Monastic settlements in Dayr Abu Hinnis (Middle Egypt): The spatial perspective.

B R I T I S H M U S E U M P U B L I C A T I O N S O N E G Y P T A N D S U D A N 2

EGYPT IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM AD

Perspectives from new fieldwork

edited by

Elisabeth R. O’CONNELL

PEETERS

LEUVEN – PARIS – WALPOLE, MA

2014

97028_BMPES2_00_voorwerk.indd III 16/10/14 14:27

Contributors ....................................................................................................................................................... VII

Colloquium programme ..................................................................................................................................... IX

Dominic W. RATHBONE

Preface ............................................................................................................................................................... XI

Elisabeth R. O’CONNELL

Settlements and cemeteries in Late Antique Egypt: An introduction ............................................................. 1

I SETTLEMENTS

Anna Lucille BOOZER

Urban change at Late Roman Trimithis (Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt) .................................................................... 23

Penelope WILSON

Living the high life: Late Antique archaeology in the Delta .......................................................................... 43

Wolfgang MÜLLER

Syene (ancient Aswan) in the First Millennium AD ........................................................................................ 59

John Peter WILD and Felicity WILD

Qasr Ibrim: New perspectives on the changing textile cultures of Lower Nubia ........................................... 71

II CEMETERIES

Katja LEMBKE

City of the dead: The necropolis of Tuna el-Gebel during the Roman period ............................................... 83

Peter GROSSMANN

Churches and meeting halls in necropoleis and crypts in intramural churches .............................................. 93

Cäcilia FLUCK

Textiles from the so-called ‘tomb of Tgol’ in Antinoupolis ............................................................................ 115

III SETTLING ROCK-CUT TOMBS AND QUARRIES

Jochem KAHL

Gebel Asyut al-gharbi in the First Millennium AD ......................................................................................... 127

Gillian PYKE

The Christianisation of the Amarna landscape: Conquest, convenience or combat? ..................................... 139

CONTENTS

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VI CONTENTS

Gertrud J. M. VAN LOON and Véronique DE LAET

Monastic settlements in Dayr Abu Hinnis (Middle Egypt): The spatial perspective ..................................... 157

Jane FAIERS

Wadi Sarga revisited: A preliminary study of the pottery excavated in 1913/14 ........................................... 177

IV TEMPLE–CHURCH–MOSQUE

Andreas EFFLAND

‘You will open up the ways in the underworld of the god’: Aspects of Roman and Late Antique Abydos 193

Mansour BORAIK

SCA excavations at Luxor: New discoveries from the First Millennium AD ................................................ 207

Helen FRAGAKI

Reused architectural elements in Alexandrian mosques and cisterns .............................................................. 215

Plates �.................................................................................................................................................................� 233

97028_BMPES2_00_voorwerk.indd VI 16/10/14 14:27

34; Wipszycka 2009, 288–90). Up to the present date,

there are neither known historical or literary sources

nor documentary papyri concerning monasteries or her-

mits in the region of Dayr Abu Hinnis–Dayr al-Barsha

during Late Antiquity and the early Christian period

(3rd–8th century). Yet the archaeological evidence is

abundant.

In the village of Dayr Abu Hinnis, a 5th-century

church (the ‘Old Church’) survives, dedicated to

St John the Short, Abu Yuhannis (or ‘Hinnis’) al-Qasir

(Grossmann 2002, 522–23). The old village church in

Dayr al-Barsha is dedicated to St Bishoi and probably

dates to the 12th or 13th century (Grossmann 1982,

39–42). It is not known whether an older church existed

at this site.

This whole region, designated ‘the Greater Dayr al-

Barsha Region’, is currently under investigation.1

Research and surveys revealed that the hillsides near

Dayr Abu Hinnis and Dayr al-Barsha, which are tradi-

tionally known as monastic communities, form part of

a larger pattern: almost all quarries in the area in

between the two modern villages show remodelling for

habitations and probably also for other functions. This

situation raises questions about the size of the two

known hillside communities, the nature of the settle-

ments in the converted quarries in the area in between

(monastic or secular?) and the position of the churches

in the valley plain. How can we determine the pattern

of habitation in this area?

For this region of Middle Egypt, Father Maurice

Martin S. J. and Barry Kemp propose the model of a

group of hermitages in the hills, dependent on a parent

community in the plain for liturgical functions (church)

and practical matters (food and water—there are no

sources of water in the hills) (Martin 1971, 11; Kemp

Dayr Abu Hinnis and Dayr al-Barsha are neighbour-

ing villages on the east bank of the Nile in Middle

Egypt, a few kilometres south of the ruins of the Roman

city of Antinoupolis, present-day al-Shaykh ꜤIbada

(Fig. 1). To the east of both villages, for c. 5km, the

range of limestone cliffs is dotted with quarries and

tombs dating from dynastic times to the Late Period.

At Dayr Abu Hinnis, a series of New Kingdom lime-

stone quarries with some Late Period additions was cut

into the cliff faces. Almost the entire length of the hill-

side between Dayr Abu Hinnis and Dayr al-Barsha

was exploited for quarrying. Near the latter village,

limestone quarries dating from the New Kingdom to

the Late Period and dynastic tombs are situated in

the northern and southern flanks of Wadi Nakhla

(Gasse 1983; Klemm and Klemm 2008, 85–94; 2009;

Willems et al. 2009, with bibliography).

Travellers and scholars from the 17th century

onwards reported that, in the Christian period, monastic

communities settled in quarries near Dayr Abu Hinnis

and in tombs and quarries near Dayr al-Barsha (Timm

1984–92, 2: 577–85, 692–96; Coquin et al. 1991a,

1991b). As early as the 4th century AD, monks adapted

the existing spaces in the arid hills to a new function

and, where necessary, built additional structures. These

communities show striking similarities to the Palestin-

ian laura: a semi-anchoretic community of monks

dwelling in the hills. In laurae, the monks had inde-

pendent living quarters where they stayed on their own

or in the company of one or two disciples. They met

once a week (Saturday or Sunday) for Mass and a com-

munal meal. Paths connected the living quarters to each

other and to a focal point where communal buildings

for liturgical services or practical requirements (bakery,

water supply) would be located (Harmless 2004, 433–

MONASTIC SETTLEMENTS IN DAYR ABU HINNIS (MIDDLE EGYPT): THE SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE

Gertrud J. M. VAN LOON and Véronique DE LAET

1 The area comprises most of the archaeological concession of the Dayr al-Barsha Project (KU Leuven, Research Group Egyptol-ogy), directed by Harco Willems (http://www.dayralbarsha.com), which also includes al-Shaykh Sa’id. The current research is part of the first author’s EU funded Marie Curie Fellowship

‘A view from heaven: Exploring the potential of remote sensing techniques to study spatial patterns of monastic habitation on the East Bank of the Nile in Middle Egypt’ (FP7-MC-IEF 254243), carried out within the framework of the Dayr al-Barsha Project.

97028.indb 157 16/10/14 14:42

158 G. J. M. VAN LOON AND V. DE LAET

2 The name of the wadi varies in sources and also among the villagers. Its alternative name is ‘Wadi Nakhla’, not to be con-fused with Wadi Nakhla opposite the village of Dayr al-Barsha.

Furthermore, Wadi ‘Ibada, near Antinoupolis, is also called ‘Wadi Gamus’.

Geography

The northern boundary of the range of the Dayr Abu

Hinnis quarries is the Wadi Gamus, a large and deep

wadi giving access to the Eastern Desert (Fig. 2).2 In

the upper part of the southern face of the Wadi Gamus,

there are a few small clusters of gallery quarries. Along

the west-facing cliff face, quarries continue southwards

to line a horseshoe-shaped wadi (Fig. 3). This zone as

a whole is designated Wadi 1, with quarry numbers

DAH 001–48 and DAH 100–101. The quarries con-

tinue, dotting a fan-like wadi designated Wadi 2 with

quarries numbered DAH 200–234, and they also line a

steep narrow wadi further south, designated Wadi 3,

with quarries numbered DAH 300–412 (Fig. 4). From

Wadi 3, there is a stretch of c. 750m along the cliff face

with open cast quarries and, from here, gallery quarries

2005, 54–55). Following this theory, the old churches

in the modern villages would have been part of a prin-

cipal monastic settlement with the converted quarries

in the hills as dependencies.

This contribution will focus on the northern part of

the region, the hill site opposite the village of Dayr

Abu Hinnis, for which data are currently most com-

plete. Geography, history and archaeological finds so

far will provide background information. Setting the

traditional classification aside, the region is seen as a

continuously inhabited landscape in which places and

borders are to be defined. Spatial patterns, the cluster-

ing of habitations and the identification of potential

communities will be explored on the basis of satellite

imagery and Geographic Information System (GIS)

based analyses, an innovative method in this context,

in conjunction with fieldwork.

Fig. 1: Middle Egypt, the Greater Dayr al-Barsha Region (© Dayr al-Barsha Project KU Leuven, courtesy C. Peeters, with adaptations).

97028.indb 158 16/10/14 14:42

MONASTIC SETTLEMENTS IN DAYR ABU HINNIS (MIDDLE EGYPT) 159

though the quarries facing the Wadi Gamus are con-

nected by paths and roads to the quarries of Wadi 1,

lack of time prevented a thorough survey and therefore,

these quarries are not included.

The Old Church in the village of Dayr Abu Hinnis

(Fig. 5) is located at the far northwestern end of the

hillside. It was most probably part of a built complex

continue until the vicinity of Dayr al-Barsha where

they coexist with tombs on the North Hill, the northern

flank of the entrance to Wadi Nakhla. The gallery quar-

ries follow a layer of good-quality limestone, just

below the level of the plateau. In some areas, a second

or third layer of limestone was exploited at lower lev-

els. For this study, Wadis 1 to 3 will be discussed. Even

Fig. 2: Dayr Abu Hinnis and surroundings.

Fig. 3: Dayr Abu Hinnis, the horse-shoe-shaped Wadi 1, view to the north (© G. J. M. van Loon 2012).

97028.indb 159 16/10/14 14:42


3 KU Leuven, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, in the framework of the APLADYN-project (Anthropogenic and Physical LAndscape DYNamics in large fluvial systems,

http://www.kuleuven.be/research/researchdatabase/project/3E10 3E100108.htm).

front of the higher-level quarries filled up with sand and

debris or were eroded away. The shifting of these mounds

of debris is a continuous process, making quarries high

up inaccessible while exposing quarries at a lower level

that were previously hidden. In Wadi 1, for example,

DAH 041 is now exposed but it was not visible in 2005,

while in the same year DAH 021 was still accessible but

it has since then completely filled up.

The current course of the Nile near Dayr Abu Hinnis

differs slightly from the Nile bed as drawn in the Atlas�

géographique (Jacotin 1876, feuille 14) of the Descrip-

tion� de� l’Égypte (Fig. 6). The recent, as yet unpub-

lished, research of Gert Verstraeten and his team3

revealed that the Nile bed to the southwest of the vil-

lage has had the tendency to shift westwards through

the centuries, while near Upper Ansina, the bend of the

or settlement which, according to the Description� de�

l’Égypte, was built on a sandy hillock (Jomard 1821,

272). Archaeological research is a desideratum but the

densely built modern environment makes excavations

impossible.

Although the landscape has changed over the centu-

ries, the overall fabric has barely altered. The floor level

of the wadis has risen and the quarries on the lowest level

of Wadis 1 and 3 have filled up significantly with quarry

debris from workings above. Just in front of DAH 363,

located at the lowest level in the eastern end of Wadi 3,

treasure hunters have excavated a pit c. 10m deep. The

stratigraphy shows debris and large stone blocks. The

bedrock is not yet visible, suggesting that the original

floor level of this part of Wadi 3 must have been at least

c. 10m lower than the present walking level. Terraces in

Fig. 4: Dayr Abu Hinnis, view of the north face of Wadi 3. The entrance of the southern corridor to Wadi 2 is visible (© G. J. M. van Loon 2013).

97028.indb 160 16/10/14 14:42


4 Conversions differ: a Roman mile might be 1.472–1.480km, or close to 1.5km.

his fellow brothers spent their lives somewhere in

these quarries but there is, unfortunately, no proof that

they did.

The Old Church in the plain, now part of the village

of Dayr Abu Hinnis, dates back to the 5th century. His-

torical sources in which the church is mentioned are so

far unknown, nor do we know whether the dedication

to St John the Short is ancient (Davis 2008, 12–14, van

Loon forthcoming). It is located approximately 1km

south of the ruins of Upper Ansina, a walled settlement

whose outline is clearly recognisable (Fig. 2). The strip

of land between the church and the old settlement wall

is filled with fields and modern buildings. On the map

of the Description�de�l’Égypte, Upper Ansina is roughly

indicated and continues further south, but the original

size of the settlement is not known (Jacotin 1876,

river has moved a little to the east, thereby eroding the

western boundaries of the settlement. An educated

guess at the course of the Nile during the Late Roman–

early Christian period would place it close to the loca-

tion indicated on the Napoleonic map, leaving a stretch

of land c. 1,250–1,600m wide between the river and the

cliffs bordering the valley.

History

There is, up to now, no historical evidence of

habitation in the hills or in the plain near Dayr Abu

Hinnis. It might be that Palladius, Bishop of Hele-

nopolis, in his Historia� Lausiaca� (HL)� wrote about

hermits and monks in the area to the southeast of the

village (c. AD 419–20):

Having spent four years at Antinoë in the Thebaid, in so

long a time I acquired knowledge also of the local

monasteries. For some 1,200 men are settled round the

city, who live by their hands and are extremely ascetic

(HL�58; Butler 1904, 151; Clarke 1918, 163).

He visited these monks and tells us about the history

and lives of some of them, for example a certain Capi-

ton, who ‘… had completed fifty years in the caves

four miles from the city of Antinoë, and did not come

down from his cave, not even as far as the river Nile,

…’ (HL 58; Butler 1904, 152; Clarke 1918, 164).

These ‘four miles’ are almost certainly Roman miles

and add up to a distance of nearly 6km.4

Palladius does not inform us in which direction the

hermitage of Capiton should be sought, but the fact that

Capiton ‘did not come down from his cave, not even as

far as the river Nile’, points to a location not far from

the river. Therefore, the location should lie in a north-

ern or southern direction, where there are caves, quar-

ries or tombs not far from the Nile. Going north from

the centre of Antinoupolis as the crow flies (following

a stretch of flat desert), we arrive just south of al-

Shaykh Timai, an area where, up to the present, no

monastic activities have been reported (for example,

the area is not mentioned in Timm 1984–92). Going

south for four Roman miles, following paths along the

foot of the hills and going up into Dayr Abu Hinnis, we

are in the quarry area (Fig. 2). Most likely, Capiton and

Fig. 5: Dayr Abu Hinnis, the Old Church. The tower is modern. At present, new buildings surround the church

(© G. J. M. van Loon 2004).

97028.indb 161 16/10/14 14:42


Fig. 6: The Greater Dayr al-Barsha Region on the 19th-century map of the Description�de�l’Égypte. Upper Ansina is indicated as ‘Ruines d’une ville chrétienne’ (after Jacotin 1876, feuille 14;

one ‘toise’ equals 1.949m).

97028.indb 162 16/10/14 14:42


5 In Arabic texts, Antinoupolis is called Ansina or Lower Ansina while Upper Ansina designates the southern sector (Stewart 1991; Grossmann 1969, 144 note 5 and 148, with references).

Although hagiographical sources and documentary

papyri give names of churches and monasteries in and

around Antinoupolis, it has, up to the present, not been

possible to link texts and archaeological remains (for a

preliminary overview, see Timm 1984–92, 1: 116–18).

Likewise, the name of the quarry settlement near Dayr

Abu Hinnis cannot be ascertained.

The 12th- to 13th-century History� of� the� churches�

and�monasteries�of�Egypt does not mention a monastic

community in the hillsides or village of Dayr Abu Hin-

nis (Zanetti 1995; Den Heijer 1996, 77–81; Evetts and

Butler 1895). The list of monasteries of the historian

al-Maqrizi (d.1442) records a church dedicated to

St John the Short in the description of Ansina, but it is

not certain that he meant the old village church (Evetts

and Butler 1895, 309 no. 11; see Timm 1984–92, 2:

579 and 583; Doresse 2000, 2.1: 472). Father Johann

Michael Wansleben or Vansleb (d. 1679) visited the

area in 1673. He lodged in the ‘Monastere d’Abuhennis

il Keßir, ou de Saint Jean le petit’, which was situated

in the plain (Vansleb 1677, 384). A map in his 1675

diary shows the church as the centre of a walled com-

plex (Paris, BnF, Ms. Italian 435, 127; depicted in Mar-

tin 1997, fig. 12). Father Vansleb was much impressed

by the church in the quarries and spent considerable

time visiting the hillside (Vansleb 1677, 384–86, 395–

96). The wall paintings and inscriptions in the quarry

church and the inscriptions and graffiti in the surround-

ing quarries were the main attraction for subsequent

visitors and scholars (Van Loon, forthcoming).

Archaeological evidence

Archaeological evidence for (monastic) habitation in

the hillsides is abundant. The majority of gallery quar-

ries show signs of reuse. Entrances were walled up,

leaving space for doorways and windows. Parts of

these walls, sometimes up to full height, are still stand-

ing (Fig. 7). Following the edge of the plateau on top

of the quarries, low retaining walls of boulders were

built to prevent stones and debris from falling down

into the quarries below. In front of the quarry entrances

stone and mud-brick buildings as well as courtyard

walls were erected. Protruding rock walls left by quarry

feuille 14, fig. 6; see Jomard 1821, pl. 54). A long

wall, parallel to the Nile, links this area of ruins with

the southern city wall of Antinoupolis.5 Located just

southwest of the city wall is the South Necropolis of

Antinoupolis, which includes a large 4th-century

church. Farther south are a monastery and the remains

of another large church, which was probably part of a

second monastery, as well as cemeteries. In the most

southern part, the walled settlement, there is hardly any

domestic architecture, but at least four churches (of the

5th to early 8th centuries) have been identified set in

an adjoining (monastic?) complex, which included

multi-storeyed buildings (Grossmann 1969; Gross-

mann 2000; Abdal-Tawab et al. 2001; Grossmann

2002, 75, 101, 175, 273–74, 282, 291, 303). Surface

pottery finds can be dated to the same time span (Pyke

2009, 384). The nature of this settlement is still under

discussion. In 2005, the site was surveyed by the

Ansina Survey Project directed by Alison Gascoigne

(University of Southampton). Apart from some pre-

liminary comments (Pyke 2009, 384–85), the results

have not been published yet.

A Christian community in Antinoupolis has been

known since the early 3rd century (Timm 1984–92 1:

112; Martin 1996, 19; Seeliger and Krumeich 2007,

56). From the 4th century onwards, bishops resided in

Antinoupolis (Martin 1996, 29–72; Seeliger and

Krumeich 2007, 56), and recent excavations by Peter

Grossmann revealed ‘a bishop’s church’ and probable

residence (Grossmann 2006). From the 4th century

onwards, the city became a major pilgrimage centre for

St Colluthos (Pl. 1), a physician who practised medi-

cine for free and who died a martyr’s death in his native

town (Papaconstantinou 2001, 122–28, 325–27). His

cult included an oracle and a healing centre with incu-

bation and bathing facilities (Delattre 2010). Recent

archaeological research in Antinoupolis proves the

existence of a church dedicated to his memory dating

to the late 5th–early 6th century (Grossmann 2002,

239–41; 2008a, 2008b, 207–15).

The history and relationship between Antinoupolis/

Ansina and Upper Ansina has not been well researched

so far but it is clear that the southern settlement was a

later ‘suburb’ of the town and Christian in character.

97028.indb 163 16/10/14 14:42


Lime plaster is less frequently found. Hooks in walls

and ceilings and holes in rock faces and pillars were

destined for pegs or poles to hang lamps, baskets, cur-

tains, hangings, clothes or anything else that might be

suspended. They are difficult to date, and a number of

hooks and holes might date to the quarry exploitation

phase.

In some of the quarries, small decorative sculptures

or sculpted crosses were found, often as part of an

inscription commemorating deceased monks. Figural or

decorative painted decoration is not frequently pre-

served. An exceptional example is the interior of the

church, installed in one of the quarries in Wadi 1,

which is extensively decorated with wall paintings,

provisionally dated to the 6th to 8th centuries (Pls 1,

2). The iconographic programme and inscriptions show

that the quarry church was dedicated to St John the

Baptist (Clédat 1902; Thierry 1998; Zibawi 2003,

58–66; Van Loon and Delattre 2004, 2005, 2006;

operations and loose blocks of limestone were incorpo-

rated into these structures. The quarries were connected

by a path along the front of the cliff, and in places

where the ledge in front of the quarries was too narrow,

ramps, staircases hewn into the bedrock or stepped

worked quarry faces joined the various terraces.

When the interior was judged too large for living,

walls were built to divide or partition off space. When

it was judged too small, two rooms could be connected

by cutting a doorway through internal quarry walls.

Door jambs often show pivot holes for doors and traces

of locks and latches. Windows were cut and generally

provided with wooden tracery, shutters or both. Cup-

boards, niches, jug stands, benches and other fittings

could be crafted, especially at convenient locations in

worked quarry faces and pillars (Figs 8, 9). A tamped-

down mud layer or floor tiles covered the debris on the

quarry floor. The interior rock faces often preserve sub-

stantial patches of mud plaster (Marinova et al. 2011).

Fig. 7: Dayr Abu Hinnis. DAH 208: Heavy stone walls with windows close the entrances of a New Kingdom gallery quarry (© G. J. M. van Loon 2007).

97028.indb 164 16/10/14 14:42


6 All Coptic and Greek inscriptions are being collected and stud-ied by Alain Delattre (Brussels, Université Libre). The Syriac and Ge’ez inscriptions are being studied by Lukas Van Rompay, Duke University, NC.

7 The stone slab was originally an altar slab. It was reused as a tombstone, which was, at a later date, used again as an altar slab (Schaten 1999, 129; Boud’hors and Delahaye 2008).

8 The tombstones of Febronia and Pieu belong to a group of stelae with a ‘Totenklage’ formula (Cramer 1941; Schaten 1991; Delattre 2008, 147–49). Sofia Schaten adds ‘Überhaupt ist es so, dass die Grabsteine mit Totenklagen (auch wenn die Herkunft unbekannt ist) meiner Meinung nach nur aus der Region um Antinoopolis stammen können. Wieweit der Radius geht, müsste einmal festgestellt werden’ (pers. comm.).

priest Pieu, dated AD 765, is now in the Coptic Museum

in Cairo (inv. no. 7924, formerly in the Egyptian

Museum, inv. no. 8321: Crum 1902, 76–77; Galtier

1906, 112–15; see Cramer 1941, 7–9, no. 2; SB Kopt. I

780). Archibald Sayce bought two tombstones ‘from the

old cemetery’, which had been reused as building mate-

rial in the village (Sayce 1886, 185–86; SB Kopt. III,

1588–89). The provenance of these stelae is problematic.

It turns out that in 19th- and early 20th-century literature,

‘Dayr Abu Hinnis’ often included Upper Ansina. With-

out a secure provenance, it is impossible to conclude

exactly from where the stelae came.8

Van Loon 2011, forthcoming). The quarries yielded

hundreds of graffiti and inscriptions. They are mainly

written in Greek and Coptic but also include Syriac and

Ge’ez. There are prayers and invocations and a great

many names but unfortunately no dates (Delattre 2003,

in press a; Delattre in Van Loon in press; van Loon

and Delattre forth coming).6

Several tombstones said to have come from Dayr Abu

Hinnis are preserved. In the Old Church, the tombstone

of a woman named Febronia covers the northern altar

(dated 750 AD, Cramer 1941, 5–7: no. 1; Nicacci 1985;�

SB Kopt. I 428).7 The stela of the hegoumenos and arch-

Fig. 8: Dayr Abu Hinnis. DAH 208: interior. The wall has in-built cupboards (© G. J. M. van Loon 2007).

97028.indb 165 16/10/14 14:42


he would therefore be included in the perpetual

prayers of the monks (P.Cair.Masp. II 67151). The

Monastery of Jeremias has not been identified yet

(see Wipszycka 2011, 167 note 11). The funerary

monument of the Isaurian Papias is located in the

quarry settlement of Dayr Abu Hinnis (Wadi 1, DAH

033, Sayce 1886, 183–85; de Fenoyl 1963–64; Papa-

constantinou 2001, 329–30).

The Coptic Museum preserves a 6th-century ivory

comb with alleged provenance from Dayr Abu Hinnis

(inv. no. 5655, Gabra and Eaton-Krauss 2007, 152 no.

95). According to petrographic analysis, a stone with a

relief in the Staatliches Museum Ägyptischer Kunst in

Munich (ÄS 6089) came from Dayr Abu Hinnis

(Schoske 1995, 66–67; Klemm and Klemm 2008, 89).

Nevertheless, this fact does not guarantee that it was

made or used at that spot. The relief is dated to the 5th

century, but, personally, I doubt its authenticity.

It is clear that three of these stelae belonged to the

tombs of lay people. If they were indeed found in the

village of Dayr Abu Hinnis, their presence raises

questions about the nature of the settlement around

the Old Church. This church might have been part of

a secular complex with its own cemetery, or, if it

belonged to a monastery, there could have been an

adjacent cemetery where lay people could be buried.

Such a burial ground in a monastic context existed,

for example, in the Monastery of the Archangel

Gabriel in the Fayum (Godlewski 2005, 161) and in

Dayr al-Qarabin at Kom el-Ahmar/Sharuna (Huber

2004, 50–61). Another example can be found in the

will of Flavius Phoibammon, a chief physician from

Antinoupolis (AD 570). He donated a vineyard to the

Monastery of Jeremias, in exchange for burial in the

monastic cemetery. His name would be added to the

list of deceased who were to be buried at that spot and

Fig. 9: Dayr Abu Hinnis. DAH 027: pot stands and cupboards. To the right, a prayer niche, which has now been completely destroyed by treasure hunters. The floor level of the Christian period is clearly visible (© G. J. M. van Loon 2005).

97028.indb 166 16/10/14 14:42


an indication of the size of the cluster of habitations,

the relationships between clusters, a possible relation-

ship to a plain settlement, or a combination of these

characteristics.

The degree of organisation of a community would

be in keeping with the existence and number of com-

munal services. Contrary to the idealised image that

arises from literary sources (e.g., Apophtegmata�Patrum

or saints’ Lives) of monks sitting in their cells, praying

and meditating while doing handiwork, documentary

papyri and excavations show that in many respects

monks living together in a more or less organised group

bore a resemblance to village communities (Goehring

1999, 39–52). Ewa Wipszycka points out this contrast

throughout her work (e.g., 2011). Although excavations

are mainly carried out in built settlements, which may

have involved another (coenobitic) way of living, there

is no reason to believe that the essential practical char-

acteristics of daily life differed. Monks needed living

quarters, storerooms and kitchens (or cooking and bak-

ing could be organised centrally); they needed to work

to earn a living. They might work in their own quarters,

or there might be workrooms and ateliers. Communal

activities needed communal spaces; administration and

management required accommodation too. Visitors,

fellow brothers or lay people, could be received in pri-

vate quarters or there could be reception rooms. In all

likelihood, a large community involved more organisa-

tion and centralisation of services than a small one and,

consequently, a small community could most probably

do without a number of the aforementioned facilities.

Therefore, the existence of spaces for communal use or

benefit—for example, a church, assembly rooms or

kitchens—points to the presence of a group of people

making use of these amenities.

The�habitation�pattern�in�the�hill�site:�Methodology

The starting point for further research was the con-

struction of a distribution map showing the exact loca-

tion of quarries with signs of reuse. When communal

services could be identified, their position was indi-

cated. Likewise, additional markers of habitation (dec-

oration, inscriptions) were noted.

The construction of such a map allows us to address

various questions. The spread of reused spaces can be

plotted, which may show whether these reused quarries

were clustered. If they were, does the clustering relate

to physical barriers? When the grouping of specific

functions can be marked, core locations may become

Date

In summary, there is almost no historical evidence

for the establishment of monastic communities on the

hillside to the southeast of the village of Dayr Abu Hin-

nis. The archaeological data, however, demonstrate the

settlement of people in abandoned quarries. The village

has an ancient Christian core, dating back at least to the

5th century, but whether or not it was monastic is

unknown. Thus far, it has not been possible to deter-

mine the Late Antique name of either settlement.

The time span of habitation in the hill region cannot

be established yet. The quarry church contains several

layers of plaster with inscriptions and paintings. Murals

painted on the most recent layer of plaster probably

date to the 6th to 8th centuries. None of the inscriptions

include a date. The themes executed in sculpture are

found from the 5th century onwards and can be traced

till, approximately, the 9th century (Van Loon in Van

Loon and Delattre, forthcoming). In 2008, some coins

were found in front of quarries in Wadi 1—stray sur-

face finds. They were analysed by Daniele Castrizio

(Università di Messina, member of the Antinoupolis

Mission of the Istituto Papirologico ‘G. Vitelli’,

Florence, directed by R. Pintaudi) who concluded that

these types of coins came into use in Egypt in the

second half of the 4th century and circulated until the

end of the 9th century (unpublished report ‘Deir Abu

Hinnis 2008: Le monete’). Recently, more coins were

found in Wadis 1 and 3, awaiting conservation and

study. A ceramics survey has been conducted and the

pottery is currently under study.

Spatial organisation

In order to define settlements in this region, first of

all, the landscape must be taken into account. Where

exactly are the quarries situated? Are there natural

boundaries? The physical surroundings (hills, wadis

and cliffs) limited additional building activities and, as

a consequence, restricted the size of a settlement. Fur-

thermore, a more precise definition of a semi-anchoretic

community, or laura, is necessary. What type of build-

ings and other spaces made up such a community (see

Van Loon in press)?

The existence of paths connecting suitable dwelling

spaces is one of the distinct markers of a laura. Paths

or roads also lead to communal facilities; clusters of

dwellings have roads linking them to the outside world.

Therefore, a reconstruction of the road system can give

97028.indb 167 16/10/14 14:42


9 Véronique De Laet prepared the Quickbird-2 (QB) image. For a detailed description of the enhancement techniques used and the development of a road typology on the basis of the spectral information content of satellite imagery in the context of a study of the road system of the Dayr al-Barsha–Dayr Abu Hinnis region, see De Laet in De Laet et al., in press.

10 Surveys were carried out over a number of years, first by Alain Delattre (epigrapher, Brussels, Université Libre) and myself,

later joined by Véronique De Laet. GPS readings in Wadis 2 and 3 (2012–2013) were partly taken by Birgit Schoer (London), Sonja Speck (Heidelberg) and Kylie Cortebeeck (Leuven), assisting Athena Van der Perre’s PhD research on the exploita-tion of the quarries during the New Kingdom (Dayr al-Barsha Project, KU Leuven).

Evidence for ‘building activities’ can be found inside

or in front of the quarry and comprises stone or mud-

brick walls, windows, doorways, floors, cupboards,

benches and niches. ‘Decoration’ includes painting and

sculpture used to decorate a room, church or chapel.

‘Inscriptions’ does not differentiate between languages

but only indicates the presence or absence of inscrip-

tions and graffiti. Decoration and inscriptions provide

information on residents and visitors, or sometimes on

the activities going on in specific rooms.

In total, 212 gallery quarries were counted, 62 in

Wadi 1, 36 in Wadi 2 and 114 in Wadi 3. Open cast

quarries with a cavity in the rock face large enough to

have been attractive for settlement are included. Occa-

sionally, a plain open cast quarry was included because

it was incorporated into a building. Forty-five gallery

quarries turned out to be inaccessible (1 in Wadi 1,

10 in Wadi 2 and 34 in Wadi 3). These are located in

very steep cliff faces without safe paths (we did not

have climbing gear) or on the wadi floor. The latter

quarries are now almost completely filled up with sand

and debris.

The features of each individual quarry were set out

in Microsoft Excel and, in conjunction with the GPS

readings, imported into the ESRI/ArcGIS® module

ArcMap. In cases where GPS readings for quarries

were lacking, points were digitised in ArcGIS on the

basis of photographic documentation. With the help of

binoculars and close-up photographs, it was sometimes

possible to distinguish built walls in inaccessible quarry

entrances; further information about their interiors

could not be collected.

Data analysis was performed using selection queries

as implemented in the ArcGIS software. A first move-

ment analysis was done on the basis of visual inspec-

tion (RS analysis of satellite images and observation

of the landscape during survey). GIS-based movement

analysis (Least Cost Pathways) and intervisibility

analysis (Viewshed) will follow at a later date when a

visible. Are such nucleii strategically located? Do they

have easy access from within the settlement, from

outside, or both? Is it possible to distinguish several

communities?

The area was mapped using very high spatial resolu-

tion satellite imagery. Visual inspection of an enhanced

Quickbird-2 image targeted known quarry zones and

signs of reuse (e.g., wall remains in front of the gallery

quarries). With these examples, further quarry zones

could be identified. Moreover, the road system was

traced.9 Since Remote Sensing (RS) provides a spatial

context of the features analysed, it allows the produc-

tion of a basic map to serve as a starting point for the

field survey.

The field survey included taking Global Positioning

System (GPS) readings of the entrances of the gallery

quarries (using a Trimble® GeoExplorer® 2005

GeoXT™ handheld GPS) and the documentation of

characteristics related to their reuse. Based on previous

RS analysis and the survey of Véronique De Laet

(2010–11), roads and paths were examined and their

context recorded.10 Sometimes, GPS positions could not

be fixed due to the inaccessibility of the quarry or a lack

of satellite signal caused by adverse weather conditions

(a sandstorm) or the presence of steep rock faces.

As markers for habitation, three general objective

characteristics were taken into account: ‘building activ-

ities’, ‘decoration’ and ‘inscriptions’. Although quite

broad, these features are sufficient for the purpose of

defining settlements. A fourth characteristic, the func-

tion that can be assigned to a particular space, is an

interpretation: church, chapel, memorial chapel, work-

shop, a communal function, habitation. These charac-

teristics comprise the features that could be observed,

as none of the quarries or the spaces in front of the

quarries were excavated. Trying to define a function on

this basis has limitations: when observations are not

sufficient for identification, it can be said only that the

quarry room, the space in front, or both were settled.

97028.indb 168 16/10/14 14:43


secure date is almost impossible to establish (see De

Laet et al. in press). After the period of quarry exploita-

tion, there were probably three barriers that hindered

transport. The southern corridor of Wadi 2 leading to

Wadi 3 ends in a very steep and high cliff face with a

sheer drop. In the steep rock face, three Late Period

quarries were cut. Likewise, the western corridor of

Wadi 2 and the horse-shoe shape of Wadi 1 both end in

steep vertical cliffs. The latter two vertical rock faces

hamper movement up from and down to the valley

(though one can easily circumvent this area), but the

cliff in Wadi 3 also obstructs inter-site movement.

The changing function of the Dayr Abu Hinnis quar-

ries in the Christian period, from an abandoned indus-

trial site to a settlement, dictated changes to the road

system. Existing roads, tracks and paths were used

according to need while, for new destinations, new

paths could be developed. Road building was almost

certainly no longer necessary since heavy transport had

ceased. The surviving system shows pragmatism and

economy, linking inhabited quarries and quarry areas,

as well as connecting hillside and valley. It most prob-

ably largely dates to the quarry exploitation periods. In

Dayr Abu Hinnis, we have, up to the present date, no

firm evidence for the development of tracks in the

Christian period (Pls 3–5; De Laet et al. in press).

The road map demonstrates that the quarries of

Wadis 1 and 2 and the northwestern group of quarries

of Wadi 3 were well connected with one another and

there were also some easy access roads and paths to the

valley. This leaves the southeastern part of Wadi 3,

including the southeastern corner of the southern cor-

ridor of Wadi 2, as a more or less independent group.

The latter cluster of quarries has no short cuts over the

plateau to Wadi 2. The paths run along the quarries or

down to the wadi floor, with one exception: at the

southwestern point of Wadi 3, the path climbs up to the

plateau and links to a road running parallel to the wadi,

from the valley to the southeast. Since the latter road is

heavily used in modern times, archaeological evidence

is erased. Nevertheless, an ancient provenance of this

track is likely.

Taking into account the location of reused quarries,

physical barriers and the road network, this area can be

divided into a northern and a southern part. The north-

ern region consists of Wadi 1, Wadi 2 and the two lines

of quarries at the northwestern end of Wadi 3. The

southern region comprises the group of quarries in

the southeastern end of Wadi 3, plus the quarries at the

southern end of Wadi 2’s southern corridor.

Digital Elevation Map (DEM) of the region will be

available (in preparation by Marijn Hendrickx, Univer-

siteit Gent, Department of Geography).

The�habitation�pattern�in�the�hill�site:�Analyses

The density of gallery quarries is apparent in Wadis

1 and 3. In Wadi 2, a limited number of gallery quarries

is spread over a relatively large area that is mainly

characterised by open air exploitation (Pl. 3). The pres-

ence of the feature ‘building activities’, whether inside

or in front of the quarry, was taken as the key marker

for settlement. Out of 212 quarries, 125 showed signs

of adjustment (42 quarries were completely inaccessi-

ble; 3 inaccessible quarries showed wall remains; 45

quarries contained no traces of alteration) (Fig. 10).

Looking at the distribution of the converted quarries, it

turns out that the majority of gallery quarries in the

northern part of the area (Wadi 1 and Wadi 2, 73 out

of 98) had been reused. In the southern part, Wadi 3,

52 out of 114 quarries show alterations (Fig. 10, Pl. 4).

A number of quarries in the overall area were without

doubt adapted as habitations, but the greater part of the

reused quarries could not be classified. A function

other than habitation could be ascertained for only a

few quarries: a church with a baptistery, a chapel, a

memorial chapel for the saintly monk Apa Loots

(Delattre in press a; Van Loon in press), a memorial

chapel for Papias the Isaurian, a communal room and a

weaving workshop. These quarries and almost all quar-

ries with inscriptions, graffiti and decoration (paintings

and sculpture) are located in the northern part, in Wadi

1. The richness of decoration in the church and in other

rooms is noticeable. No other churches or chapels have

been found so far (Fig. 10, Pl. 5).

The quarry complex already had a sizeable road net-

work for the transport of stone up to the hills and down

to the valley, as well as for internal movements (Pls 4,

5). The mapped roads and paths are either cut into the

bedrock or consist of weathered desert surfaces of var-

ious widths, with or without a border of boulders; or

they may be a combination of the two, dictated by the

physical conditions. Gaps in tracks could be bridged

with built supports.

Dating roads and paths is difficult. Construction

methods did not alter through the centuries and the

reuse of paths complicates the situation. Some roads,

tracks and ramps can be linked to specific exploitation

phases, which, in their turn, sometimes can be identified

by tool marks, quarry marks and/or inscriptions. A more

97028.indb 169 16/10/14 14:43


example, Dayr al-Balayza (Grossmann 1993; Doresse

2000, 2.1: 409–14) and Wadi Sarga (Doresse 2000 2.1,

360–408), both near Asyut, where a monastery was

housed partly in quarries and partly in a built complex

in front of the quarries or on the wadi floor between

quarried hillsides.

If this northern part was occupied by one and the

same monastic community, a liturgical core was accom-

modated in Wadi 1 in DAH 012 (church and baptis-

tery), with rooms for communal use in DAH 033 and

probably also in DAH 012 and 014. A second, built

core could be found in the entrance to Wadi 2, where,

between quarries facing each other across the wadi, the

ground is rather flat. Whether these two centres

co existed from the start or whether a natural growth led

to the expansion of the community will have to be

verified by excavations. Based on the number of quar-

ries without a specific communal function, an educated

guess at the number of inhabitants—if all converted

quarries in the northern part were occupied simultane-

ously—would be around seventy to eighty monks. Ewa

Wipszycka estimated fifty to sixty monks for Wadi 1

only (2009, 434–35).

The inscriptions and graffiti in various languages as

well as the sumptuous decoration of the church, chap-

els and communal rooms show a well-resourced, struc-

tured and multi-national society. Evidence for activities

necessary for the daily life of a monastic community is

present.

In the southern part, no quarries with a liturgical

function have been found so far. There are also some

large converted quarries, too large to be a single

Who lived in these two settlement clusters? Inscrip-

tions and graffiti confirm that, once, a monastic com-

munity was housed in the northern part. These texts

frequently mention tasks and occupations and the group

of monks included priests, deacons, stewards, singers,

lectors and weavers. The presence of an oikonomos or

steward, an overseer of the commercial dealings of a

monastery, both in and outside the community

(Goehring 1999, 48; Wipszycka 2009, 331–35), indi-

cates a structured society. Moreover, the steward

Apollo was ‘steward of the Great Man’ (Delattre in

Van Loon and Delattre forthcoming). Founding fathers

such as Antony (Palladius, HL 21) or the superior of a

group of monks could be given the honorary title ‘Great

Man’ (Clackson 2005, 248). Apollo does not name the

Great Man; most likely, he was known and he was

probably the superior of this monastic community.

In Wadi 1, the church and baptistery are installed in

a very large quarry (DAH 012) that was divided into

several parts (Pls 1, 2, 5). Just opposite DAH 012 is

DAH 014, another large quarry with remains of internal

partitioning and traces of a chapel. Both quarries might

have fulfilled communal functions. DAH 033 nearby

was almost certainly given over to communal use.

Three very large quarries on the wadi floor line the

western entrance to Wadi 2 (DAH 202–203 and oppo-

site, DAH 223). Their interior hardly shows traces of

conversion, while there are extensive building remains

in front. Walls are preserved to a considerable height,

sometimes almost reaching the ceiling level of the

quarries, but the rooms are presently completely filled

up with sand and debris. This setting is similar to, for

Fig. 10: Dayr Abu Hinnis. Characteristics of reuse of the quarries (please note that categories can overlap).

97028.indb 170 16/10/14 14:43


and Upper Ansina. In the Description�de�l’Égypte, the

village of Dayr Abu Hinnis, much smaller and with the

Old Church in the southwestern part, ‘… touche aux

ruines d’Antinoé’ (Jomard 1821, 272, 324). On the map

of the accompanying Atlas�géographique, the projected

outline of Upper Ansina indeed almost touches the

village (Jacotin 1875, feuille 14). In the more detailed

plan of plate 54, part of this area was sketched as

already cultivated at that time (Jomard 1821). Modern

expansion prevents archaeological research, but the

proximity of the Old Church to the ruined town is

evident.

Furthermore, the similarity of the modern names for

village and quarry settlements (both called ‘Dayr Abu

Hinnis’) suggests a link, for which there is, however,

no historical foundation. The Late Antique name of

both settlements is not yet known.

This model gives a new perspective to the pattern of

habitation in this area. The northern route from the

monastic settlement may have run directly to the south-

ern suburb of Antinoupolis. There may have been con-

nections between one of the number of ecclesiastical

establishments in this quarter and the northern hill

community, but not necessarily the Old Church. The

proximity of this cosmopolitan city was certainly

responsible for the international and rich character of

the northern monastery (see Delattre in press b).

The southern settlement could have functioned inde-

pendently but also needed provisioning. It had a sepa-

rate route from the wadi into the Nile valley, but evi-

dence for a continuation of this road is lacking.

Conclusion

On the basis of geographical research, supplemented

by historical and archaeological study, it can be con-

cluded that the quarry landscape to the southeast of

Dayr Abu Hinnis most probably housed two different

communities. The northern, monastic, community had

a direct road connection to Upper Ansina, on the out-

skirts of Antinoupolis. The 5th-century church in the

modern village of Dayr Abu Hinnis was most probably

part of the latter neighbourhood and did not function

as a parent community of a hill settlement. The identity

of the southern hill community remains—for the

moment—unknown.

Research of spatial patterns such as those outlined in

this paper requires research over a large area. The

inspection of satellite imagery and the application of

spatial analysis using GIS techniques therefore provide

hermitage/habitation and/or with extensive building

remains in front of the entrance but without an identifi-

able function: DAH 346 and 351 in the north face of

Wadi 3 and DAH 370, 374, 381 and 385 in the south

face. Up to the present, only one inscription and a few

crosses have been found in two single quarries. A large

number of quarries in this area were remodelled, but

for what function and who lived there? Based on the

number and size of converted quarries, an educated

guess at the population would be forty to fifty people.

This survey is, unfortunately, not able to answer these

questions and more research is called for.

Connections�between�the�hill�and�the�Nile�valley

As a habitation model for this region, Father Mau-

rice Martin S. J. and Barry Kemp propose the theory

of a parent community in the valley with a group of

hermitages in the hills relying on this parent commu-

nity for liturgical functions (a church) and practical

matters such as food and water (Martin 1971, 11;

Kemp 2005, 54–55). In this case, the Old Church in

the present village would have been the centre of a

main settlement with a group of converted quarries in

the hills as dependencies.

The distribution of reused quarries, in conjunction

with the road system and physical barriers, points to

two communities residing in the hills. Inscriptions in

the northern settlement indicate the presence of a

monastic community. For the southern settlement, there

is no identification yet. The monastic settlement was

large and well-appointed and could exist in its own

right, although provisions and water had to be supplied

from outside. The character of the Old Church in the

village and the assumed complex around it (secular or

monastic) cannot be determined. Written sources are

not available, and archaeological finds said to have

come from Dayr Abu Hinnis have no secure prove-

nance.

There is no evidence of a dependency between the

hillside and valley settlements, either way. One of the

two main routes from the northern settlement into the

valley, the northern one, leads to the neighbourhood of

the Old Church (Fig. 11). A provisioning station at that

spot might be a possibility. In this case, the main com-

munity would have been located in the quarries instead

of in the valley (see Van Loon in press).

Another option, emphasised by the geographical

situation, the settlement pattern in the hills and the

ancient road network, is a link between the Old Church

97028.indb 171 16/10/14 14:43


established hypotheses of habitation patterns in the

area. It represents a point of departure, both for the

application of RS and GIS techniques in this context,

as well as for a better understanding of the monastic

landscape on the east bank of the Nile in Middle Egypt.

Acknowledgements

Special thanks go to Birgit Schoer for correcting the

English.

the ideal tools for investigating such large-scale

research questions. In this way, prior to fieldwork, the

topography of the region can be scrutinised and theo-

ries and models can be developed. A spatial perspective

allows for a better understanding of the landscape.

Fieldwork remains vital, however: models and theories

can only be verified on site.

For the Greater Dayr al-Barsha Region, this new

assessment of settlement in the quarries of Dayr Abu

Hinnis in the Christian period begins to reconsider

Fig. 11: Dayr Abu Hinnis. Road map of the quarry area and village.

97028.indb 172 16/10/14 14:43


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G. J. M. VAN LOON AND V. DE LAET

Pl. 1: Dayr Abu Hinnis. Wall painting depicting St Colluthos in the quarry church in DAH 012 (© G. J. M. van Loon 2007).

Pl. 2: Dayr Abu Hinnis. The quarry church in DAH 012: wall paintings in the narthex with the Massacre of the Innocents, the Flight of Elisabeth, the Death of Zacharias, the Second Dream of

Joseph and the Flight into Egypt (© G. J. M. van Loon 2006).

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Pl. 3: Dayr Abu Hinnis. The distribution of gallery quarries in Wadis 1 to 3.


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Pl. 4: Dayr Abu Hinnis. Quarries showing building activities.


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Pl. 5: Dayr Abu Hinnis. The habitation pattern.


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Monastic settlements in Dayr Abu Hinnis (Middle Egypt): The spatial perspective.

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Transcript of Monastic settlements in Dayr Abu Hinnis (Middle Egypt): The spatial perspective.