of whether or not this characterisation of the pelicanrsquos nature was origi-
nally Egyptian
The aim of my discussion is only to point out how Voltenrsquos treatment of the sourc-
es is sometimes tendentious and aimed at supporting his idea of a significant con-
nection of Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica with its Egyptian counterparts to the point of
suggesting that material from Egyptian dream books was incorporated in Artemi-
dorusrsquo work and thus survived the end of the ancient Egyptian civilisation and its
written culture The available sources do not appear to support this view nothing
connects Artemidorus to ancient Egyptian dream books and if in him one can still
find some echoes of Egypt these are far echoes of Egyptian cultural and religious
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
300 Luigi Prada
elements but not echoes of Egyptian oneiromancy itself Lastly to suggest that the
similarity in the chief methods used by Egyptian oneirocritic texts and Artemidorus
such as analogy of imagery and wordplay is significant and may add to the conclu-
sion that the two are intertwined92 is unconvincing as well Techniques like analogy
and wordplay are certainly all too common literary (as well as oral) devices which
permeate a multitude of genres besides oneiromancy and are found in many a cul-
ture their development and use in different societies and traditions such as Egypt
and Greece can hardly be expected to suggest an interconnection between the two
Contextualising Artemidorusrsquo extraneousness to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition
Two oneirocritic traditions with almost opposite characters the demotic dream books and Artemidorus
In contrast to what has been assumed by all scholars who previously researched the
topic I believe it can be firmly held that Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica are com-
pletely extraneous to the Egyptian oneirocritic tradition which nevertheless was
still very much alive at his time as shown by the demotic dream books preserved
in papyri of Roman age93 On the one hand dreams and interpretations of Artemi-
dorusrsquo that in the past have been suspected of showing a specific and direct Egyptian
connection often do not reveal any certain Egyptian derivation once scrutinised
again On the other hand even if all these passages could be proven to be connected
with Egyptian oneirocritic traditions (which again is not the case) it is important to
realise that their number would still be a minimal percentage of the total therefore
too small to suggest a significant derivation of Artemidorusrsquo oneirocritic knowledge
from Egypt As also touched upon above94 even when one looks at other classical
oneirocritic authors from and before the time of Artemidorus it is hard to detect
with certainty a strong and real connection with Egyptian dream interpretation be-
sides perhaps the faccedilade of pseudepigraphous attributions95
92 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 59 71ndash7293 On these scholarsrsquo opposite view see above n 68 The only thorough study on the topic was
in fact the one carried out by Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) whilst all subsequent scholars have tended to repeat his views without reviewing anew and systematically the original sources
94 See n 66ndash67 95 Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (n 9) P 70 lamented that it was impossible to gauge
the work of other classical oneirocirtic writers besides Artemidorus owing to the loss of their
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
301Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
What is the reason then for this complete separation between Artemidorusrsquo onei-
rocritic manual and the contemporary Egyptian tradition of demotic dream books
The most obvious answer is probably the best one Artemidorus did not know about
the Egyptian tradition of oneiromancy and about the demotic oneirocritic literature
for he never visited Egypt (as he implicitly tells us at the beginning of his Oneirocriti-
ca) nor generally in his work does he ever appear particularly interested in anything
Egyptian unlike many other earlier and contemporary Greek men of letters
Even if he never set foot in Egypt one may wonder how is it possible that Arte-
midorus never heard or read anything about this oneirocritic production in Egypt
Trying to answer this question may take one into the territory of sheer speculation
It is possible however to point out some concrete aspects in both Artemidorusrsquo
investigative method and in the nature of ancient Egyptian oneiromancy which
might have contributed to determining this mutual alienness
First Artemidorus is no ethnographic writer of oneiromancy Despite his aware-
ness of local differences as emerges clearly from his discussion in I 8 (or perhaps
exactly because of this awareness which allows him to put all local differences aside
and focus on the general picture) and despite his occasional mentions of lsquoexoticrsquo
sources (as in the case of the Egyptian man in IV 47) Artemidorusrsquo work is deeply
rooted in classical culture His readership is Greek and so are his written sources
whenever he indicates them Owing to his scientific rigour in presenting oneiro-
mancy as a respectful and rationally sound discipline Artemidorus is also not inter-
ested in and is actually steering clear of any kind of pseudepigraphous attribution
of dream-related wisdom to exotic peoples or civilisations of old In this respect he
could not be any further from the approach to oneiromancy found in a work like for
instance the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet which claims to contain a florile-
gium of Indian Persian and Egyptian dream books96
Second the demotic oneirocritic literature was not as easily accessible as the
other dream books those in Greek which Artemidorus says to have painstakingly
procured himself (see I prooem) Not only because of the obvious reason of being
written in a foreign language and script but most of all because even within the
borders of Egypt their readership was numerically and socially much more limited
than in the case of their Greek equivalents in the Greek-speaking world Also due
to reasons of literacy which in the case of demotic was traditionally lower than in
books Now however the material collected in Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica (n 53) makes it partly possible to get an idea of the work of some of Artemidorusrsquo contemporaries and predecessors
96 On this see Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean Peo-ples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36) P 41ndash59
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
302 Luigi Prada
that of Greek possession and use of demotic dream books (as of demotic literary
texts as a whole) in Roman Egypt appear to have been the prerogative of priests of
the indigenous Egyptian cults97 This is confirmed by the provenance of the demotic
papyri containing dream books which particularly in the Roman period appear
to stem from temple libraries and to have belonged to their rich stock of scientific
(including divinatory) manuals98 Demotic oneirocritic literature was therefore not
only a scholarly but also a priestly business (for at this time the indigenous intelli-
gentsia coincided with the local priesthood) predominantly researched copied and
studied within a temple milieu
Consequently even the traditional figure of the Egyptian dream interpreter ap-
pears to have been radically different from its professional Greek counterpart in the
II century AD The former was a member of the priesthood able to read and use the
relevant handbooks in demotic which were considered to be a type of scientific text
no more or less than for instance a medical manual Thus at least in the surviving
sources in Egyptian one does not find any theoretical reservations on the validity
of oneiromancy and the respectability of priests practicing amongst other forms
of divination this art On the other hand in the classical world oneiromancy was
recurrently under attack accused of being a pseudo-science as emerges very clearly
even from certain apologetic and polemic passages in Artemidorus (see eg I proo-
em) Similarly dream interpreters both the popular practitioners and the writers
of dream books with higher scholarly aspirations could easily be fingered as charla-
tans Ironically this disparaging attitude is sometimes showcased by Artemidorus
himself who uses it against some of his rivals in the field (see eg IV 22)99
There are also other aspects in the light of which the demotic dream books and
Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica are virtually at the antipodes of one another in their way
of dealing with dreams The demotic dream books are rather short in the description
and interpretation of dreams and their style is rather repetitive and mechanical
much more similar to that of the handy clefs des songes from Byzantine times as
remarked earlier in this article rather than to Artemidorusrsquo100 In this respect and
in their lack of articulation and so as to say personalisation of the single interpre-
97 See Prada Dreams (n 18) P 96ndash9798 See Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina OikonomopoulouGreg
Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37 here p 33ndash3499 Some observations about the differences between the professional figure of the traditional
Egyptian dream interpreter versus the Greek practitioners are in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 113ndash114 On Artemidorus and his apology in defence of (properly practiced) oneiromancy see also Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica (n 1) P 32
100 The apparent monotony of the demotic dream booksrsquo style should be seen in the context of the language and style of ancient Egyptian divinatory literature rather than be considered plainly dull or even be demeaned (as is the case eg in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) P 110ndash111
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
303Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
tations of dreams (in connection with different types of dreamers or life conditions
affecting the dreamer) they appear to be the expression of a highly bookish and
abstract conception of oneiromancy one that gives the impression of being at least
in these textsrsquo compilations rather detached from daily life experiences and prac-
tice The opposite is true in the case of Artemidorus and his Oneirocritica Alongside
his scientific theoretical and even literary discussions his varied approach to onei-
romancy is often a practical and empiric one and testifies to Greek oneiromancy
as being a business very much alive not only in books but also in everyday life
practiced in sanctuaries as well as market squares and giving origin to sour quar-
rels amongst its practitioners and scholars Artemidorus himself states how a good
dream interpreter should not entirely rely on dream books for these are not enough
by themselves (see eg I 12 and IV 4) When addressing his son at the end of one of
the books that he dedicates to him (IV 84)101 he also adds that in his intentions his
Oneirocritica are not meant to be a plain repertoire of dreams with their outcomes
ie a clef des songes but an in-depth study of the problems of dream interpreta-
tion where the account of dreams is simply to be used for illustrative purposes as a
handy corpus of examples vis-agrave-vis the main discussion
In connection with the seemingly more bookish nature of the demotic dream
books versus the emphasis put by Artemidorus on the empiric aspects of his re-
search there is also the question concerning the nature of the dreams discussed
in the two traditions Many dreams that Artemidorus presents are supposedly real
dreams that is dreams that had been experienced by dreamers past and contem-
porary to him about which he had heard or read and which he then recorded in
his work In the case of Book V the entire repertoire is explicitly said to be of real
experienced dreams102 But in the case of the demotic dream books the impression
is that these manuals intend to cover all that one can possibly dream of thus sys-
tematically surveying in each thematic chapter all the relevant objects persons
or situations that one could ever sight in a dream No point is ever made that the
dreams listed were actually ever experienced nor do these demotic manuals seem
to care at all about this empiric side of oneiromancy rather it appears that their
aim is to be (ideally) all-inclusive dictionaries even encyclopaedias of dreams that
can be fruitfully employed with any possible (past present or future) dream-relat-
ldquoAlle formulette interpretative delle laquoChiaviraquo egizie si sostituisce in Grecia una sistematica fondata su postulati e procedimenti logici [hellip]rdquo)
101 Accidentally unmarked and unnumbered in Packrsquos edition this chapter starts at its p 299 15 102 See Artem V prooem 301 3 ldquoto compose a treatise on dreams that have actually borne fruitrdquo
(ἱστορίαν ὀνείρων ἀποβεβηκότων συναγαγεῖν) See also Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi Vol 62) P xxxviiindashxli
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
304 Luigi Prada
ed scenario103 Given all these significant differences between Artemidorusrsquo and the
demotic dream booksrsquo approach to oneiromancy one could suppose that amus-
ingly Artemidorus would not have thought very highly of this demotic oneirocritic
literature had he had the chance to come across it
Beyond Artemidorus the coexistence and interaction of Egyptian and classical traditions on dreams
The evidence discussed in this paper has been used to show how Artemidorus of
Daldis the best known author of oneiromancy to survive from classical antiquity
and his Oneirocritica have no connection with the Egyptian tradition of dream books
Although the latter still lived and possibly flourished in II century AD Egypt it does
not appear to have had any contact let alone influence on the work of the Daldianus
This should not suggest however that the same applies to the relationship between
Egyptian and Greek oneirocritic and dream-related traditions as a whole
A discussion of this breadth cannot be attempted here as it is far beyond the scope
of this article yet it is worth stressing in conclusion to this paper that Egyptian
and Greek cultures did interact with one another in the field of dreams and oneiro-
mancy too104 This is the case for instance with aspects of the diffusion around the
Graeco-Roman world of incubation practices connected to Serapis and Isis which I
touched upon before Concerning the production of oneirocritic literature this in-
teraction is not limited to pseudo- or post-constructions of Egyptian influences on
later dream books as is the case with the alleged Egyptian dream book included
in the Byzantine Oneirocriticon of Achmet but can find a more concrete and direct
expression This can probably be seen in pOxy XXXI 2607 the only known Greek
papyrus from Egypt bearing part of a dream book105 The brief and essential style
103 A similar approach may be found in the introduction to the pseudepigraphous dream book of Tarphan the dream interpreter of Pharaoh allegedly embedded in the Oneirocriticon of Ach-met Here in chapter 4 the purported author states that based on what he learned in his long career as a dream interpreter he can now give an exposition of ldquoall that of which people can possibly dreamrdquo (πάντα ὅσα ἐνδέχεται θεωρεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 3 23ndash24 Drexl) The sentence is potentially and perhaps deliberately ambiguous as it could mean that the dreams that Tarphan came across in his career cover all that can be humanly dreamt of but it could also be taken to mean (as I suspect) that based on his experience Tarphanrsquos wisdom is such that he can now compile a complete list of all dreams which can possibly be dreamt even those that he never actually came across before Unfortunately as already mentioned above in the case of the demotic dream books no introduction which could have potentially contained infor-mation of this type survives
104 As already argued for example in Del Corno Contributi (n 57) 105 Despite the oversight in William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cam-
bridge MALondon 2009 P 134 and most recently Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
305Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
of this unattributed dream book palaeographically dated to the III century AD and
stemming from Oxyrhynchus is the same found in the demotic dream manuals
and one could legitimately argue that this papyrus may contain a composition
heavily influenced by Egyptian oneirocritic literature
But perhaps the most emblematic example of osmosis between Egyptian and clas-
sical culture with regard to the oneiric world and more specifically healing dreams
probably obtained by means of incubation survives in a monument from the II cen-
tury AD the time of both Artemidorus and many demotic dream books which stands
in Rome This is the Pincio also known as Barberini obelisk a monument erected by
order of the emperor Hadrian probably in the first half of the 130rsquos AD following
the death of Antinoos and inscribed with hieroglyphic texts expressly composed to
commemorate the life death and deification of the emperorrsquos favourite106 Here as
part of the celebration of Antinoosrsquo new divine prerogatives his beneficent action
towards the wretched is described amongst others in the following terms
ldquoHe went from his mound (sc sepulchre) to numerous tem[ples] of the whole world for he heard the prayer of the one invoking him He healed the sickness of the poor having sent a dreamrdquo107
in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory and Imagination LondonNew York 2013 P 195 who deny the existence of dream books in Greek in the papyrological evidence On this papyrus fragment see Prada Dreams (n 18) P 97 and Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceedings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcom-ing] (Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
106 On Antinoosrsquo apotheosis and the Pincio obelisk see the recent studies by Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilotique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologiefrindexphppage=cenimampn=1 and by Gil H Ren-berg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Appendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
107 From section IIIc Smn=f m iAt=f iw (= r) gs[w-prw] aSAw n tA Dr=f Hr sDmn=f nH n aS n=f snbn=f mr iwty m hAbn=f rsw(t) For the original passage in full see Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen 1994 P 56 (facsimile) pl 14ndash15 (photographs)
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
306 Luigi Prada
Particularly in this passage Antinoosrsquo divine features are clearly inspired by those
of other pre-existing thaumaturgic deities such as AsclepiusImhotep and Serapis
whose gracious intervention in human lives would often take place by means of
dream revelations obtained by incubation in the relevant godrsquos sanctuary The im-
plicit connection with Serapis is particularly strong for both that god as well as the
deceased and now deified Antinoos could be identified with Osiris
No better evidence than this hieroglyphic inscription carved on an obelisk delib-
erately wanted by one of the most learned amongst the Roman emperors can more
directly represent the interconnection between the Egyptian and the Graeco-Ro-
man worlds with regard to the dream phenomenon particularly in its religious con-
notations Artemidorus might have been impermeable to any Egyptian influence
in composing his Oneirocritica but this does not seem to have been the case with
many of his contemporaries nor with many aspects of the society in which he was
living
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
307Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Bibliography
W Geoffrey Arnott Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z LondonNew York 2007
(The Ancient World from A to Z Vol sn)
M Carmen Barrigoacuten Fuentes Les dieux eacutegyptiens dans lrsquoOnirocriticon drsquoArteacutemidore
In Kernos 7 (1994) P 29ndash45
Ingrid Bohms Saumlugetiere in der altaumlgyptischen Literatur Berlin 2013 (Aumlgyptologie
Vol 2)
Campbell Bonner The Omen in Herodotus VI 107 In CPh 1 (1906) P 235ndash238
Edda Bresciani La porta dei sogni Interpreti e sognatori nellrsquoEgitto antico Torino
2005 (Saggi Vol 867)
Laurent Bricault Les cultes isiaques dans le monde greacuteco-romain Paris 2013 (La
Roue agrave LivresDocuments Vol 66)
Christophe Chandezon (avec la collaboration de Julien du Bouchet) Arteacutemidore Le
cadre historique geacuteographique et sociale drsquoune vie In Julien du BouchetChris-
tophe Chandezon (ed) Eacutetudes sur Arteacutemidore et lrsquointerpreacutetation des recircves Nan-
terre 2012 P 11ndash26
Salvatore Costanza Corpus palmomanticum Graecum Firenze 2009 (Papyrologica
Florentina Vol 39)
Dario Del Corno Contributi papirologici allo studio dellrsquoonirocritica In Atti dellrsquoXI
Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia Milano 1966 P 109ndash117
Darius Del Corno Graecorum de re onirocritica scriptorum reliquiae MilanoVare-
se 1969 (Testi e Documenti per lo Studio dellrsquoAntichitagrave Vol 26)
Dario Del Corno Artemidoro Il libro dei sogni Milano 1975 (Biblioteca Adelphi
Vol 62)
Lienhard Delekat Katoche Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung Muumlnchen 1964
(Muumlnchener Beitraumlge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte
Vol 47)
Wolja Erichsen Demotisches Glossar Kopenhagen 1954
Sigmund Freud Die Traumdeutung LeipzigWien 1900
Alan H Gardiner Chester Beatty Gift (2 vols) London 1935 (Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum Vol 3)
Renate Germer Handbuch der altaumlgyptischen Heilpflanzen Wiesbaden 2008
(Philippika Vol 21)
Jean-Claude Grenier Anubis alexandrin et romain Leiden 1977 (EPRO Vol 57)
Jean-Claude Grenier LrsquoOsiris Antinoos Montpellier 2008 (Cahiers laquo Eacutegypte Nilo-
tique et Meacutediterraneacuteenne raquo Vol 1) Available at httpwwwenim-egyptologie
frindexphppage=cenimampn=1
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
308 Luigi Prada
Andreas Gutsfeld Bier II Griechenland und Rom In Hubert CancikHelmuth Sch-
neider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum StuttgartWei-
mar 1997 (Vol 2) Col 653
William V Harris Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity Cambridge MA
London 2009
Daniel E Harris-McCoy Artemidorusrsquo Oneirocritica Text Translation and Com-
mentary Oxford 2012
Juliette Harrisson Dreams and Dreaming in the Roman Empire Cultural Memory
and Imagination LondonNew York 2013
Friedhelm Hoffmann Aumlgypten Kultur und Lebenswelt in griechisch-roumlmischer Zeit
Eine Darstellung nach den demotischen Quellen Berlin 2000 (Studienbuumlcher
Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt Vol sn)
Jean HubauxMaxime Leroy Le mythe du pheacutenix dans les litteacuteratures grecque et
latine Liegravege 1939 (Bibliothegraveque de la Faculteacute de Philosophie et Lettres de lrsquoUni-
versiteacute de Liegravege Vol 82)
Erik Iversen Papyrus Carlsberg No VIII With some Remarks on the Egyptian Origin
of some Popular Birth Prognoses Koslashbenhavn 1939 (Det Kgl Danske Videnskab-
ernes Selskab Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser Vol 26 5)
Louis Keimer Interpreacutetation de quelques passages drsquoHorapollon Le Caire 1947 (Sup-
pleacutement aux Annales du Service des Antiquiteacutes de lrsquoEacutegypte Vol 5)
Franccediloise Labrique Le regard drsquoHeacuterodote sur le pheacutenix (II 73) In Laurent Coulon
Pascale Giovannelli-JouannaFlore Kimmel-Clauzet (ed) Heacuterodote et lrsquoEacutegypte
Regards croiseacutes sur le livre II de lrsquoEnquecircte drsquoHeacuterodote Lyon 2013 (Collection de la
Maison de lrsquoOrient et de la Meacutediterraneacutee Vol 51) P 119ndash143
Franccedilois Lexa Papyrus Insinger Les enseignements moraux drsquoun scribe eacutegyptien
du premier siegravecle apregraves J-C Paris 1926 (vol 1)
Alan B Lloyd Herodotus Book II Commentary 1ndash98 Leiden 1976 (EPRO Vol 43)
Michel Malaise Agrave la deacutecouverte drsquoHarpocrate agrave travers son historiographie Brux-
elles 2011 (Meacutemoire de la Classe des Lettres Collection in-8ordm 3e Seacuterie Vol 572079)
Maria Mavroudi A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation The Oneirocriticon of
Achmet and Its Arabic Sources LeidenBostonKoumlln 2002 (The Medieval Medi-
terranean Peoples Economies and Cultures 400ndash1453 Vol 36)
Hugo Meyer (ed) Der Obelisk des Antinoos Eine kommentierte Edition Muumlnchen
1994
Steven M Oberhelman Dreambooks in Byzantium Six Oneirocritica in Translation
with Commentary and Introduction AldershotBurlington VT 2008
Steven M Oberhelman (ed) Dreams Healing and Medicine in Greece From Antiq-
uity to the Present FarnhamBurlington VT 2013
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
309Artemidorus of Daldis Egypt and the Contemporary Oneirocritic Literature in Egyptian
Roger Pack Artemidorus and His Waking World In TAPhA 86 (1955) P 280ndash290
Luigi Prada Papyrus Berlin P 8769 A New Look at the Text and the Reconstruction
of a Lost Demotic Dream Book In Verena M Lepper (ed) Forschung in der Papy-
russammlung Eine Festgabe fuumlr das Neue Museum Berlin 2012 (Aumlgyptische und
Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Aumlgyptischen Museums und Papy-
russammlung Berlin Vol 1) P 309ndash328 pl 1
Luigi Prada Dreams Bilingualism and Oneiromancy in Ptolemaic Egypt Remarks
on a Recent Study In ZPE 184 (2013) P 85ndash101
Luigi Prada Visions of Gods P Vienna D 6633ndash6636 a Fragmentary Pantheon in a
Demotic Dream Book In Aidan M DodsonJohn J JohnstonWendy Monkhouse
(ed) A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man Studies in Honour of W J Tait
London 2014 (Golden House Publications Egyptology Vol 21) P 251ndash270
Luigi Prada P Oxy XXXI 2607 Re-edited A Greek Oneirocriticon from Roman Egypt
In Tomasz DerdaJakub UrbanikAdam ŁajtarGrzegorz Ochała (ed) Proceed-
ings of the 27th International Congress of Papyrology Warsaw [forthcoming]
(Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplements)
Joachim F Quack A Black Cat from the Right and a Scarab on Your Head New Sourc-
es for Ancient Egyptian Divination In Kasia Szpakowska (ed) Through a Glass
Darkly Magic Dreams amp Prophecy in Ancient Egypt Swansea 2006 P 175ndash187
Joachim F Quack Demotische magische und divinatorische Texte In Bernd
JanowskiGernot Wilhelm (ed) Omina Orakel Rituale und Beschwoumlrungen
Guumltersloh 2008 (TUAT NF Vol 4) P 331ndash385
Joachim F Quack Aus zwei spaumltzeitlichen Traumbuumlchern (Pap Berlin P 29009 und
23058) In Hermann KnufChristian LeitzDaniel von Recklinghausen (ed) Honi
soit qui mal y pense Studien zum pharaonischen griechisch-roumlmischen und
spaumltantiken Aumlgypten zu Ehren von Heinz-Josef Thissen LeuvenParisWalpole
MA 2010 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 194) P 99ndash110 pl 34ndash37
Joachim F Quack Praumlzision in der Prognose oder Divination als Wissenschaft In
Annette ImhausenTanja Pommerening (ed) Writings of Early Scholars in the
Ancient Near East Egypt Rome and Greece Translating Ancient Scientific Texts
BerlinNew York 2010 (Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde Vol 286) P 69ndash91 here
p 79ndash80
John D Ray The Form mtwf r sDm in Later Egyptian In JEA 59 [1973] P 156ndash158
Gil H Renberg Hadrian and the Oracles of Antinous (SHA Hadr 147) With an Ap-
pendix on the So-called Antinoeion at Hadrianrsquos Villa and Romersquos Monte Pincio
Obelisk In Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010) P 159ndash198
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8
310 Luigi Prada
Johannes Renger Traum Traumdeutung I Alter Orient In Hubert CancikHel-
muth Schneider (ed) Der Neue Pauly Enzyklopaumldie der Antike Altertum Stutt-
gartWeimar 2002 (Vol 121) Col 768
Kim Ryholt Fra samlingen af Carlsberg Papyri In Papyrus AEliggyptologisk Tidsskrift
182 (1998) P 41ndash43
Kim Ryholt Libraries in Ancient Egypt In Jason KoumlnigKaterina Oikonomopoulou
Greg Woolf (ed) Ancient Libraries Cambridge 2013 P 23ndash37
Serge Sauneron Les songes et leur interpreacutetation dans lrsquoEacutegypte ancienne In Les
songes et leur interpreacutetation Eacutegypte ancienne Babylone Hittites Canaan Israeumll
Islam peuples altaiumlques Persans Kurdes Inde Cambodge Chine Japon Paris
1959 (Sources Orientales Vol 2) P 17ndash61
Francesco Sbordone Hori Apollinis Hieroglyphica Napoli 1940
Klaas AD SmelikEmily A Hemelrijk ldquoWho Knows Not What Monsters Demented
Egypt Worshipsrdquo Opinions on Egyptian Animal Worship in Antiquity as Part
of the Ancient Conception of Egypt In Wolfgang Haase (ed) Principat Religion
(Heidentum Roumlmische Goumltterkulte orientalische Kulte in der roumlmischen Welt
[Forts]) BerlinNew York 1984 (ANRW Vol II174) P 1852ndash2000
Kasia Szpakowska Behind Closed Eyes Dreams and Nightmares in Ancient Egypt
Swansea 2003
DrsquoArcy Wentworth Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds London 1936 (2nd edition)
Roelof van den Broek The Myth of the Phoenix according to Classical and Early
Christian Traditions Leiden 1972 (EPRO Vol 24)
Baudouin van de Walle Les songes laquo drsquoHorus raquo mentionneacutes dans Dion Chrysostome
(Or XI 129 eacuted Budeacute) In CE 18 (1943) P 264
Pascal VernusJean Yoyotte Bestiaire des pharaons Paris 2005
Aksel Volten Demotische Traumdeutung (Pap Carlsberg XIII und XIV verso) Ko-
penhagen 1942 (Analecta Aegyptiaca Vol 3)
Gregor Weber Traum und Alltag in hellenistischer Zeit In ZRGG 50 (1998) P 22ndash39
Robert J White The Interpretation of Dreams Oneirocritica by Artemidorus Tor-
rance CA 1990 (2nd edition)
Andreas Winkler On the Astrological Papyri from the Tebtunis Temple Library In
Ghislaine WidmerDidier Devauchelle (ed) Actes du IXe congregraves international
des eacutetudes deacutemotiques Le Caire 2009 (Bibliothegraveque drsquoEacutetude Vol 147) P 361ndash375
Karl-Theodor Zauzich Aus zwei demotischen Traumbuumlchern In APF 27 (1980)
P 91ndash98 pl 7ndash8